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$Title{History Of The Conquest Of Peru
Chapter VI: Part II}
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$Author{Prescott, William H.}
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$Subject{de
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$Date{1864}
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Title:       History Of The Conquest Of Peru
Book:        Book IV: Civil Wars Of The Conquerors
Author:      Prescott, William H.
Date:        1864

Chapter VI: Part II

     Carbajal notices the politic manner in which his commander bribed
recruits into his service, - paying them with promises and fair words when
ready money failed him.  "Dando a unos dineros, e a otros armas i
caballos, i a otros palabras, i a otros promesas, i a otros graziosas
respuestas de lo que con el negoziaban para tenerlos a todos muy
conttentos i presttos en el servicio de S. M. quando fuese menestter."
Dicho del Capitan Francisco de Carbajal sobre la informacion hecha en el
Cuzco en 1543, favor de Vaca de Castro, Ms.]

     The reader, familiar with the large masses employed in European
warfare, may smile at the paltry forces of the Spaniards.  But in the New
World, where a countless host of natives went for little, five hundred
well-trained Europeans were regarded as a formidable body.  No army, up to
the period before us, had ever risen to a thousand.  Yet it is not
numbers, as I have already been led to remark, that give importance to a
conflict; but the consequences that depend on it, - the magnitude of the
stake, and the skill and courage of the players.  The more limited the
means, even, the greater may be the science shown in the use of them;
until, forgetting the poverty of the materials, we fix our attention on
the conduct of the actors, and the greatness of the results.

     While at Xauxa, Vaca de Castro received an embassy from Gonzalo
Pizarro, returned from his expedition from the "Land of Cinnamon," in
which that chief made an offer of his services in the approaching contest.
The governor's answer showed that he was not wholly averse to an
accommodation with Almagro, provided it could be effected without
compromising the royal authority.  He was willing, perhaps, to avoid the
final trial by battle, when he considered, that, from the equality of the
contending forces, the issue must be extremely doubtful.  He knew that the
presence of Pizarro in the camp, the detested enemy of the Almagrians,
would excite distrust in their bosoms that would probably baffle every
effort at accommodation.  Nor is it likely that the governor cared to have
so restless a spirit introduced into his own councils.  He accordingly
sent to Gonzalo, thanking him for the promptness of his support, but
courteously declined it, while he advised him to remain in his province,
and repose after the fatigues of his wearisome expedition.  At the same
time, he assured him that he would not fail to call for his services when
occasion required it. - The haughty cavalier was greatly disgusted by the
repulse. ^15

[Footnote 15: Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 15.]

     The governor now received such an account of Almagro's movements as
led him to suppose that he was preparing to occupy Guamanga, a fortified
place of considerable strength, about thirty leagues from Xauxa. ^16
Anxious to secure this post, he broke up his encampment, and by forced
marches, conducted in so irregular a manner as must have placed him in
great danger if his enemy had been near to profit by it, he succeeded in
anticipating Almagro, and threw himself into the place while his
antagonist was at Bilcas, some ten leagues distant.

[Footnote 16: Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 85.]

     At Guamanga, Vaca de Castro received another embassy from Almagro, of
similar import with the former.  The young chief again deprecated the
existence of hostilities between brethren of the same family, and proposed
an accommodation of the quarrel on the same basis as before.  To these
proposals the governor now condescended to reply.  It might be thought,
from his answer, that he felt some compassion for the youth and
inexperience of Almagro, and that he was willing to distinguish between
him and the principal conspirators, provided he could detach him from
their interests.  But it is more probable that he intended only to amuse
his enemy by a show of negotiation, while he gained time for tampering
with the fidelity of his troops.

     He insisted that Almagro should deliver up to him all those
immediately implicated in the death of Pizarro, and should then disband
his forces.  On these conditions the government would pass over his
treasonable practices, and he should be reinstated in the royal favor.
Together with this mission, Vaca de Castro, it is reported, sent a
Spaniard, disguised as an Indian, who was instructed to communicate with
certain officers in Almagro's camp, and prevail on them, if possible, to
abandon his cause and return to their allegiance.  Unfortunately, the
disguise of the emissary was detected.  He was seized, put to the torture,
and, having confessed the whole of the transaction, was hanged as a spy.

