$Unique_ID{bob00485} $Pretitle{} $Title{Rwanda Chapter 5C. Social Structure} $Subtitle{} $Author{The Director Foreign Area Studies} $Affiliation{HQ, Department of the Army} $Subject{cattle social tutsi hutu land relationship system mwami generally traditional see pictures see figures } $Date{1990} $Log{See Zebras*0048501.scf See President Juvenal Habyarimana*0048502.scf } Title: Rwanda Book: Area Handbook for Rwanda Author: The Director Foreign Area Studies Affiliation: HQ, Department of the Army Date: 1990 Chapter 5C. Social Structure [See Zebras: Courtesy Embassy of Rwanda, Washington DC.] The traditional sociopolitical system was based upon three factors: the hierarchical Tutsi-Hutu caste division of inequality, sanctioned by divine order and operating through the patronclient system, or ubuhake; a strong family orientation as opposed to a communal or village organization; and the superiority of the male as expressed in the customs of patrilineal descent and paternal authority. Under this now defunct system, the Mwami (king) held eminent domain over all land and livestock. These were controlled and managed by the royal princes, who allocated authority to relatives and personal favorites. These Tutsi cattle owners, functioning as chiefs and subchiefs, granted patronage, protection, and the use of cattle to their Hutu client-farmer. Each client had the right to work a plot of land allotted to him by the lord and to keep a portion of the produce, but the patron expected a share as usufruct payment. Although the farmer could share his land rights with his children and relatives, the Mwami, because of his symbolic ownership rights, could tax cultivated land, seize it as a penalty for crimes, and demand its return if feudal obligations were not fulfilled. In the feudal ubuhake relationship, the Tutsi shebuja, lord, entrusted his garagu, or serf, with cattle, the symbol of the contract between the two parties. Ownership remained with the Tutsi and allowed the lord to expect services and produce from the serfs, who were given protection and privileges by their masters. Contracts were also formalized by an exchange of gifts which gave each party a sense of security in his contractual relationship with the other. The stipulations imposed on the serfs were extensive. Generally, the Hutu retained the milk and calves born of the cattle entrusted to them, except for the increase of cows specified by the over-lords. The serfs could not kill or dispose of the cattle, nor could they leave the shebujas territory. If the garagu neglected his duties, the shebuja had the option of asking for the return of the cattle. This occurred frequently and for the slightest transgressions. If, however, the garagu was diligent and ambitious in managing the cattle, he might eventually become a patron and contract cattle to others. The relationship usually passed from father to son for both the patron and client. Generally, possession of the inherited land and cattle united a man and his ancestors in such a way that he was eternally indebted to them for their goodness. The Tutsi lords, as representatives of the Mwami, considered work with a hoe demeaning and made their living solely by owning and dealing in cattle. Through their contracts with the Hutu, the Tutsi perpetuated a system in which it was unnecessary for most of them to do any manual labor. At times, an impoverished Tutsi would work the land but, generally, his clan would make arrangements for him to borrow cattle and thereby maintain his superior status and prestige. In order to control the Tutsi lords and Hutu peasantry, the Mwami maintained an elaborate court at Nyanza. Positions of honor included: ntore, or vassals and military aides directly responsible to the Mwami (this term was also used to designate the royal dancers); abiru, or guardians of customs and the kalinga, or the royal drum, which was the symbol of Tutsi authority; abashoshi, or young attendants who would eventually gain positions of authority and prestige; bakoma, or persons with supernatural powers, soothsayers, magicians, and historiographers; abasisi, or the cook who had the complete trust of the Mwami (poisoning was always considered a danger); nitalinda, or huntsmen and couriers; nitimwana, or artisans; and the female attendants and servants who constantly accompanied the Mwami. Each of these positions was attained only through dedication and service to the Mwami. Changes affecting the traditional, hierarchical, sociopolitical order began as early as the 1940s. By that time many of the Tutsi chiefs had been converted to Christianity and had been influenced by Western thought and customs. More importantly, Hutu students having contact with education were being exposed to and were discussing egalitarian ideas. Partly because of the teachings of Catholic missionaries, monogamy was replacing polygyny, which had allowed the lords, through assistance from several wives, to hold large estates. In addition, the formerly effective system by which lords parceled out land to subchiefs in trusteeships was breaking down. The Belgian Administration, with its technical knowledge as well as authority, had its effect on the old order. In need of a clerical staff, colonial officials utilized local, mission-educated Rwandans, generally Tutsi, but with some Hutu representation. The prestige positions at the Mwami's court lost their appeal, and the Mwami was deserted by many of his followers, who now saw the colonial administration as an alternative to his authority. Education and Westernization in appearance became the new avenues to prestige and status. As a result of the Hutu revolt in 1959, independence, and a gradual shift toward a monied economy, the relationship