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$Unique_ID{bob00951}
$Pretitle{}
$Title{Plutarch's Lives
Part II}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{Plutarch}
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$Subject{cicero
clodius
himself
crassus
caesar
having
time
upon
cicero's
senate}
$Date{c75}
$Log{}
Title:       Plutarch's Lives
Book:        Cicero
Author:      Plutarch
Date:        c75
Translation: Dryden, Arthur Hugh Clough

Part II

     Whilst Cicero was doubting what course to take, a portent happened to the
women in their sacrificing. For on the altar, where the fire seemed wholly
extinguished, a great and bright flame issued forth from the ashes of the
burnt wood; at which others were affrighted, but the holy virgins called to
Terentia, Cicero's wife, and bade her haste to her husband, and command him to
execute what he had resolved for the good of his country, for the goddess had
sent a great light to the increase of his safety and glory. Terentia,
therefore, as she was otherwise in her own nature neither tender-hearted nor
timorous, but a woman eager for distinction (who, as Cicero himself says,
would rather thrust herself into his public affairs, than communicate her
domestic matters to him), told him these things, and excited him against the
conspirators. So also did Quintus his brother, and Publius Nigidius, one of
his philosophical friends, whom he often made use of in his greatest and most
weighty affairs of state.

     The next day, a debate arising in the senate about the punishment of the
men, Silanus, being the first who was asked his opinion, said, it was fit they
should be all sent to the prison, and there suffer the utmost penalty. To him
all consented in order till it came to Caius Caesar, who was afterwards
dictator. He was then but a young man, and only at the outset of his career,
but had already directed his hopes and policy to that course by which he
afterwards changed the Roman state into a monarchy. Of this others foresaw
nothing; but Cicero had seen reason for strong suspicion, though without
obtaining any sufficient means of proof. And there were some indeed that said
that he was very near being discovered, and only just escaped him; others are
of opinion that Cicero voluntarily overlooked and neglected the evidence
against him, for fear of his friends and power; for it was very evident to
everybody, that if Caesar was to be accused with the conspirators, they were
more likely to be saved with him, than he to be punished with them.

     When, therefore, it came to Caesar's turn to give his opinion, he stood
up and proposed that the conspirators shogld not be put to death, but their
estates confiscated, and their persons confined in such cities in Italy as
Cicero should approve, there to be kept in custody till Catiline was
conquered. To this sentence, as it was the most moderate, and he that
delivered it a most powerful speaker, Cicero himself gave no small weight, for
he stood up and, turning the scale on either side, spoke in favor partly of
the former, partly of Caesar's sentence. And all Cicero's friends, judging
Caesar's sentence most expedient for Cicero, because he would incur the less
blame if the conspirators were not put to death, chose rather the latter; so
that Silanus, also, changing his mind, retracted his opinion, and said he had
not declared for capital, but only the utmost punishment, which to a Roman
senator is imprisonment. The first man who spoke against Caesar's motion was
Catulus Lutatius. Cato followed, and so vehemently urged in his speech the
strong suspicion about Caesar himself, and so filled the senate with anger and
resolution, that a decree was passed for the execution of the conspirators.
But Caesar opposed the confiscation of their goods, not thinking it fair that
those who had rejected the mildest part of his sentence should avail
themselves of the severest. And when many insisted upon it, he appealed to the
tribunes, but they would do nothing; till Cicero himself yielding, remitted
that part of the sentence.

     After this, Cicero went out with the senate to the conspirators; they
were not all together in one place, but the several praetors had then, some
one, some another, in custody. And first he took Lentulus from the Palatine,
and brought him by the Sacred Street, through the middle of the market -
place, a circle of the most eminent citizens encompassing and protecting him.
The people, affrighted at what was doing, passed along in silence, especially
the young men; as if, with fear and trembling, they were undergoing a rite of
initiation into some ancient, sacred mysteries of aristocratic power. Thus
passing from the market-place, and coming to the gaol, he delivered Lentulus
to the officer, and commanded him to execute him; and after him Cethegus, and
so all the rest in order, he brought and delivered up to execution. And when
he saw many of the conspirators in the market-place, still standing together
in companies, ignorant of what was done, and waiting for the night, supposing
the men were still alive and in a possibility of being rescued, he called out
in a loud voice, and said, "They did live"; for so the Romans, to avoid
inauspicious language, name those that are dead.