     Almagro laid the proceeding before his captains.  The terms proffered
by the governor were such as no man with a particle of honor in his nature
could entertain for a moment; and Almagro's indignation, as well as that
of his companions, was heightened by the duplicity of their enemy, who
could practise such insidious arts, while ostensibly engaged in a fair and
open negotiation.  Fearful, perhaps, lest the tempting offers of their
antagonist might yet prevail over the constancy of some of the weaker
spirits among them, they demanded that all negotiation should be broken
off, and that they should be led at once against the enemy. ^17

[Footnote 17: Dicho del Capitan Francisco de Carbajal sobre la informacion
hecha en el Cuzco en 1543, a favor de Vaca de Castro, Ms. - Zarate, Conq
del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 16. - Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 3, cap.
8. - Carta de Ventura Beltran, Ms. - Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 149]

     The governor, meanwhile, finding the broken country around Guamanga
unfavorable for his cavalry, on which he mainly relied, drew off his
forces to the neighbouring lowlands, known as the Plains of Chupas.  It
was the tempestuous season of the year, and for several days the storm
raged wildly among the hills, and, sweeping along their sides into the
valley, poured down rain, sleet, and snow on the miserable bivouacs of the
soldiers, till they were drenched to the skin and nearly stiffened by the
cold. ^18 At length, on the sixteenth of September, 1542, the scouts
brought in tidings that Almagro's troops were advancing, with the
intention, apparently, of occupying the highlands around Chupas.  The war
of the elements had at last subsided, and was succeeded by one of those
brilliant days which are found only in the tropics.  The royal camp was
early in motion, as Vaca de Castro, desirous to secure the heights that
commanded the valley, detached a body of arquebusiers on that service,
supported by a corps of cavalry, which he soon followed with the rest of
the forces.  On reaching the eminence, news was brought that the enemy had
come to a halt, and established himself in a strong position at less than
a league's distance.

[Footnote 18: "Tuvieron tan gran tempestad de agua, Truenos, i Nieve, que
pensaron perecer; i amaneciendo con dia claro, i sereno" Herrera, Hist.
General, dec. 7, lib. 3, cap. 8.]

     It was now late in the afternoon, and the sun was not more than two
hours above the horizon.  The governor hesitated to begin the action when
they must so soon be overtaken by night.  But Alonso de Alvarado assured
him that "now was the time, for the spirits of his men were hot for fight,
and it was better to take the benefit of it than to damp their ardor by
delay." The governor acquiesced, exclaiming at the same time, - "O for the
might of Joshua, to stay the sun in his course!" ^19 He then drew up his
little army in order of battle, and made his dispositions for the attack.

[Footnote 19: "Yasi Vaca de Castro signio su parescer, temiendo toda via
la falta del Dia, i dijo, que quisiera tener el poder de Josue, para
detener el Sol." Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 18.]

     In the centre he placed his infantry, consisting of arquebusiers and
pikemen, constituting the battle, as it was called.  On the flanks, he
established his cavalry, placing the right wing, together with the royal
standard, under charge of Alonso de Alvarado, and the left under Holguin,
supported by a gallant body of cavaliers.  His artillery, too
insignificant to be of much account, was also in the centre.  He proposed
himself to lead the van, and to break the first lance with the enemy; but
from this chivalrous display he was dissuaded by his officers, who
reminded him that too much depended on his life to have it thus wantonly
exposed.  The governor contented himself, therefore, with heading a body
of reserve, consisting of forty horse, to act on any quarter as occasion
might require.  This corps, comprising the flower of his chivalry, was
chiefly drawn from Alvarado's troop, greatly to the discontent of that
captain.  The governor himself rode a coal-black charger, and wore a rich
surcoat of brocade over his mail, through which the habit and emblems of
the knightly order of St. James, conferred on him just before his
departure from Castile, were conspicuous. ^20 It was a point of honor with
the chivalry of the period to court danger by displaying their rank in the
splendor of their military attire and the caparisons of their horses.

[Footnote 20: "I visto esto por el dicho senor Governador, mando dar al
arma a mui gran priesa, i mando a este testigo que sacase toda la gente al
campo, i el se entro en su tienda a se armar, i dende a poco salio della
encima de un cavallo morcillo rabicano armado en blanco i con una ropa de
brocado encima de las armas con el abito de Santiago en los pechos." Dicho
del Capitan Francisco de Carbajal sobre la informacion hecha en e Cuzco en
1543, a favor de Vaca de Castro, Ms.]