between the Tutsi overlords and agricultural serfs has changed. According to the Constitution,"... the Rwanda Republic ensures the equality of all its citizens without distinction of race, origin, sex or religion." The egalitarian base of the new governmental form is constitutionally reinforced: "The privileges of castes are abolished and may not be restored. No new privileges may be instituted." The right of suffrage to all nationals of both sexes is granted by the Constitution. Resourceful Hutu, using their educational opportunities and administrative and technical skills, are seeking full economic and social equality. Their hopes for future improvement of social standing is increasing, whereas the position of the Tutsi in the republican society in 1969 was still undefined. The feudal land tenure system was theoretically abolished by the Constitution: "Private property, individual or collective is inviolable. It may not be threatened except in cases of public need legally attested and subject to just and prior indemnity." New property codes, now under consideration, will attempt to legalize ownership claims by possession and habitation, since a system of land title has not yet been established. Only when the traditional land tenure system is totally eliminated will the standard of living for independent agriculturalists be improved (see Agriculture, ch. 9). The small, elite group of young Hutu and Tutsi men who have acquired more than a few years of schooling are reluctant to enter social service professions, such as medical work, where they are badly needed. They prefer the prestige ascribed to Government and civil administration. Since the revolution, social change and the establishment of a new social system have been under the leadership of President Kayibanda and the hand-picked, often seminary-educated Hutu who have risen to middle- and upper-level Government positions (see Political and Governmental Systems, ch. 6). Social Values Although the 1960s have been a decade of ferment because of the changes caused by revolution, by the pervasive effects of Christian teachings over the past 70 years, and by the growing economic system and commercial enterprise, the traditional values have been slow to change. In spite of the national upheaval and turmoil, the people generally retain preindependence attitudes toward the relationship of man to his world. The overall fatalistic attitude toward the will of Imana, the emphasis placed upon the family, the solidarity of blood kin, and the acceptance of ancestral spirits in the family circle are still maintained. Even the reversal of the sociopolitical hierarchy has probably had little effect on the basic values held by rural Rwandans. There has been movement toward a community-oriented, nationalistic, egalitarian society in response to European and Christian value systems, but the great majority retain traditional values. An important source for traditional beliefs is oral tradition, which subtly indicates the most important attitudes of the society. Proverbs, axioms, and sayings express feelings and instructions for proper behavior which reflect the philosophy of the society. In the absence of written history and limited formal education, oral tradition imparted by the family and peer group continues to be the most pervasive means of providing guidelines for the young, and insuring the smooth operation of society. A survey of proverbs indicates a preoccupation with values such as personal destiny, fertility, dignity, reciprocity, eloquence, societal solidarity, and acceptance of one's role in the social structure. Fatalism and man's resignation to his inability to determine the course of the future are indicated in many proverbs. These generally deal with an understanding of man's personal destiny. Integrity, understanding oneself, and the exercise of personal judgment are believed to be developed within the individual. Although each man is subject to the arbitrary decisions of Imana, "The sculpture of hearts has not made them the same." Each man can determine his own course, since "Goodness of the heart can change destiny." Within limits, any particular man can affect the course of history and gain personal fulfillment. The only way to obtain happiness is to work with one's destiny, not to try to escape it, since "You can outdistance that which is running after you but not what is running inside you." Man is frail, mortal, and insignificant because "Death is inevitable, to die is the ransom of life." Although Rwandans do not happily join the ancestors, for "To get old is to be robbed, old age is an enemy," they believe that the brief life that man has can be used to attain peace of mind if one develops the appropriate personality traits. The most desired personality traits are illustrated by proverbs: perseverance and steadfastness, "Slowly, slowly is the safari"; contentment with what one has, "Lameness is better than the grave"; humility, "He who feels sufficient in his wisdom is not wise"; choice of companions, "You don't tie a bad goat near you"; search for knowledge and experience, "If a small bird cannot fly it will not know where the ripe grain is." Practicality in all situations is stressed, and quarrels should be avoided at all cost. Initiative, self-reliance, and cooperation with others are means toward success and dignity. Actions toward others must be reciprocal, however, in that favors received must be returned in like kind. Rules for social interaction are also derived from proverbs. "The hammer will not grow higher than the one who makes it" (do not feel superior to one's father or teacher), "Laws are more than a case in court" (people with power have the advantage over those who are right), and "The hen does not crow if the rooster is there" (indicating the relationship between the wife and the head of the household). A principal goal in life is parenthood, since "Nothing is more agreeable to the heart than to reproduce oneself in children." Children are highly valued, and childlessness is regarded as a misfortune as indicated by the proverb. "The greatest sorrow is to have no children to mourn for you." The desire for offspring is reinforced by the belief in a relationship between the living and deceased blood kin. Solidarity of those who live together is essential because it is the relationship with the living which brings earthly satisfaction and the harmony with the ancestors which allows life and fertility to be transmitted down through the generations. To speak is a social duty. "The fact of knowing, like fire, comes from your neighbor" shows the way in which knowledge spreads. Words are considered treasures. They are most prized when the speaker is concise, eloquent, has a rich vocabulary, and can speak in allusions. Direct statements that are blunt or to the point are considered boorish and can be badly misinterpreted, since one never speaks what is on his mind. Guile is considered an attribute because "The man who tells no lies cannot feed his children." Exaggerated stories are generally a part of an evening's entertainment, and at times men compete with each other at these bragging sessions. The Ideal Man The qualities of an ideal male are clearly defined: He exemplifies goodness, politeness, dignity, and courage. Knowing the proper behavior for all situations, he is sincere and sociable in personal relations, but is cunning in using his rhetorical skills for deception in negotiations. A man must have respect for human life and should love children, the elderly, and the crippled, but he need not extend this feeling to men in inferior social positions. Finally, hospitality to his guests is a sacred duty. Personality traits that men must guard against include imprudence, idleness, avarice, stubborness, injustice, pride, arrogance, and ingratitude. The Ideal Woman The ideal female is fertile, hardworking, and modest and has been trained in artful silence and reticence. As a careful listener, she can generally repeat most conversations verbatim. It is proper for a wife to be shy and gentle, but a husband also admires a woman who is good in bargaining, managing his property, and negotiating for him in his absence. Through their cleverness, some women become formidable matriarchs. Women are symbolically one with the earth and must act accordingly. As vessels of fertility, women may not, according to traditional beliefs, jump, step over brooks, or climb ladders. Within her, she has all the potential of life; she fulfills her societal role and receives esteem in proportion to the number of children she bears. If she performs her duties well, fecundity may be transmitted to the seeds she plants, bringing prosperity to all. Women, especially mothers, receive a great deal of respect but very little authority in decisionmaking. Her position in the society is determined by the marriage her family contracts. Probably few women are interested in the voting rights accorded to them by the Constitution. The ideal woman functions almost entirely within the circle of home and family. Traditionally, Hutu women assisted their husbands in the fields, and Tutsi noblewomen wove mats, containers, and baskets. In 1969 a small number of women attended the homemaking classes at various mission and Government centers, but no women's clubs had been established. The Importance of Cattle Cattle are not primarily a source of food, but are regarded as living gold, constituting a symbol of prestige and the most highly prized form of wealth (see Agriculture, ch. 9). Cattle were, and to some extent still are, the basis of the patron-client relationship that dominated the social structure. An exchange of cattle usually confirmed important agreements, and they remained the preferred form of bridewealth, even after a monetary economy was introduced. The traditional greeting "May you have herds" and the response "I wish you herds of females" are still used. It is a profound compliment to say that a woman's features resemble a cow. In 1968, although the patron-client relationship had been theoretically abolished, it was still common for Hutu who had attained economic power to demonstrate their position by walking their cattle down the main thoroughfares on Sunday mornings. Myths, legends, and epics illustrate the manner in which men and their cows share a common life. When the herds are prosperous, fertile, and healthy the owners will have good lives; if the cattle are having a difficult time, men will inevitably share their sorrows. The Importance of Beer Beer is a necessity for all socially significant communal gatherings, such as marriages, funerals, contract negotiations, and divination rites. At times it is used as a medium of exchange or as a gift. It is made from bananas, sorghum, millet, or honey, and large quantities are brewed during the harvest season, from July to October, when most festivals occur. All adults, especially males, are beer drinkers. On social occasions it is offered to guests as an expression of homage, for amusement, or as mere refreshment. To refuse beer is a serious insult. Drunkenness is not considered a vice but, rather, the mark of a prosperous man. Reed straws are usually provided for drinking beer since a communal pot holds the liquid. The type of pot indicates the status of the drinkers, as there are different types of pots for persons of different social positions. [See President Juvenal Habyarimana: Courtesy Embassy of Rwanda, Washington DC.]