     It was now evening, when he returned from the market-place to his own
house, the citizens no longer attending him with silence, nor in order, but
receiving him, as he passed, with acclamations and applauses, and saluting him
as the saviour and founder of his country. A bright light shone through the
streets from the lamps and torches set up at the doors, and the women showed
lights from the tops of the houses, to honor Cicero, and to behold him
returning home with a splendid train of the most principal citizens; amongst
whom were many who had conducted great wars, celebrated triumphs, and added to
the possessions of the Roman empire, both by sea and land. These, as they
passed along with him, acknowledged to one another, that though the Roman
people were indebted to several officers and commanders of that age for
riches, spoils, and power, yet to Cicero alone they owed the safety and
security of all these, for delivering them from so great and imminent a
danger. For though it might seem no wonderful thing to prevent the design, and
punish the conspirators, yet to defeat the greatest of all conspiracies with
so little disturbance, trouble, and commotion, was very extraordinary. For the
greater part of those who had flocked in to Catiline, as soon as they heard
the fate of Lentulus and Cethegus, left and forsook him, and he himself, with
his remaining forces, joining battle with Antonius, was destroyed with his
army.

     And yet there were some who were very ready both to speak ill of Cicero,
and to do him hurt for these actions; and they had for their leaders some of
the magistrates of the ensuing year, as Caesar, who was one of the praetors,
and Metellus and Bestia, the tribunes. These, entering upon their office some
few days before Cicero's consulate expired, would not permit him to make any
address to the people, but, throwing the benches before the Rostra, hindered
his speaking, telling him he might, if he pleased, make the oath of withdrawal
from office, and then come down again. Cicero, accordingly, accepting the
conditions, came forward to make his withdrawal; and silence being made, he
recited his oath, not in the usual, but in a new and peculiar form, namely,
that he had saved his country, and preserved the empire; the truth of which
oath all the people confirmed with theirs. Caesar and the tribunes, all the
more exasperated by this, endeavored to create him further trouble, and for
this purpose proposed a law for calling Pompey home with his army, to put an
end to Cicero's usurpation. But it was a very great advantage for Cicero and
the whole commonwealth that Cato was at that time one of the tribunes. For he,
being of equal power with the rest, and of greater reputation, could oppose
their designs. He easily defeated their other projects, and, in an oration to
the people, so highly extolled Cicero's consulate, that the greatest honors
were decreed him, and he was publicly declared the Father of his Country,
which title he seems to have obtained, the first man who did so, when Cato
gave it him in this address to the people.