     Before commencing the assault, Vaca de Castro addressed a few remarks
to his soldiers, in order to remove any hesitation that some might yet
feel, who recollected the displeasure shown by the emperor to the victors
as well as the vanquished after the battle of Salinas.  He told them that
their enemies were rebels.  They were in arms against him, the
representative of the Crown, and it was his duty to quell this rebellion
and punish the authors of it.  He then caused the law to be read aloud,
proclaiming the doom of traitors.  By this law, Almagro and his followers
had forfeited their lives and property, and the governor promised to
distribute the latter among such of his men as showed the best claim to it
by their conduct in the battle.  This last politic promise vanquished the
scruples of the most fastidious; and, having completed his dispositions in
the most judicious and soldier-like manner, Vaca de Castro gave the order
to advance. ^21

[Footnote 21: The governor's words, says Carbajal, who witnessed their
effect, stirred the heart of the troops, so that they went to the battle
as to a ball.  "En pocas palabras comprehendio tan grandes cosas que la
gente de S. M. covro tan grande animo con ellas, que tan determinadamente
se partieron de alli para ir a los enemigos como si fueron a fiestas donde
estuvieran convidados." Dicho del Capitan Francisco de Carbajal, sobre la
informacion hecha en el Cuzco en 1543, a favor de Vaca de Castro, Ms.]

     As the forces turned a spur of the hills which had hitherto screened
them from their enemies, they came in sight of the latter, formed along
the crest of a gentle eminence, with their snow-white banners, the
distinguishing color of the Almagrians, floating above their heads, and
their bright arms flinging back the broad rays of the evening sun.
Almagro's disposition of his troops was not unlike that of his adversary.
In the centre was his excellent artillery, covered by his arquebusiers and
spearmen; while his cavalry rode on the flanks.  The troops on the left he
proposed to lead in person.  He had chosen his position with judgment, as
the character of the ground gave full play to his guns, which opened an
effective fire on the assailants as they drew near.  Shaken by the storm
of shot, Vaca de Castro saw the difficulty of advancing in open view of
the hostile battery.  He took the counsel, therefore, of Francisco de
Carbajal, who undertook to lead the forces by a circuitous, but safer,
route.  This is the first occasion on which the name of this veteran
appears in these American wars, where it was afterwards to acquire a
melancholy notoriety.  He had come to the country after the campaigns of
forty years in Europe, where he had studied the art of war under the Great
Captain, Gonsalvo de Cordova.  Though now far advanced in age, he
possessed all the courage and indomitable energy of youth, and well
exemplified the lessons he had studied under his great commander.

     Taking advantage of a winding route that sloped round the declivity
of the hills, he conducted the troops in such a manner, that, until they
approached quite near the enemy, they were protected by the intervening
ground.  While thus advancing, they were assailed on the left flank by the
Indian battalions under Paullo, the Inca Manco's brother; but a corps of
musketeers, directing a scattering fire among them, soon rid the Spaniards
of this annoyance.  When, at length, the royal troops, rising above the
hill, again came into view of Almagro's lines, the artillery opened on
them with fatal effect.  It was but for a moment, however, as, from some
unaccountable cause, the guns were pointed at such an angle, that,
although presenting an obvious mark, by far the greater part of the shot
passed over their heads.  Whether this was the result of treachery, or
merely of awkwardness, is uncertain.  The artillery was under charge of
the engineer, Pedro de Candia.  This man, who, it may be remembered, was
one of the thirteen that so gallantly stood by Pizarro in the island of
Gallo, had fought side by side with his leader through the whole of the
Conquest.  He had lately, however, conceived some disgust with him, and
had taken part with the faction of Almagro.  The death of his old
commander, he may perhaps have thought, had settled all their differences,
and he was now willing to return to his former allegiance.  At least, it
is said, that, at this very time, he was in correspondence with Vaca de
Castro.  Almagro himself seems to have had no doubt of his treachery.
For, after remonstrating in vain with him on his present conduct, he ran
him through the body, and the unfortunate cavalier fell lifeless on the
field.  Then, throwing himself on one of the guns, Almagro gave it a new
direction, and that so successfully, that, when it was discharged, it
struck down several of the cavalry. ^22

[Footnote 22: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Zarate, Conq. del
Peru, lib. 4, cap. 17-19. - Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. - Herrera,
Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 3, cap. 11. - Dicho del Capitan Francisco de
Carbajal sobre la informacion hecha en el Cuzco en 1543, a favor de Vaca
de Castro, Ms. - Carta del Cabildo de Arequipa al Emperador, Ms. - Carta
de Ventura Beltran, Ms. - Declaracion de Uscategui, Ms. - Gomara, Hist. de
las Ind., cap. 149.

