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$Title{Plutarch's Lives
Part III}
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$Author{Plutarch}
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$Subject{cicero
caesar
antony
himself
cicero's
pompey
young
time
city
friends
see
pictures
see
figures
}
$Date{c75}
$Log{See Antony In The Desert*0095201.scf
}
Title:       Plutarch's Lives
Book:        Cicero
Author:      Plutarch
Date:        c75
Translation: Dryden, Arthur Hugh Clough

Part III

     After this, Milo killed Clodius, and, being arraigned for the murder, he
procured Cicero as his advocate. The senate, fearing lest the questioning of
so eminent and high-spirited a citizen as Milo might disturb the peace of the
city, committed the superintendence of this and of the other trials to Pompey,
who should undertake to maintain the security alike of the city and of the
courts of justice. Pompey, therefore, went in the night, and occupying the
high grounds about it, surrounded the Forum with soldiers. Milo, fearing lest
Cicero, being disturbed by such an unusual sight, should conduct his cause the
less successfully, persuaded him to come in a litter into the Forum, and there
repose himself till the judges were set, and the court filled. For Cicero, it
seems, not only wanted courage in arms, but, in his speaking also, began with
timidity, and in many cases scarcely left off trembling and shaking when he
had got thoroughly into the current and substance of his speech. Being to
defend Licinius Murena against the prosecution of Cato, and being eager to
outdo Hortensius, who had made his plea with great applause, he took so little
rest that night, and was so disordered with thought and over-watching, that he
spoke much worse than usual. And so now, on quitting his litter to commence
the cause of Milo, at the sight of Pompey, posted, as it were, and encamped
with his troops above, and seeing arms shining round about the Forum, he was
so confounded, that he could hardly begin his speech, for the trembling of his
body, and hesitance of his tongue; whereas Milo meantime, was bold and
intrepid in his demeanor, disdaining either to let his hair grow, or to put on
the mourning habit. And this, indeed, seems to have been one principal cause
of his condemnation. Cicero, however, was thought not so much to have shown
timidity for himself, as anxiety about his friend.

     He was made one of the priests, whom the Romans call Augurs, in the room
of Crassus the younger, dead in Parthia. Then he was appointed by lot, to the
province of Cilicia, and set sail thither with twelve thousand foot and two
thousand six hundred horse. He had orders to bring back Cappadocia to its
allegiance to Ariobarzanes, its king; which settlement he effected very
completely without recourse to arms. And perceiving the Cilicians, by the
great loss the Romans had suffered in Parthia, and the commotions in Syria, to
have become disposed to attempt a revolt, by a gentle course of government he
soothed them back into fidelity. He would accept none of the presents that
were offered him by the kings; he remitted the charge of public
entertainments, but daily, at his own house, received the ingenious and
accomplished persons of the province, not sumptuously, but liberally. His
house had no porter, nor was he ever found in bed by any man, but early in the
morning, standing or walking before his door, he received those who came to
offer their salutations. He is said never once to have ordered any of those
under his command to be beaten with rods, or to have their garments rent. He
never gave contumelious language in his anger, nor inflicted punishment with
reproach. He detected an embezzlement, to a large amount, in the public money,
and thus relieved the cities from their burdens, and at the same time that he
allowed those who made restitution, to retain without further punishment their
rights as citizens. He engaged too, in war, so far as to give a defeat to the
banditti who infested Mount Amanus, for which he was saluted by his army
Imperator. To Caecilius ^12 the orator, who asked him to send him some
panthers from Cilicia, to be exhibited on the theatre at Rome, he wrote, in
commendation of his own actions, that there were no panthers in Cilicia, for
they were all fled to Caria, in anger that in so general a peace they had
become the sole objects of attack. On leaving his province, he touched at
Rhodes, and tarried for some length at Athens, longing much to renew his old
studies. He visited the eminent men of learning, and saw his former friends
and companions; and after receiving in Greece the honors that were due to him,
returned to the city, where every thing was now just as it were in a flame,
breaking out into a civil war.