     At this time, therefore, his authority was very great in the city; but he
created himself much envy, and offended very many, not by any evil action, but
because he was always lauding and magnifying himself. For neither senate, nor
assembly of the people, nor court of judicature could meet, in which he was
not heard to talk of Catiline and Lentulus. Indeed, he also filled his books
and writings with his own praises, to such an excess as to render a style, in
itself most pleasant and delightful, nauseous and irksome to his hearers; this
ungrateful humor, like a disease, always cleaving to him. Nevertheless, though
he was intemperately fond of his own glory, he was very free from envying
others, and was, on the contrary, most liberally profuse in commending both
the ancients and his contemporaries, as any one may see in his writings. And
many such sayings of his are also remembered; as that he called Aristotle a
river of flowing gold, and said of Plato's Dialogues, that if Jupiter were to
speak, it would be in language like theirs. He used to call Theophrastus his
special luxury. And being asked which of Demosthenes' orations he liked best
he answered, the longest. And yet some affected imitators of Demosthenes have
complained of some words that occur in one of his letters, to the effect that
Demosthenes sometimes falls asleep in his speeches; forgetting the many high
encomiums he continually passes upon him, and the compliment he paid him when
he named the most elaborate of all his orations, those he wrote against
Antony, Philippics. And as for the eminent men of his own time, either in
eloquence or philosophy, there was not one of them whom he did not, by writing
or speaking favorably of him, render more illustrious. He obtained of Caesar,
when in power, the Roman citizenship for Cratippus, the Peripatetic, and got
the court of Areopagus, by public decree, to request his stay at Athens, for
the instruction of their youth, and the honor of their city. There are letters
extant from Cicero to Herodes, and others to his son, which he recommends the
study of philosophy under Cratippus. There is one in which he blames Gorgias,
the rhetorician, for enticing his son into luxury and drinking, and,
therefore, forbids him his company. And this, and one other to Pelops, the
Byzantine, are the only two of his Greek epistles which seem to be written in
anger. In the first, he justly reflects on Gorgias if he were what he was
thought to be, a dissolute and profligate character; but in the other, he
rather meanly expostulates and complains with Pelops, for neglecting to
procure him a decree of certain honors from the Byzantines.

     Another illustration of his love of praise is the way in which sometimes,
to make his orations more striking, he neglected decorum and dignity. When
Munatius, who had escaped conviction by his advocacy, immediately prosecuted
his friend Sabinus, he said in the warmth of his resentment, "Do you suppose
you were acquitted for your own merits, Munatius, and was it not that I so
darkened the case, that the court could not see your guilt?" When from the
Rostra he had made an eulogy on Marcus Crassus, with much applause, and within
a few days after again as publicly reproached him, Crassus called to him, and
said, "Did not you yourself two days ago, in this same place, commend me?"
"Yes," said Cicero, "I exercised my eloquence in declaiming upon a bad
subject." At another time, Crassus had said that no one of his family had ever
lived beyond sixty years of age, and afterwards denied it, and asked, "What
should put it into my head to say so?" "It was to gain the people's favor,"
answered Cicero; "you knew how glad they would be to hear it." When Crassus
expressed admiration of the Stoic doctrine, that the good man is always rich,
"Do you not mean," said Cicero, "their doctrine that all things belong to the
wise?" Crassus being generally accused of covetousness. One of Crassus' sons,
who was thought so exceedingly like a man of the name of Axius as to throw
some suspicion on his mother's honor, made a successful speech in the senate.
Cicero on being asked how he liked it, replied with the Greek words, Axios
Crassou. ^8

[Footnote 8: Which may mean, either worthy of Crassus, or Crassus' son Axius.
The jest on the Stoic doctrines is also rather obscure. Crassus appears to
have praised the first dictum in its proper philosophical sense; that the only
truly rich man is he who is virtuous; Cicero suggests, that a text which is
more to Crassus' purpose is the other, that the wise man is the possessor of
all things, that is, may make himself as rich as he pleases.]

     When Crassus was about to go into Syria, he desired to leave Cicero
rather his friend than his enemy, and, therefore, one day saluting him, told
him he would come and sup with him, which the other as courteously received.
Within a few days after, on some of Cicero's acquaintances interceding for
Vatinius, as desirous of reconciliation and friendship, for he was then his
enemy, "What," he replied, "does Vatinius also wish to come and sup with me?"
Such was his way with Crassus. When Vatinius, who had swellings in his neck,
was pleading a cause, he called him the tumid orator; and having been told by
some one that Vatinius was dead, on hearing presently after that he was alive,
"May the rascal perish," said he, "for his news not being true."