     According to Garcilasso, whose guns usually do more execution than
those of any other authority, seventeen men were killed by this wonderful
shot.  See Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 16.]
     The firing now took better effect, and by one volley a whole file of
the royal infantry was swept off, and though others quickly stepped in to
fill up the ranks, the men, impatient of their sufferings, loudly called
on the troopers, who had halted for a moment, to quicken their advance. ^23
This delay had been caused by Carbajal's desire to bring his own guns to
bear on the opposite columns.  But the design was quickly abandoned; the
clumsy ordnance was left on the field, and orders were given to the
cavalry to charge; the trumpets sounded, and, crying their war-cries, the
bold cavaliers struck their spurs into their steeds, and rode at full
speed against the enemy.

[Footnote 23: The officers drove the men according to Zarate, at the point
of their swords, to take the places of their fallen comrades.  "Porque vn
tiro llevo toda vna hilera, e hico abrir el Escuadron, i los Capitanes
pusieron gran diligencia en hacerlo cerrar, amenacando de muerte a los
Soldados, con las Espadas desenvainadas, i se cerro." Conq. del Peru, lib.
4, cap. 1.]

     Well had it been for Almagro, if he had remained firm on the post
which gave him such advantage.  But from a false point of honor, he
thought it derogatory to a brave knight passively to await the assault,
and, ordering his own men to charge, the hostile squadrons, rapidly
advancing against each other, met midway on the plain.  The shock was
terrible.  Horse and rider reeled under the force of it.  The spears flew
into shivers; ^24 and the cavaliers, drawing their swords, or wielding
their maces and battle-axes, - though some of the royal troopers were
armed only with a common axe, - dealt their blows with all the fury of
civil hate.  It was a fearful struggle, not merely of man against man,
but, to use the words of an eyewitness, of brother against brother, and
friend against friend. ^25 No quarter was asked; for the wrench that had
been strong enough to tear asunder the dearest ties of kindred left no
hold for humanity.  The excellent arms of the Almagrians counterbalanced
the odds of numbers; but the royal partisans gained some advantage by
striking at the horses instead of the mailed bodies of their antagonists.

[Footnote 24: "Se encontraron de suerte, que casi todas las lancas
quebraron, quedando muchos muertos, i caidos de ambas partes." (Ibid., ubi
supra.) Zarate writes on this occasion with the spirit and strength of
Thucydides.  He was not present, but came into the country the following
year, when he gleaned the particulars of the battle from the best informed
persons there, to whom his position gave him ready access.]

[Footnote 25: It is the language of the Conquerors themselves, who, in
their letter to the Emperor, compare the action to the great battle of
Ravenna.  "Fue tan renida i porfiada, que despues de la de Rebena, no se
ha visto entre tan poca gente mas cruel batalla, donde hermanos a
hermanos, ni deudos a deudos, ni amigos a amigos no se davan vida uno a
otro." Carta de Cabildo de Arequipa al Emperador. Ms.]

     The infantry, meanwhile, on both sides, kept up a sharp cross-fire
from their arquebuses, which did execution on the ranks of the cavaliers,
as well as on one another.  But Almagro's battery of heavy guns, now well
directed, mowed down the advancing columns of foot.  The latter,
staggering, began to fall back from the terrible fire, when Francisco de
Carbajal, throwing himself before them, cried out, "Shame on you, my men!
Do you give way now?  I am twice as good a mark for the enemy as any of
you!" He was a very large man; and, throwing off his steel helmet and
cuirass, that he might have no advantage over his followers, he remained
lightly attired in his cotton doublet, when, swinging his partisan over
his head, he sprang boldly forward through blinding volumes of smoke and a
tempest of musket-balls, and, supported by the bravest of his troops,
overpowered the gunners, and made himself master of their pieces.