[Footnote 12: Probably Caelius.]

     When the senate would have decreed him a triumph, he told them he had
rather, so differences were accommodated, follow the triumphal chariot of
Caesar. In private, he gave advice to both, writing many letters to Caesar,
and personally entreating Pompey; doing his best to soothe and bring to reason
both the one and the other. But when matters became incurable, and Caesar was
approaching Rome, and Pompey durst not abide it, but, with many honest
citizens, left the city, Cicero, as yet, did not join in the flight, and was
reputed to adhere to Caesar. And it is very evident he was in his thoughts
much divided, and wavered painfully between both, for he writes in his
epistles, "To which side should I turn? Pompey has the fair and honorable plea
for war; and Caesar, on the other hand, has managed his affairs better, and is
more able to secure himself and his friends. So that I know whom I should fly,
not whom I should fly to." But when Trebatius, one of Caesar's friends, by
letter signified to him that Caesar thought it was his most desirable course
to join his party, and partake his hopes, but if he considered himself too old
a man for this, then he should retire into Greece, and stay quietly there, out
of the way of either party, Cicero, wondering that Caesar had not written
himself, gave an angry reply that he should not do any thing unbecoming his
past life. Such is the account to be collected from his letters.

     But as soon as Caesar was marched into Spain, he immediately sailed away
to join Pompey. And he was welcomed by all but Cato; who, taking him
privately, chid him for coming to Pompey. As for himself, he said, it had been
indecent to forsake that part in the commonwealth which he had chosen from the
beginning; but Cicero might have been more useful to his country and friends,
if, remaining neuter, he had attended and used his influence to moderate the
result, instead of coming hither to make himself, without reason or necessity,
an enemy to Caesar, and a partner in such great dangers. By this language,
partly, Cicero's feelings were altered, and partly, also, because Pompey made
no great use of him. Although, indeed, he was himself the cause of it by his
not denying that he was sorry he had come, by his depreciating Pompey's
resources, finding fault underhand with his counsels, and continually
indulging in jests and sarcastic remarks on his fellow-soldiers. Though he
went about in the camp with a gloomy and melancholy face himself, he was
always trying to raise a laugh in others, whether they wished it or not. It
may not be amiss to mention a few instances. To Domitius, on his preferring to
a command one who was no soldier, and saying, in his defence, that he was a
modest and prudent person, he replied, "Why did not you keep him for a tutor
for your children?" On hearing Theophanes, the Lesbian, who was master of the
engineers in the army, praised for the admirable way in which he had consoled
the Rhodians for the loss of their fleet, "What a thing it is," he said, "to
have a Greek in command!" When Caesar had been acting successfully, and in a
manner blockading Pompey, Lentulus was saying it was reported that Caesar's
friends were out of heart; "Because," said Cicero, "they do not wish Caesar
well." To one Marcius, who had just come from Italy, and told them that there
was a strong report at Rome that Pompey was blocked up, he said, "And you
sailed hither to see it with your own eyes." To Nonius, encouraging them after
a defeat to be of good hope, because there were seven eagles still left in
Pompey's camp, "Good reason for encouragement," said Cicero, "if we were going
to fight with jack-daws." Labeinus insisted on some prophecies to the effect
that Pompey would gain the victory; "Yes," said Cicero, "and the first step in
the campaign has been losing our camp."

     After the battle of Pharsalia was over, at which he was not present for
want of health, and Pompey was fled, Cato, having considerable forces and a
great fleet at Dyrrachium, would have had Cicero commander-in-chief, according
to law, and the precedence of his consular dignity. And on his refusing the
command, and wholly declining to take part in their plans for continuing the
war, he was in the greatest danger of being killed, young Pompey and his
friends calling him traitor, and drawing their swords upon him; only that Cato
interposed, and hardly rescued and brought him out of the camp.

