NetNews Usenet Archive 1993 #1/NN_1993_1.iso/spool/misc/activism/progress/9823

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From: [e-mail] (Rich Winkel)
Subject: Proceso 543: Editorial
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/** reg.elsalvador: 123.0 **/
** Topic: Proceso 543: Editorial **
** Written  6:42 am  Jan  6, 1993 by [e-mail] in cdp:reg.elsalvador **
From: [e-mail] (Centro de Informacion Documentacion y Apoyo a la Invest. - UCAJSC)
Subject: Proceso 543: Editorial

Center for Information, Documentation and Research Support (CIDAI)
Central American University (UCA)
San Salvador, El Salvador

PROCESO 543
December 16, 1992

EDITORIAL:
The armed conflict is over

     On December 15, the government and the FMLN formally concluded
the armed conflict. Witnesses to the event included top officials
of the U.N., the Four Friends of the Secretary General, the United
States and the Central American countries. From now on, El Salvador
is officially at peace.
     This has been made possible thanks to the flexibility,
creativity and ability to dialogue of the two sides. But we must
also acknowledge that reason and political ethics have not entirely
prevailed throughout this long peacemaking process, especially on
the government side, as the Secretary General pointed out in his
speech. In effect, Boutros-Ghali spoke of two serious crises which
in fact jeopardized the entire process: the government's opposition
to transferring lands to demobilized members of both armies and to
legalizing land occupations in former conflict zones, and its
resistance to purging the Armed Forces.
     The peacemaking process has ended, but only in an official and
formal fashion. There is still a long way to go before speaking of
a solid peace, and much room for maturing in the methods used to
settle differences in a civilized and democratic manner. The event
organized by the ARENA government left no doubt nationally or
internationally about the depth of the problems which continue to
beset El Salvador. Both sides came together that day, but there was
no unity. Party and individual interests prevailed over the
national interest.
     The act was organized in such a way that the presence of ARENA
and its president dominated the occasion, reaching vulgar limits
which stripped the event of the dignity it deserved. The organizers
wanted to make sure that the FMLN would remain out of the
spotlight. Clearly, the government was trying to avoid a repeat of
last February 1, when the FMLN shone in the public eye. The same
can be said of the two celebrations which followed the official
act. Striving to attract the greatest number of people, the
government resorted to the old propaganda tricks of the past.
     It is still impossible to hold a national celebration, as a
people, to mark the end of the war and the beginning of peace. Each
side opted to organize its own celebration. Unfortunately, neither
the government nor the FMLN nor the political parties took the
opportunity to provide an example of how to assume an active role
in reconciling Salvadoran society.
     In reality, the official and grassroots activities held to
celebrate the end of the war looked more like the beginning of the
1994 electoral campaign. This is not the best context for working
towards a common ground for the interests of all, especially the
interests of the grassroots majority. If the political parties and
the government truly wish to show their commitment to national
reconciliation, they should make a pact not to begin the electoral
campaign until the end of 1993, and to dedicate the year to the
consolidation of peace.
     The speakers on December 15 showed their awareness that it is
only the phase of armed conflict that has drawn to a close. Peace
is still waiting to be created, as the Secretary General recalled,
harking back to the words of President Cristiani in Chapultepec.
There is still a long way to go, and much room for maturing, before
we are able to heal the wounds left by the war, to achieve a
reconciliation which goes farther than facile words, and to begin
rebuilding the nation on a firm foundation.
     The Secretary General rightly pointed out that the crucial
moment for national reconciliation will come when the Truth
Commission's report is released, because society and its members
can only become reconciled on the basis of the truth about the
past. The Truth Commission, therefore, will place one of the
cornerstones of the new nation which we must build. Boutros-Ghali
stressed that there will only be real freedom when the truth is
known, because only the truth can liberate El Salvador from all the
ghosts of the past.
     Freedom, dignity and courage were oft-repeated words in the
speeches heard on December 15. The word which was repeatedly missed
-with two exceptions- was justice. The first exception was Shafick
Handal, who went on at length about the need for structural justice
in El Salvador. He rightly stressed that democracy cannot be built
by multiplying poverty without social justice. He reminded the
nations of the North that they have an enormous responsibility in
the spread of poverty throughout the South, and that their ethical
duty was, therefore, to begin to turn around their poverty-making
policies. The second exception was President Cristiani, who briefly
noted that the challenge currently facing El Salvador was to
alleviate poverty, but he did not elaborate, nor did he commit his
government to undertaking far-reaching social policies.
     We must not forget the contribution made by the United States
to consolidating peace and democracy by forgiving 75% (over $450
million) of El Salvador's public debt with that country. The
gesture must be seen as a modest -but important- attempt at
reparations for the serious harm done to El Salvador by the United
States' lack of political vision and by its selfish and
misconceived foreign policy. Just as the U.S. spent $4 billion on
the war without a glimmer of remorse, so must it repair the damage
done in similar proportions. The U.S. should commit itself with
equal generosity to support reconstruction and promote sustained
economic development.
     Finally, the only one to thank the churches, and especially
the Archdiocese of San Salvador, for their commitment to peace, was
the head of the Salvadoran Communist Party. He was also the only
one to invoke the presence of the martyrs and, in particular, of
the Jesuit martyrs, whose sacrifice, together with the sacrifice of
Mons. Romero, are symbolic of all the blood shed throughout the
twelve years of civil war.


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