Multimedia Mania/abacus-multimedia-mania.iso/dp/0048/00485.txt

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$Unique_ID{bob00485}
$Pretitle{}
$Title{Rwanda
Chapter 5C.   Social Structure}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{The Director Foreign Area Studies}
$Affiliation{HQ, Department of the Army}
$Subject{cattle
social
tutsi
hutu
land
relationship
system
mwami
generally
traditional
see
pictures
see
figures
}
$Date{1990}
$Log{See Zebras*0048501.scf
See President Juvenal Habyarimana*0048502.scf
}
Title:       Rwanda
Book:        Area Handbook for Rwanda
Author:      The Director Foreign Area Studies
Affiliation: HQ, Department of the Army
Date:        1990

Chapter 5C.   Social Structure

[See Zebras: Courtesy Embassy of Rwanda, Washington DC.]

     The traditional sociopolitical system was based upon three factors: the
hierarchical Tutsi-Hutu caste division of inequality, sanctioned by divine
order and operating through the patronclient system, or ubuhake; a strong
family orientation as opposed to a communal or village organization; and the
superiority of the male as expressed in the customs of patrilineal descent
and paternal authority.

     Under this now defunct system, the Mwami (king) held eminent domain over
all land and livestock. These were controlled and managed by the royal
princes, who allocated authority to relatives and personal favorites. These
Tutsi cattle owners, functioning as chiefs and subchiefs, granted patronage,
protection, and the use of cattle to their Hutu client-farmer. Each client had
the right to work a plot of land allotted to him by the lord and to keep a
portion of the produce, but the patron expected a share as usufruct payment.
Although the farmer could share his land rights with his children and
relatives, the Mwami, because of his symbolic ownership rights, could tax
cultivated land, seize it as a penalty for crimes, and demand its return if
feudal obligations were not fulfilled.

     In the feudal ubuhake relationship, the Tutsi shebuja, lord, entrusted
his garagu, or serf, with cattle, the symbol of the contract between the two
parties. Ownership remained with the Tutsi and allowed the lord to expect
services and produce from the serfs, who were given protection and privileges
by their masters. Contracts were also formalized by an exchange of gifts which
gave each party a sense of security in his contractual relationship with the
other.

     The stipulations imposed on the serfs were extensive. Generally, the Hutu
retained the milk and calves born of the cattle entrusted to them, except for
the increase of cows specified by the over-lords. The serfs could not kill or
dispose of the cattle, nor could they leave the shebujas territory. If the
garagu neglected his duties, the shebuja had the option of asking for the
return of the cattle. This occurred frequently and for the slightest
transgressions. If, however, the garagu was diligent and ambitious in managing
the cattle, he might eventually become a patron and contract cattle to others.
The relationship usually passed from father to son for both the patron and
client. Generally, possession of the inherited land and cattle united a man
and his ancestors in such a way that he was eternally indebted to them for
their goodness.

     The Tutsi lords, as representatives of the Mwami, considered work with a
hoe demeaning and made their living solely by owning and dealing in cattle.
Through their contracts with the Hutu, the Tutsi perpetuated a system in
which it was unnecessary for most of them to do any manual labor. At times,
an impoverished Tutsi would work the land but, generally, his clan would make
arrangements for him to borrow cattle and thereby maintain his superior status
and prestige.

     In order to control the Tutsi lords and Hutu peasantry, the Mwami
maintained an elaborate court at Nyanza. Positions of honor included: ntore,
or vassals and military aides directly responsible to the Mwami (this term was
also used to designate the royal dancers); abiru, or guardians of customs and
the kalinga, or the royal drum, which was the symbol of Tutsi authority;
abashoshi, or young attendants who would eventually gain positions of
authority and prestige; bakoma, or persons with supernatural powers,
soothsayers, magicians, and historiographers; abasisi, or the cook who had the
complete trust of the Mwami (poisoning was always considered a danger);
nitalinda, or huntsmen and couriers; nitimwana, or artisans; and the female
attendants and servants who constantly accompanied the Mwami. Each of these
positions was attained only through dedication and service to the Mwami.

     Changes affecting the traditional, hierarchical, sociopolitical order
began as early as the 1940s. By that time many of the Tutsi chiefs had been
converted to Christianity and had been influenced by Western thought and
customs. More importantly, Hutu students having contact with education were
being exposed to and were discussing egalitarian ideas. Partly because of the
teachings of Catholic missionaries, monogamy was replacing polygyny, which had
allowed the lords, through assistance from several wives, to hold large
estates. In addition, the formerly effective system by which lords parceled
out land to subchiefs in trusteeships was breaking down.