     Afterwards, arriving at Brundusium, he tarried there sometime in
expectation of Caesar, who was delayed by his affairs in Asia and Egypt. And
when it was told him that he was arrived at Tarentum, and was coming thence by
land to Brundusium, he hastened towards him, not altogether without hope, and
yet in some fear of making experiment of the temper of an enemy and conqueror
in the presence of many witnesses. But there was not necessity for him either
to speak or do anything unworthy of himself; for Caesar, as soon as he saw him
coming a good way before the rest of the company, came down to meet him,
saluted him, and, leading the way, conversed with him alone for some furlongs.
And from that time forward he continued to treat him with honor and respect;
so that, when Cicero wrote an oration in praise of Cato, Caesar, in writing an
answer to it, took occasion to commend Cicero's own life and eloquence,
comparing him to Pericles and Theramenes. Cicero's oration was called Cato;
Caesar's, anti-Cato.

     So also, it is related that when Quintus Ligarius was prosecuted for
having been in arms against Caesar, and Cicero had undertaken his defence,
Caesar said to his friends, "Why might we not as well once more hear a speech
from Cicero? Ligarius, there is no question, is a wicked man and an enemy."
But when Cicero began to speak, he wonderfully moved him, and proceeded in his
speech with such varied pathos, and such a charm of language, that the color
of Caesar's countenance often changed, and it was evident that all the
passions of his soul were in commotion. At length, the orator touching upon
the Pharsalian battle, he was so affected that his body trembled, and some of
the papers he held dropped out of his hands. And thus he was overpowered, and
acquitted Ligarius.

     Henceforth, the commonwealth being changed into a monarchy, Cicero
withdrew himself from public affairs, and employed his leisure in instructing
those young men that would, in philosophy; and by the near intercourse he thus
had with some of the noblest and highest in rank, he again began to possess
great influence in the city. The work and object which he set himself was to
compose and translate philosophical dialogues and to render logical and
physical terms into the Roman idiom. For he it was, as it is said, who first
or principally gave Latin names to phantasia, syncatathesis, epokhe,
catalepsis, ^13 atomon, ameres, kenon, and other such technical terms, which
either by metaphors or other means of accommodation, he succeeded in making
intelligible and expressible to the Romans. For his recreation, he exercised
his dexterity in poetry, and when he was set to it, would make five hundred
verses in a night. He spent the greatest part of his time at his country house
near Tusculum. He wrote to his friends that he led the life of Laertes, ^14
either jestingly, as his custom was, or rather from a feeling of ambition for
public employment, which made him impatient under the present state of
affairs. He rarely went to the city, unless to pay his court to Caesar. He was
commonly the first amongst those who voted him honors, and sought out new
terms of praise for himself and for his actions. As, for example, what he said
of the statues of Pompey, which had been thrown down, and were afterwards by
Caesar's orders set up again: that Caesar, by this act of humanity, had indeed
set up Pompey's statues, but he had fixed and established his own.

[Footnote 13: Phantasia, sensation excited by some external object,
"impulsione oblata extrinsecus," Cicero renders by visum; syncatathesis, the
act of acceptance on our part, he calls assensio or assensus; epokhe is the
suspension of assent, "suspensio assensionis"; catalepsis, or comprehensio, is
the next step in perception after assensio; atomon has been turned, but not by
Cicero, into insecabile; he calls atoms individua corpora, or individua, using
the same word also for ameres; kenon is inane or vacuum. Most of these terms
are introduced in the Academics, see I. ii, II. 6 and 18, and the curious
illustration from Zeno in 47. Pointing with his left hand to his right, as it
lay open and outspread. Here, said he, is sensation, visum, phantasia; letting
the fingers begin to close, this, he proceeded, is assent, syncatathesis; by
closing his hand he exemplified comprehension or catalepsis; and, at last,
seizing it with his left, such, he said, is knowledge. Phantasia, of course,
is etymologically our fancy, and epokhe, in the sense of a point in time to
pause at, our epoch.]