     Upon Caesar's bringing forward a law for the division of the lands in
Campania amongst the soldiers, many in the senate opposed it; amongst the
rest, Lucius Gellius, one of the oldest men in the house, said it should never
pass whilst he lived. "Let us postpone it," said Cicero, "Gellius does not ask
us to wait long." There was a man of the name of Octavius, suspected to be of
African descent. He once said, when Cicero was pleading that he could not hear
him; "Yet there are holes," said Cicero, "in your ears." ^9 When Metellus
Nepos told him, that he had ruined more as a witness, than he had saved as an
advocate, "I admit," said Cicero, "that I have more truth than eloquence." To
a young man who was suspected of having given a poisoned cake to his father,
and who talked largely of the invectives he meant to deliver against Cicero,
"Better these," replied he, "than your cakes." Publius Sextius, having amongst
others retained Cicero as his advocate in a certain cause, was yet desirous to
say all for himself, and would not allow anybody to speak for him; when he was
about to receive his acquittal from the judges, and the ballots were passing,
Cicero called to him, "Make haste, Sextius, and use your time; to-morrow you
will be nobody." He cited Publius Cotta to bear testimony in a certain cause,
one who affected to be thought a lawyer, though ignorant and unlearned; to
whom, when he had said, "I know nothing of the matter," he answered, "You
think, perhaps, we ask you about a point of law." To Metellus Nepos, who, in a
dispute between them, repeated several times, "Who was your father, Cicero?"
he replied, "Your mother has made the answer to such a question in your case
more difficult;" Nepos' mother having been of ill repute. The son, also, was
of a giddy, uncertain temper. At one time, he suddenly threw up his office of
tribune, and sailed off into Syria to Pompey; and immediately after, with as
little reason, came back again. He gave his tutor, Philagrus, a funeral with
more than necessary attention, and then set up the stone figure of a crow over
his tomb. "This," said Cicero, "is really appropriate; as he did not teach you
to speak, but to fly about." When Marcus Appius, in the opening of some speech
in a court of justice, said that his friend had desired him to employ
industry, eloquence, and fidelity in that cause, Cicero answered, "And how
have you had the heart not to accede to any one of his requests?"

[Footnote 9: The marks of the ears having been bored for ear-rings would be
considered proof of his being of barbarian origin.]

     To use this sharp raillery against opponents and antagonists in judicial
pleading seems allowable rhetoric. But he excited much ill feeling by his
readiness to attack any one for the sake of a jest. A few anecdotes of this
kind may be added. Marcus Aquinus, who had two sons-in-law in exile, received
from him the name of king Adrastus. ^10 Lucius Cotta, an intemperate lover of
wine, was censor when Cicero stood for the consulship. Cicero, being thirsty
at the election, his friends stood round about him while he was drinking. "You
have reason to be afraid," he said, "lest the censor should be angry with me
for drinking water." Meeting one day Voconius with his three very ugly
daughters, he quoted the verse,

[Footnote 10: Adrastus, king of Argos, married his daughters to the exiles,
Tydeus and Polynices. The verse below, quoted from a tragedy, must refer to
Laius and his son, born against the warning of the oracle, Cedipus. "Without
Apollo's leave" would be a phrase like "invita Minerva" applied to any
unsuccessful, or infelicitous, or injudicious proceeding.]

     "He reared a race without Apollo's leave."

When Marcus Gellius, who was reputed the son of a slave, had read several
letters in the senate with a very shrill, and loud voice, "Wonder not," said
Cicero, "he comes of the criers." When Faustus Sylla, the son of Sylla the
dictator, who had during his dictatorship, by public bills proscribed and
condemned so many citizens, had so far wasted his estate, and got into debt,
that he was forced to publish his bills of sale, Cicero told him that he liked
these bills much better than those of his father. By this habit he made
himself odious with many people.