     The Belgian Administration, with its technical knowledge as well as
authority, had its effect on the old order. In need of a clerical staff,
colonial officials utilized local, mission-educated Rwandans, generally Tutsi,
but with some Hutu representation. The prestige positions at the Mwami's court
lost their appeal, and the Mwami was deserted by many of his followers, who
now saw the colonial administration as an alternative to his authority.
Education and Westernization in appearance became the new avenues to prestige
and status.

     As a result of the Hutu revolt in 1959, independence, and a gradual shift
toward a monied economy, the relationship between the Tutsi overlords and
agricultural serfs has changed. According to the Constitution,"... the Rwanda
Republic ensures the equality of all its citizens without distinction of race,
origin, sex or religion." The egalitarian base of the new governmental form is
constitutionally reinforced: "The privileges of castes are abolished and may
not be restored. No new privileges may be instituted." The right of suffrage
to all nationals of both sexes is granted by the Constitution.

     Resourceful Hutu, using their educational opportunities and
administrative and technical skills, are seeking full economic and social
equality. Their hopes for future improvement of social standing is increasing,
whereas the position of the Tutsi in the republican society in 1969 was still
undefined.

     The feudal land tenure system was theoretically abolished by the
Constitution: "Private property, individual or collective is inviolable. It
may not be threatened except in cases of public need legally attested and
subject to just and prior indemnity." New property codes, now under
consideration, will attempt to legalize ownership claims by possession and
habitation, since a system of land title has not yet been established. Only
when the traditional land tenure system is totally eliminated will the
standard of living for independent agriculturalists be improved (see
Agriculture, ch. 9).

     The small, elite group of young Hutu and Tutsi men who have acquired more
than a few years of schooling are reluctant to enter social service
professions, such as medical work, where they are badly needed. They prefer
the prestige ascribed to Government and civil administration. Since the
revolution, social change and the establishment of a new social system have
been under the leadership of President Kayibanda and the hand-picked, often
seminary-educated Hutu who have risen to middle- and upper-level Government
positions (see Political and Governmental Systems, ch. 6).

Social Values

     Although the 1960s have been a decade of ferment because of the changes
caused by revolution, by the pervasive effects of Christian teachings over the
past 70 years, and by the growing economic system and commercial enterprise,
the traditional values have been slow to change. In spite of the national
upheaval and turmoil, the people generally retain preindependence attitudes
toward the relationship of man to his world. The overall fatalistic attitude
toward the will of Imana, the emphasis placed upon the family, the solidarity
of blood kin, and the acceptance of ancestral spirits in the family circle are
still maintained. Even the reversal of the sociopolitical hierarchy has
probably had little effect on the basic values held by rural Rwandans. There
has been movement toward a community-oriented, nationalistic, egalitarian
society in response to European and Christian value systems, but the great
majority retain traditional values.

     An important source for traditional beliefs is oral tradition, which
subtly indicates the most important attitudes of the society. Proverbs,
axioms, and sayings express feelings and instructions for proper behavior
which reflect the philosophy of the society. In the absence of written history
and limited formal education, oral tradition imparted by the family and peer
group continues to be the most pervasive means of providing guidelines for the
young, and insuring the smooth operation of society.

     A survey of proverbs indicates a preoccupation with values such as
personal destiny, fertility, dignity, reciprocity, eloquence, societal
solidarity, and acceptance of one's role in the social structure.

     Fatalism and man's resignation to his inability to determine the course
of the future are indicated in many proverbs. These generally deal with an
understanding of man's personal destiny. Integrity, understanding oneself, and
the exercise of personal judgment are believed to be developed within the
individual. Although each man is subject to the arbitrary decisions of Imana,
"The sculpture of hearts has not made them the same." Each man can determine
his own course, since "Goodness of the heart can change destiny." Within
limits, any particular man can affect the course of history and gain personal
fulfillment. The only way to obtain happiness is to work with one's destiny,
not to try to escape it, since "You can outdistance that which is running
after you but not what is running inside you."

     Man is frail, mortal, and insignificant because "Death is inevitable, to
die is the ransom of life." Although Rwandans do not happily join the
ancestors, for "To get old is to be robbed, old age is an enemy," they believe
that the brief life that man has can be used to attain peace of mind if one
develops the appropriate personality traits.

     The most desired personality traits are illustrated by proverbs:
perseverance and steadfastness, "Slowly, slowly is the safari"; contentment
with what one has, "Lameness is better than the grave"; humility, "He who
feels sufficient in his wisdom is not wise"; choice of companions, "You don't
tie a bad goat near you"; search for knowledge and experience, "If a small
bird cannot fly it will not know where the ripe grain is." Practicality in all
situations is stressed, and quarrels should be avoided at all cost.
Initiative, self-reliance, and cooperation with others are means toward
success and dignity. Actions toward others must be reciprocal, however, in
that favors received must be returned in like kind.