[Footnote 14: "Who," says the description in the first book of the Odyssey,
"comes no more to the city, but lives away in pain and grief on his land, with
one old woman to feed him, when he tires himself with tottering about his
vineyard." So, also, when Ulysses goes to see him, in the last book.]

     He had a design, it is said, of writing the history of his country,
combining with it much of that of Greece, and incorporating in it all the
stories and legends of the past that he had collected. But his purposes were
interfered with by various public and various private unhappy occurrences and
misfortunes; for most of which he was himself in fault. For first of all, he
put away his wife Terentia, by whom he had been neglected in the time of the
war, and sent away destitute of necessaries for his journey; neither did he
find her kind when he returned from Italy, for she did not join him at
Brundusium, where he staid a long time, nor would allow her young daughter,
who undertook so long a journey, decent attendance, or the requisite expenses;
besides, she left him a naked and empty house, and yet had involved him in
many and great debts. These were alleged as the fairest reasons for the
divorce. But Terentia, who denied them all, had the most unmistakable defence
furnished her by her husband himself, who not long after married a young
maiden for the love of her beauty, as Terentia upbraided him; or as Tiro, his
emancipated slave, has written, for her riches to discharge his debts. For the
young woman was very rich, and Cicero had the custody of her estate, being
left guardian in trust; and being indebted many myriads of money, he was
persuaded by his friends and relations to marry her, notwithstanding his
disparity of age, and to use her money to satisfy his creditors. Antony, who
mentions this marriage in his answer to the Philippics, reproaches him for
putting away a wife with whom he had lived to old age; adding some happy
strokes of sarcasm on Cicero's domestic, inactive, unsoldier-like habits. Not
long after this marriage, his daughter died in child-bed at Lentulus' house,
to whom she had been married after the death of Piso, her former husband. The
philosophers from all parts came to comfort Cicero; for his grief was so
excessive, that he put away his new-married wife, because she seemed to be
pleased at the death of Tullia. And thus stood Cicero's domestic affairs at
this time.

     He had no concern in the design that was now forming against Caesar,
although, in general, he was Brutus' most principal confidant, and one who was
as aggrieved at the present, and as desirous of the former state of public
affairs, as any other whatsoever. But they feared his temper, as wanting
courage, and his old age, in which the most daring dispositions are apt to be
timorous.

     As soon, therefore, as the act was committed by Brutus and Cassius, and
the friends of Caesar were got together, so that there was fear the city would
again be involved in a civil war, Antony, being consul, convened the senate,
and made a short address recommending concord. And Cicero, following with
various remarks such as the occasion called for, persuaded the senate to
imitate the Athenians, and decree an amnesty for what had been done in
Caesar's case, and to bestow provinces on Brutus and Cassius. But neither of
these things took effect. For as soon as the common people, of themselves
inclined to pity, saw the dead body of Caesar borne through the market -
place, and Antony showing his clothes filled with blood, and pierced through
in every part with swords, enraged to a degree of frenzy, they made a search
for the murderers, and with firebrands in their hands ran to their houses to
burn them. They, however, being forewarned, avoided this danger; and expecting
many more and greater to come, they left the city.

     Antony on this was at once in exultation, and every one was in alarm with
the prospect that he would make himself sole ruler, and Cicero in more alarm
than any one. For Antony, seeing his influence reviving in the commonwealth,
and knowing how closely he was connected with Brutus, was ill-pleased to have
him in the city. Besides, there had been some former jealousy between them,
occasioned by the difference of their manners. Cicero, fearing the event, was
inclined to go as lieutenant with Dolabella into Syria. But Hirtius and Pansa,
consuls elect as successors of Antony, good men and lovers of Cicero,
entreated him not to leave them, undertaking to put down Antony if he would
stay in Rome. And he, neither distrusting wholly, nor trusting them, let
Dolabella go without him, promising Hirtius that he would go and spend his
summer at Athens, and return again when he entered upon his office. So he set
out on his journey; but some delay occurring in his passage, new intelligence,
as often happens, came suddenly from Rome, that Antony had made an astonishing
change, and was doing all things and managing all public affairs at the will
of the senate, and that there wanted nothing but his presence to bring things
to a happy settlement. And therefore, blaming himself for his cowardice, he
returned again to Rome, and was not deceived in his hopes at the beginning.
For such multitudes flocked out to meet him, that the compliments and
civilities which were paid him at the gates, and at his entrance into the
city, took up almost one whole day's time.