     But Clodius' faction conspired against him upon the following occasion.
Clodius was a member of a noble family, in the flower of his youth, and of a
bold and resolute temper. He, being in love with Pompeia, Caesar's wife, got
privately into his house in the dress and attire of a music-girl; the women
being at that time offering there the sacrifice which must not be seen by men,
and there was no man present. Clodius, being a youth and beardless, hoped to
get to Pompeia among the women without being taken notice of. But coming into
a great house by night, he missed his way in the passages, and a servant
belonging to Aurelia, Caesar's mother, spying him wandering up and down,
inquired his name. Thus being necessitated to speak, he told her he was
seeking for one of Pompeia's maids, Abra by name; and she, perceiving it not
to be a woman's voice, shrieked out, and called in the women; who, shutting
the gates, and searching every place, at length found Clodius hidden in the
chamber of the maid with whom he had come in. This matter being much talked
about, Caesar put away his wife, Pompeia, and Clodius was prosecuted for
profaning the holy rites.

     Cicero was at this time his friend, for he had been useful to him in the
conspiracy of Catiline, as one of his forwardest assistants and protectors.
But when Clodius rested his defence upon this point, that he was not then at
Rome, but at a distance in the country, Cicero testified that he had come to
his house that day, and conversed with him on several matters; which thing was
indeed true, although Cicero was thought to testify it not so much for the
truth's sake as to preserve his quiet with Terentia his wife. For she bore a
grudge against Clodius on account of his sister Clodia's wishing, as it was
alleged, to marry Cicero, and having employed for this purpose the
intervention of Tullus, a very intimate friend of Cicero's; and his frequent
visits to Clodia, who lived in their neighborhood, and the attentions he paid
to her had excited Terentia's suspicions, and, being a woman of a violent
temper, and having the ascendant over Cicero, she urged him on to taking a
part against Clodius, and delivering his testimony. Many other good and honest
citizens also gave evidence against him, for perjuries, disorders, bribing the
people, and debauching women. Lucullus proved, by his women-servants, that he
had debauched his youngest sister when she was Lucullus' wife; and there was a
general belief that he had done the same with his two other sisters, Tertia,
whom Marcius Rex, and Clodia, whom Metellus Celer had married; the latter of
whom was called Quadrantia, because one of her lovers had deceived her with a
purse of small copper money instead of silver, the smallest copper coin being
called a quadrant. Upon this sister's account, in particular, Clodius'
character was attacked. Notwithstanding all this, when the common people
united against the accusers and witnesses and the whole party, the judges were
affrighted, and a guard was placed about them for their defence; and most of
them wrote their sentences on the tablets in such a way, that they could not
well be read. It was decided, however, that there was a majority for his
acquittal, and bribery was reported to have been employed; in reference to
which Catulus remarked, when he next met the judges, "You were very right to
ask for a guard, to prevent your money being taken from you." And when Clodius
upbraided Cicero that the judges had not believed his testimony, "Yes," said
he, "five and twenty of them trusted me, and condemned you, and the other
thirty did not trust you, for they did not acquit you till they had got your
money."

     Caesar, though cited, did not give his testimony against Clodius, and
declared himself not convinced of his wife's adultery, but that he had put her
away because it was fit that Caesar's house should not be only free of the
evil fact, but of the fame too.

     Clodius, having escaped this danger, and having got himself chosen one of
the tribunes, immediately attacked Cicero, heaping up all matters and inciting
all persons against him. The common people he gained over with popular laws;
to each of the consuls he decreed large provinces, to Piso, Macedonia, and to
Gabinius, Syria; he made a strong party among the indigent citizens, to
support him in his proceedings, and had always a body of armed slaves about
him. Of the three men then in greatest power, Crassus was Cicero's open enemy,
Pompey indifferently made advances to both, and Caesar was going with an army
into Gaul. To him, though not his friend (what had occurred in the time of the
conspiracy having created suspicions between them), Cicero applied, requesting
an appointment as one of his lieutenants in the province. Caesar accepted him,
and Clodius, perceiving that Cicero would thus escape his tribunician
authority, professed to be inclinable to a reconciliation, laid the greatest
fault upon Terentia, made always a favorable mention of him, and addressed him
with kind expressions, as one who felt no hatred or ill-will, but who merely
wished to urge his complaints in a moderate and friendly way. By these
artifices, he so freed Cicero of all his fears, that he resigned his
appointment to Caesar, and betook himself again to political affairs. At which
Caesar being exasperated, joined the party of Clodius against him, and wholly
alienated Pompey from him; he also himself declared in a public assembly of
the people, that he did not think Lentulus and Cethegus, with their
accomplices, were fairly and legally put to death without being brought to
trial. And this, indeed was the crime charged upon Cicero, and this
impeachment he was summoned to answer. And so, as an accused man, and in
danger for the result, he changed his dress, and went round with his hair
untrimmed, in the attire of a suppliant, to beg the people's grace. But
Clodius met him in every corner, having a band of abusive and daring fellows
about him, who derided Cicero for his change of dress and his humiliation, and
often, by throwing dirt and stones at him, interrupted his supplication to the
people.