     Rules for social interaction are also derived from proverbs. "The hammer
will not grow higher than the one who makes it" (do not feel superior to one's
father or teacher), "Laws are more than a case in court" (people with power
have the advantage over those who are right), and "The hen does not crow if
the rooster is there" (indicating the relationship between the wife and the
head of the household).

     A principal goal in life is parenthood, since "Nothing is more agreeable
to the heart than to reproduce oneself in children." Children are highly
valued, and childlessness is regarded as a misfortune as indicated by the
proverb. "The greatest sorrow is to have no children to mourn for you." The
desire for offspring is reinforced by the belief in a relationship between the
living and deceased blood kin. Solidarity of those who live together is
essential because it is the relationship with the living which brings earthly
satisfaction and the harmony with the ancestors which allows life and
fertility to be transmitted down through the generations.

     To speak is a social duty. "The fact of knowing, like fire, comes from
your neighbor" shows the way in which knowledge spreads. Words are considered
treasures. They are most prized when the speaker is concise, eloquent, has
a rich vocabulary, and can speak in allusions. Direct statements that are
blunt or to the point are considered boorish and can be badly misinterpreted,
since one never speaks what is on his mind. Guile is considered an attribute
because "The man who tells no lies cannot feed his children." Exaggerated
stories are generally a part of an evening's entertainment, and at times men
compete with each other at these bragging sessions.

The Ideal Man

     The qualities of an ideal male are clearly defined: He exemplifies
goodness, politeness, dignity, and courage. Knowing the proper behavior for
all situations, he is sincere and sociable in personal relations, but is
cunning in using his rhetorical skills for deception in negotiations. A man
must have respect for human life and should love children, the elderly, and
the crippled, but he need not extend this feeling to men in inferior social
positions. Finally, hospitality to his guests is a sacred duty.

     Personality traits that men must guard against include imprudence,
idleness, avarice, stubborness, injustice, pride, arrogance, and ingratitude.

The Ideal Woman

     The ideal female is fertile, hardworking, and modest and has been trained
in artful silence and reticence. As a careful listener, she can generally
repeat most conversations verbatim. It is proper for a wife to be shy and
gentle, but a husband also admires a woman who is good in bargaining, managing
his property, and negotiating for him in his absence. Through their
cleverness, some women become formidable matriarchs.

     Women are symbolically one with the earth and must act accordingly. As
vessels of fertility, women may not, according to traditional beliefs, jump,
step over brooks, or climb ladders. Within her, she has all the potential of
life; she fulfills her societal role and receives esteem in proportion to the
number of children she bears. If she performs her duties well, fecundity may
be transmitted to the seeds she plants, bringing prosperity to all.

     Women, especially mothers, receive a great deal of respect but very
little authority in decisionmaking. Her position in the society is determined
by the marriage her family contracts. Probably few women are interested in the
voting rights accorded to them by the Constitution. The ideal woman functions
almost entirely within the circle of home and family. Traditionally, Hutu
women assisted their husbands in the fields, and Tutsi noblewomen wove mats,
containers, and baskets. In 1969 a small number of women attended the
homemaking classes at various mission and Government centers, but no women's
clubs had been established.

The Importance of Cattle

     Cattle are not primarily a source of food, but are regarded as living
gold, constituting a symbol of prestige and the most highly prized form of
wealth (see Agriculture, ch. 9). Cattle were, and to some extent still are,
the basis of the patron-client relationship that dominated the social
structure. An exchange of cattle usually confirmed important agreements, and
they remained the preferred form of bridewealth, even after a monetary economy
was introduced.

     The traditional greeting "May you have herds" and the response "I wish
you herds of females" are still used. It is a profound compliment to say that
a woman's features resemble a cow. In 1968, although the patron-client
relationship had been theoretically abolished, it was still common for Hutu
who had attained economic power to demonstrate their position by walking their
cattle down the main thoroughfares on Sunday mornings.

     Myths, legends, and epics illustrate the manner in which men and their
cows share a common life. When the herds are prosperous, fertile, and healthy
the owners will have good lives; if the cattle are having a difficult time,
men will inevitably share their sorrows.

The Importance of Beer

     Beer is a necessity for all socially significant communal gatherings,
such as marriages, funerals, contract negotiations, and divination rites. At
times it is used as a medium of exchange or as a gift. It is made from
bananas, sorghum, millet, or honey, and large quantities are brewed during the
harvest season, from July to October, when most festivals occur.

     All adults, especially males, are beer drinkers. On social occasions it
is offered to guests as an expression of homage, for amusement, or as mere
refreshment. To refuse beer is a serious insult. Drunkenness is not
considered a vice but, rather, the mark of a prosperous man.

     Reed straws are usually provided for drinking beer since a communal pot
holds the liquid. The type of pot indicates the status of the drinkers, as
there are different types of pots for persons of different social positions.

[See President Juvenal Habyarimana: Courtesy Embassy of Rwanda, Washington DC.]