     On the morrow, Antony convened the senate, and summoned Cicero thither.
He came not, but kept his bed, pretending to be ill with his journey; but the
true reason seemed the fear of some design against him, upon a suspicion and
intimation given him on his way to Rome. Antony, however, showed great offence
at the affront, and sent soldiers, commanding them to bring him or burn his
house; but many interceding and supplicating for him, he was contented to
accept sureties. Ever after, when they met, they passed one another with
silence, and continued on their guard, till Caesar, the younger, ^15 coming
from Apollonia, entered on the first Caesar's inheritance, and was engaged in
a dispute with Antony about two thousand five hundred myriads of money, which
Antony detained from the estate.

[Footnote 15: Augustus.]

     Upon this, Philippus, who married the mother, and Marcellus, who married
the sister of young Caesar, came with the young man to Cicero, and agreed with
him that Cicero should give them the aid of his eloquence and political
influence with the senate and people, and Caesar give Cicero the defence of
his riches and arms. For the young man had already a great party of the
soldiers of Caesar about him. And Cicero's readiness to join him was founded,
it is said, on some yet stronger motives; for it seems, while Pompey and
Caesar were yet alive, Cicero, in his sleep, had fancied himself engaged in
calling some of the sons of the senators into the capitol, Jupiter being
about, according to the dream, to declare one of them the chief ruler of Rome.
The citizens, running up with curiosity, stood about the temple, and the
youths, sitting in their purple-bordered robes, kept silence. On a sudden the
doors opened, and the youths, arising one by one in order, passed round the
god, who reviewed them all, and, to their sorrow, dismissed them; but when
this one was passing by, the god stretched forth his right hand and said, "O
ye Romans, this young man, when he shall be lord of Rome, shall put an end to
all your civil wars." It is said that Cicero formed from his dream a distinct
image of the youth, and retained it afterwards perfectly, but did not know who
it was. The next day, going down into the Campus Martius, he met the boys
returning from their gymnastic exercises, and the first was he, just as he had
appeared to him in his dream. Being astonished at it, he asked him who were
his parents. And it proved to be this young Caesar, whose father was a man of
no great eminence, Octavius, and his mother, Attia, Caesar's sister's
daughter; for which reason, Caesar, who had no children, made him by will the
heir of his house and property. From that time, it is said that Cicero
studiously noticed the youth whenever he met him, and he as kindly received
the civility; and by fortune he happened to be born when Cicero was consul.

     These were the reasons spoken of; but it was principally Cicero's hatred
of Antony, and a temper unable to resist honor, which fastened him to Caesar,
with the purpose of getting the support of Caesar's power for his own public
designs. For the young man went so far in his court to him, that he called him
Father; at which Brutus was so highly displeased that, in his epistles to
Atticus he reflected on Cicero, saying, it was manifest, by his courting
Caesar for fear of Antony, he did not intend liberty to his country, but an
indulgent master to himself. Notwithstanding, Brutus took Cicero's son, then
studying philosophy at Athens, gave him a command, and employed him in various
ways, with a good result. Cicero's own power at this time was at the greatest
height in the city, and he did whatsoever he pleased; he completely
overpowered and drove out Antony, and sent the two consuls, Hirtius and Pansa,
with an army, to reduce him; and, on the other hand, persuaded the senate to
allow Caesar the lictors and ensigns of a praetor, as though he were his
country's defender. But after Antony was defeated in battle, and the two
consuls slain, the armies united, and ranged themselves with Caesar. And the
senate, fearing the young man, and his extraordinary fortune, endeavored, by
honors and gifts, to call off the soldiers from him, and to lessen his power;
professing there was no further need of arms, now Antony was put to flight.