     However, first of all, almost the whole equestrian order changed their
dress with him, and no less than twenty thousand young gentlemen followed him
with their hair untrimmed, and supplicating with him to the people. And then
the senate met, to pass a decree that the people should change their dress as
in time of public sorrow. But the consuls opposing it, and Clodius with armed
men besetting the senate-house, many of the senators ran out, crying out and
tearing their clothes. But this sight moved neither shame nor pity; Cicero
must either fly or determine it by the sword with Clodius. He entreated Pompey
to aid him, who was on purpose gone out of the way, and was staying at his
country-house in the Alban hills; and first he sent his son-in-law Piso to
intercede with him, and afterwards set out to go himself. Of which Pompey
being informed, would not stay to see him, being ashamed at the remembrance of
the many conflicts in the commonwealth which Cicero had undergone in his
behalf, and how much of his policy he had directed for .is advantage. But
being now Caesar's son-in-law, at his instance he had set aside all former
kindness, and, slipping out at another door, avoided the interview. Thus being
forsaken by Pompey, and left alone to himself, he fled to the consuls.
Gabinius was rough with him, as usual, but Piso spoke more courteously,
desiring him to yield and give place for a while to the fury of Clodius, and
await a change of times, and to be now, as before, his country's savior from
the peril of these troubles and commotions which Clodius was exciting.

     Cicero, receiving this answer, consulted with his friends. Lucullus
advised him to stay, as being sure to prevail at last; others to fly, because
the people would soon desire him again, when they should have enough of the
rage and madness of Clodius. This last Cicero approved. But first he took a
statue of Minerva, which had been long set up and greatly honored in his
house, and carrying it to the capitol, there dedicated it, with the
inscription, "To Minerva, Patroness of Rome." And receiving an escort from his
friends, about the middle of the night he left the city, and went by land
through Lucania, intending to reach Sicily.

     But as soon as it was publicly known that he was fled, Clodius proposed
to the people a decree of exile, and by his own order interdicted him fire and
water, prohibiting any within five hundred miles in Italy to receive him into
their houses. Most people, out of respect for Cicero, paid no regard to this
edict, offering him every attention, and escorting him on his way. But at
Hipponium, a city of Lucania, now called Vibo, one Vibius, a Sicilian by
birth, who, amongst many other instances of Cicero's friendship, had been made
head of the state engineers when he was consul, would not receive him into his
house, sending him word he would appoint a place in the country for his
reception. Caius Vergilius, the praetor of Sicily, who had been on the most
intimate terms with him, wrote to him to forbear coming into Sicily. At these
things Cicero being disheartened, went to Brundusium, whence putting forth
with a prosperous wind, a contrary gale blowing from the sea carried him back
to Italy the next day. He put again to sea, and having reached Dyrrachium, on
his coming to shore there, it is reported that an earthquake and a convulsion
in the sea happened at the same time, signs which the diviners said intimated
that his exile would not be long, for these were prognostics of change.
Although many visited him with respect, and the cities of Greece contended
which should honor him most, he yet continued disheartened and disconsolate,
like an unfortunate lover, often casting his looks back upon Italy; and,
indeed, he was become so poor-spirited, so humiliated and dejected by his
misfortunes, as none could have expected in a man who had devoted so much of
his life to study and learning. And yet he often desired his friends not to
call him orator, but philosopher, because he had made philosophy his business,
and had only used rhetoric as an instrument for attaining his objects in
public life. But the desire of glory ^11 has great power in washing the
tinctures of philosophy out of the souls of men, and in imprinting the
passions of the common people, by custom and conversation, in the minds of
those that take a part in governing them, unless the politician be very
careful so to engage in public affairs as to interest himself only in the
affairs themselves, but not participate in the passions that are consequent to
them.

