Countries of the World/COUNTRYS.BIN/dp/0172/01722.txt

Text File | 1991-06-25 | 34KB | 561 lines

$Unique_ID{COW01722}
$Pretitle{239}
$Title{Indonesia
Chapter 2E.   Religion and World View}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{Riga Adiwoso-Suprapto}
$Affiliation{HQ, Department of the Army}
$Subject{government
education
areas
indonesia
islam
social
early
health
1980s
new}
$Date{1982}
$Log{}
Country:     Indonesia
Book:        Indonesia, A Country Study
Author:      Riga Adiwoso-Suprapto
Affiliation: HQ, Department of the Army
Date:        1982

Chapter 2E.   Religion and World View

     The first of the five broad principles of pancasila (see Glossary)
formulated in the 1945 Constitution espouses belief in one supreme God, giving
each individual the freedom to choose the manner in which belief is expressed.
Islam, Christianity Hinduism, and Buddhism are recognized as the major
religions in Indonesia, but other beliefs and practices are widely accepted.
The complex relationship between religion, cultural beliefs, and social life
in Indonesia has a far-reaching effect on the political and social
conditions of the country. Religion in many ways defines the daily conduct and
has become the social doctrine for the society.

     Ninety percent of Indonesia's population consider themselves to be
Muslims, but adherence to the faith ranges from that of the devout orthodox
Muslim of the Arab mainstream to that of the nominal practitioner, or "Muslim
on paper only." On Sumatra, where trading cultures exist, are enclaves of
devout Muslims (such as in Banda Aceh, Palembang, and Jambi); but in Java the
religion is more eclectic, having been influenced by other traditions and
beliefs and intertwined with politics as well.

     The belief system of nominal Muslims incorporates Hindu-Buddhist and
indigenous elements into the overall Islamic framework. There is a relatively
tolerant attitude toward religious practice, and therefore new concepts are
absorbed and adapted with relative ease.

Hinduism and Buddhism

     There are about 2.3 million adherents of Hinduism and Buddhism, mostly on
Bali. The Hindu-Buddhist tradition, however, has left an indelible imprint on
the life of most Indonesians. Many aspects of Hinduism and Buddhism provide
fundamental underpinnings of modern Indonesian tradition, belief systems,
social values, and world view. In Indonesia there has never been a strong
dichotomy between Hinduism and Buddhism, as in India. Indonesians have made
selective use of Indic models in the interrelated realms of government,
religion, and the arts.

     Central to the tradition is the concept of the superiority of the person
who has attained spiritual enlightenment. The basic notion of spiritual purity
is that terrestrial hierarchy is a replica of celestial hierarchy. As such,
there is no marked delineation between the temporal and the spiritual order.
The conviction that there is a correlation between strength of inner spiritual
belief and the external universe is deeply anchored in present-day society.
Most Indonesians (and, in particular, Javanese) strive for an equilibrium
between the macrocosm and the microcosm. The goal is the creation of peace and
tranquillity of the inner self and of domestic life. This notion has even
penetrated the political realm, where emphasis is laid on maintaining balance
among parties through consultation and the building of a consensus.

     Peace and tranquillity are achieved by abandoning worldly desire and
emotion and by practicing meditation. Contemplation in order to achieve the
highest level of spirituality is a respected activity. Harmonious living is
desirable; disruption-as in spontaneity, exuberance, forthrightness, surprise,
or loss of control-is undesirable. Proper etiquette and tactful language
reinforce harmony. There is also a high degree of awareness of the importance
of loyalty to kinship ties, which explains the prevalence of nepotism in
public life.

     Folk legends about local apostles or Muslim missionaries are blended
with Hindu-Buddhist practices of spiritual enlightenment. The achievement
of spiritual enlightenment through meditation indicates the superiority of the
person attaining enlightenment. Thus, even in the early 1980s, political
leaders attempted to convey an impression of spiritual enlightenment to
reinforce popular support for their activities. Often, major political
decisions are postponed until it can be demonstrated that a high-ranking
official has received spiritual enlightenment.

     The shadow play (wayang kulit-see Glossary for definition of wayang)
reflects the amalgam of Hindu-Buddhist tradition and animism. Ramayana and
Mahabharata, the two major Hindu epics, remain the main sources for the
scripts in wayang kulit. During the Sukarno era and to a lesser extent in the
1980s, wayang kulit has been an effective means of disseminating the ideas of
the government by inserting the message into a familiar text. It has been used
as a means of conveying new standards of social behavior, as well as such
modern concepts as family planning, by mixing old and new stories. Yet, the
main function of wayang kulit still remains; performances were still given
for religious rituals and at the start of the harvesting period in rural
Java and Bali in order to ask for blessings from the ancestors.

Islam

     Islam in Indonesia in the early 1980s was not the politically unifying
force that it was in some countries of the Middle East. Introduced in the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries by Indian traders from Gujerat, Islam
failed to replace completely the existing indigenous religion and spiritual
philosophy of local folk beliefs and of the Hindu-Buddhist tradition of the
kingdoms of Java. Rather than replacing centuries-old traditions it
encountered, Islam was absorbed by them and, in being so absorbed, lost much
of its characteristic austerity and exclusiveness. It was not until the
latter half of the nineteenth century that the incompatibility between
orthodox Islam and heterodox Islam became significant. This was the result
primarily of the introduction of the steamship, making it possible for large
numbers of Indonesian Muslims to travel to the spiritual center of mainstream
Islam in Mecca. The ensuing movement that strove, often militantly, for the
return of Indonesia to the orthodox fold and for the creation of an Islamic
theocracy began a division within the society that has grown deeper and
deeper.

     Devout Muslims (santri) are self-consciously oriented toward, and
committed to, the orthodox Islam of the Middle East, whereas the belief
system of the nominal Muslims (abangan) is a melding of Islamic elements
and Hindu-Buddhist mysticism. Being zealous Muslims, the santri are further
unified politically. In the early 1980s they constituted a solid voting bloc
in parliament, accounting for some 28 percent of the voting electorate.

The Santri Pattern

     The rise of the Muhammadiyah Movement in 1912 marked the beginning of an
effort to bring Indonesian Islam into the mainstream of orthodox practices. In
this tradition, a santri sees himself as a representative of the true faith.
Central to his life is the Islamic doctrine and its moral and social
interpretation. He considers Islam an ethical code for modern man and a
workable social doctrine for modern society. His main concern is the
application of Islamic doctrine in everyday life. Adherence to the basic
rituals, such as praying five times a day, is a distinguishing mark among the
santri. To attain a higher social status in his community, a santri must
undertake a pilgrimage to Mecca to become a hajji. He must also show his
total concern for the religious community before undertaking the pilgrimage.
A santri is expected not only to adhere to a set of beliefs but also to
participate in the various social, political, and charitable organizations
of the community.

     In rural areas most of the wealthy peasants have made the trip to Mecca.
Many hajji, owning most of the lands in the rural areas, technically donate
their lands to the pesantren to avoid land fractionalization. Their younge