[See Antony In The Desert: Antony was put to flight.]

     This giving Caesar an affright, he privately sends some friends to
entreat and persuade Cicero to procure the consular dignity for them both
together; saying he should manage the affairs as he pleased, should have the
supreme power, and govern the young man who was only desirous of name and
glory. And Caesar himself confessed, that in fear of ruin, and in danger of
being deserted, he had seasonably made use of Cicero's ambition, persuading
him to stand with him, and to accept the offer of his aid and interest for the
consulship.

     And now, more than at any other time, Cicero let himself be carried away
and deceived, though an old man, by the persuasions of a boy. He joined him in
soliciting votes, and procured the goodwill of the senate, not without blame
at the time on the part of his friends; and he, too, soon enough after, saw
that he had ruined himself, and betrayed the liberty of his country. For the
young man, once established, and possessed of the office of consul, bade
Cicero farewell; and, reconciling himself to Antony and Lepidus, joined his
power with theirs, and divided the government, like a piece of property, with
them. Thus united, they made a schedule of above two hundred persons who were
to be put to death. But the greatest contention in all their debates was on
the question of Cicero's case. Antony would come to no conditions, unless he
should be the first man to be killed. Lepidus held with Antony, and Caesar
opposed them both. They met secretly and by themselves, for three days
together, near the town of Bononia. The spot was not far from the camp, with a
river surrounding it. Caesar, it is said, contended earnestly for Cicero the
first two days; but on the third day he yielded, and gave him up. The terms of
their mutual concessions were these: that Caesar should desert Cicero, Lepidus
his brother Paulus, and Antony, Lucius Caesar, his uncle by his mother's side.
Thus they let their anger and fury take from them the sense of humanity, and
demonstrated that no beast is more savage than man, when possessed with power
answerable to his rage.

     Whilst these things were contriving, Cicero was with his brother at his
country-house near Tusculum; whence, hearing of the proscriptions, they
determined to pass to Astura, a villa of Cicero's near the sea, and to take
shipping from thence for Macedonia to Brutus, of whose strength in that
province news had already been heard. They travelled together in their
separate litters, overwhelmed with sorrow; and often stopping on the way till
their litters came together, condoled with one another. But Quintus was the
more disheartened, when he reflected on his want of means for his journey;
for, as he said, he had brought nothing with him from home. And even Cicero
himself had but a slender provision. It was judged, therefore, most expedient
that Cicero should make what haste he could to fly, and Quintus return home to
provide necessaries, and thus resolved, they mutually embraced, and parted
with many tears.

     Quintus, within a few days after, betrayed by his servants to those who
came to search for him, was slain, together with his young son. But Cicero was
carried to Astura, where, finding a vessel, he immediately went on board her,
and sailed as far as Circaeum with a prosperous gale; but when the pilots
resolved immediately to set sail from thence, whether fearing the sea, or not
wholly distrusting the faith of Caesar, he went on shore, and passed by land a
hundred furlongs, as if he was going for Rome. But losing resolution and
changing his mind, he again returned to the sea, and there spent the night in
fearful and perplexed thoughts. Sometimes he resolved to go into Caesar's
house privately, and there kill himself upon the altar of his household gods,
to bring divine vengeance upon him; but the fear of torture put him off this
course. And after passing through a variety of confused and uncertain
counsels, at last he let his servants carry him by sea to Capitae, ^16 where
he had a house, an agreeable place to retire to in the heat of summer, when
the Etesian winds are so pleasant.