[Footnote 11: Doxa, the Greek word for "the desire of glory," should, perhaps,
be translated "opinion." It is, in its original sense, "what people think,"
and is commonly used for people's good opinion, "glory," or "reputation." On
the other hand, the philosophers employ it to express opinion, which may be
false, as opposed to knowledge, which must be of the truth. If a philosopher,
engaged in politics, does not confine his attention strictly to definite
objects and acts, but lets himself be affected by the results, by people's
good or bad opinion about them, his real convictions and knowledge will soon
be overpowered.]

     Clodius, having thus driven away Cicero, fell to burning his farms and
villas, and afterwards his city house, and built on the site of it a temple to
Liberty. The rest of his property he exposed to sale by daily proclamation,
but nobody came to buy. By these courses he became formidable to the noble
citizens, and, being followed by the commonalty, whom he had filled with
insolence and licentiousness, he began at last to try his strength against
Pompey, some of whose arrangements in the countries he conquered, he attacked.
The disgrace of this made Pompey begin to reproach himself for his cowardice
in deserting Cicero, and, changing his mind, he now wholly set himself with
his friends to contrive his return. And when Clodius opposed it, the senate
made a vote that no public measure should be ratified or passed by them till
Cicero was recalled. But when Lentulus was consul, the commotions grew so high
upon this matter, that the tribunes were wounded in the Forum, and Quintus,
Cicero's brother, was left as dead, lying unobserved amongst the slain. The
people began to change in their feelings; and Annius Milo, one of their
tribunes, was the first who took confidence to summon Clodius to trial for
acts of violence. Many of the common people and out of the neighboring cities
formed a party with Pompey, and he went with them, and drove Clodius out of
the Forum, and summoned the people to pass their vote. And, it is said, the
people never passed any suffrage more unanimously than this. The senate, also,
striving to outdo the people, sent letters of thanks to those cities which had
received Cicero with respect in his exile, and decreed that his house and his
country-places, which Clodius had destroyed, should rebuilt at the public
charge.

     Thus Cicero returned sixteen months after his exile, and the cities were
so glad, and people so zealous to meet him, that what he boasted of
afterwards, that Italy had brought him on her shoulders home to Rome, was
rather less than the truth. And Crassus himself, who had been his enemy before
his exile, went then voluntarily to meet him, and was reconciled, to please
his son Publius, as he said, who was Cicero's affectionate admirer.

     Cicero had not been long at Rome, when, taking the opportunity of
Clodius' absence, he went, with a great company, to the capitol, and there
tore and defaced the tribunician tables, in which were recorded the acts done
in the time of Clodius. And on Clodius calling him in question for this, he
answered, that he, being of the patrician order, had obtained the office of
tribune against law, and, therefore, nothing done by him was valid. Cato was
displeased at this, and opposed Cicero, not that he commended Clodius, but
rather disapproved of his whole administration; yet, he contended, it was an
irregular and violent course for the senate to vote the illegality of so many
decrees and acts, including those of Cato's own government in Cyprus and at
Byzantium. This occasioned a breach between Cato and Cicero, which though it
came not to open enmity, yet made a more reserved friendship between them.