[Footnote 16: This, as we find from other authority, means Caieta, the present
Gaeta. Nothing is known of any such place as Capitae. Formiae, the present
Mola di Gaeta, is close by; and here Cicero is known to have had a villa, the
Formianum.]

     There was at that place a chapel of Apollo, not far from the sea-side,
from which a flight of crows rose with a great noise, and made toward Cicero's
vessel as it rowed to land, and lighting on both sides of the yard, some
croaked, others pecked the ends of the ropes. This was looked upon by all as
an ill omen; and, therefore, Cicero went again ashore, and entering his house,
lay down upon his bed to compose himself to rest. Many of the crows settled
about the window, making a dismal cawing; but one of them alighted upon the
bed where Cicero lay covered up, and with its bill by little and little pecked
off the clothes from his face. His servants, seeing this, blamed themselves
that they should stay to be spectators of their master's murder, and do
nothing in his defence, whilst the brute creatures came to assist and take
care of him in his undeserved affliction; and, therefore, partly by entreaty,
partly by force, they took him up, and carried him in his litter towards the
sea-side.

     But in the mean time the assassins were come with a band of soldiers,
Herennius, a centurion, and Popillius, a tribune, whom Cicero had formerly
defended when prosecuted for the murder of his father. Finding the doors shut,
they broke them open, and Cicero not appearing, and those within saying they
knew not where he was, it is stated that a youth, who had been educated by
Cicero in the liberal arts and sciences, an emancipated slave of his brother
Quintus, Philologus by name, informed the tribune that the litter was on its
way to the sea through the close and shady walks. The tribune, taking a few
with him, ran to the place where he was to come out. And Cicero, perceiving
Herennius running in the walks, commanded his servants to set down the litter;
and stroking his chin, as he used to do, with his left hand, he looked
steadfastly upon his murderers, his person covered with dust, his beard and
hair untrimmed, and his face worn with his troubles. So that the greatest part
of those that stood by covered their faces whilst Herennius slew him. And thus
was he murdered, stretching forth his neck out of the litter, being now in his
sixty-fourth year. Herennius cut off his head, and, by Antony's command, his
hands also, by which his Philippics were written; for so Cicero styled those
orations he wrote against Antony, and so they are called to this day.

     When these members of Cicero were brought to Rome, Antony was holding an
assembly for the choice of public officers; and when he heard it, and saw
them, he cried out, "Now let there be an end of our proscriptions." He
commanded his head and hands to be fastened up over the Rostra, where the
orators spoke; a sight which the Roman people shuddered to behold, and they
believed they saw there not the face of Cicero, but the image of Antony's own
soul. And yet amidst these actions he did justice in one thing, by delivering
up Philologus to Pomponia, the wife of Quintus, who, having got his body into
her power, besides other grievous punishments, made him cut off his own flesh
by pieces, and roast and eat it; for so some writers have related. But Tiro,
Cicero's emancipated slave, has not so much as mentioned the treachery of
Philologus.

     Some long time after, Caesar, I have been told, visiting one of his
daughter's sons, found him with a book of Cicero's in his hand. The boy for
fear endeavored to hide it under his gown; which Caesar perceiving, took it
from him, and turning over a great part of the book standing, gave it him
again, and said, "My child, this was a learned man, and a lover of his
country." ^17 And immediately after he had vanquished Antony, being then
consul, he made Cicero's son his colleague in the office; and under that
consulship, the senate took down all the statues of Antony, and abolished all
the other honors that had been given him, and decreed that none of that family
should thereafter bear the name of Marcus; and thus the final acts of the
punishment of Antony were, by the divine powers, devolved upon the family of
Cicero.

[Footnote 17: It is not easy to find any proper equivalent for the word here
translated by "learned." Logios, derived from logos, which is indifferently
speech and reason (thinking and speaking being both powers of articulating),
may be one who has thought much and well, one who has much to say, and one who
can say it well.]