Countries of the World/COUNTRYS.BIN/dp/0142/01428.txt

Text File | 1991-06-25 | 35KB | 558 lines

$Unique_ID{COW01428}
$Pretitle{353}
$Title{Ghana
Chapter 5B.   Social Change}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{}
$Affiliation{HQ, Department of the Army}
$Subject{traditional
social
society
urban
lineage
areas
new
groups
family
organizations}
$Date{1970}
$Log{}
Country:     Ghana
Book:        Area Handbook for Ghana
Affiliation: HQ, Department of the Army
Date:        1970

Chapter 5B.   Social Change

     Traditional social institutions in Ghana have not existed in a vacuum.
British influence has been present for generations, and by the time of
independence the British had exercised substantial political authority over
certain southern areas for well over 100 years (see ch. 3, Historical
Setting). In areas under its control the colonial government ended warfare
among tribes, abolished slavery, imposed some taxation, and established
bureaucratic and juridical procedures; the social relationships that had
existed before their arrival were altered by their influence-at times
radically and always permanently. Some individuals and groups in ethnic
societies lost power, and others gained power as the British abolished some
traditional functions and established new ones.

     The introduction of currency and of new technology began to undermine the
power of traditionally influential elders. Young persons adept in new
techniques and able to earn cash in the money market could take advantage of
an unaccustomed new freedom from restraints imposed by their elders. The
inalienability of lineage lands was also eroded by the introduction of the
money market. Formal education and the introduction of the English language
produced a new elite class of literate graduates who functioned as
intermediaries between the indigenous peoples and the colonial power and,
later, the world at large.

     The growth of new values, social institutions, and patterns of
interaction in urban areas and among certain peoples in southern Ghana
represented the initial emergence of a new national culture and social system
resulting from these changes. In early 1971 the contrasts between the
traditional system, which formed a base for the new society, and the emerging
society were not always distinct. Frequently, change was incremental rather
than absolute, and many people participated in elements associated with both
systems. Traditional institutions were in many cases being fitted to new
functions or given new outward structures. Although various social and
psychological tensions existed, this mixing of traditional practices and
modern concepts eased the transition.

     These changes, which reflected a society in transition, were taking place
primarily in urban areas and in rural areas involved in a market economy. The
general structure of ultimate society was still fluid and open to change, and
the outcome of existent trends was uncertain. Some elements of urban society
identified with modernization, such as a preference for Western forms of
relaxation and classical works of Western literature, were prestigious
characteristics of an urban elite subculture that was not, and never would be,
typical of the overall national society.

     The penetration of Western knowledge, techniques, and organization was
not uniform throughout the country. Naturally, it occurred first and in most
concentrated form on the coast; consequently, the coastal and southern peoples
were the greatest beneficiaries of the new economic and social opportunities
and, conversely, suffered the greatest social upheaval. The alteration and
adaptation of traditional society had occurred particularly rapidly in urban
areas, in part because of the concentration of economic development and social
infrastructure, such as education, in the southern half of the country.

     Significant modernizing changes in the traditional society began in the
late nineteenth century, although coastal peoples had experienced some effects
of Western contacts earlier (see ch. 3, Historical Setting). Change was a
gradual process, marked by marginal changes and shifts that affected only a
small segment of the population. After World War II, and particularly after
independence from the British in 1957, both the rate and extent of change
increased rapidly.

     The elements of Western society introduced into Ghana were based on
values and concepts totally foreign to those of the traditional cultures.
Rather than being based on the inherited and personal relationships of kinship
groups, interaction was organized on the more impersonal and bureaucratic
considerations of educational achievement, economic status, and individual
action. In the traditional society the individual had social importance
because he functioned in a matrix of kin and personal relationships and
obligations; his social identity could not be separated from that of his
lineage. In the British value system, on the other hand, the individual
existed as a free and separate social agent. His legal obligations were
largely contractual rather than kin based, and his relations with other
persons were dependent on individual action and interest.

     Formal education provided the traditional society with the major means of
access to the society evolving in urban areas. It brought a knowledge of
English and offered the skills and experience that were necessary to obtain
employment and also served to rank the educated in the new-found hierarchy.
Graduates of the older, established schools held positions of higher prestige
than graduates of the newer schools.

Urban Society

     Although many city dwellers maintain an ethnic identity, even though in
an altered form, movement to the city represents a degree of identification
with the aspirations of the modern, rather than the traditional, society.
Migration from the countryside was, in 1971, one of the major sources of urban
growth, although many of the older towns were inhabited by third- or
fourth-generation urban dwellers. Surveys completed during the middle and late
1960s showed that migration to urban areas was affected by several factors. A
large proportion of immigrants came from areas immediately adjacent to urban
centers. Larger towns were more likely to attract immigrants than were small
towns. There was a high correlation between economic well-being and
educational level and the tendency to migrate, although occupation, marital
status, and the number of dependents did not have much significance. The
survey indicated that, although migrants to urban areas came from divergent
traditions, they had many similar aspirations and attitudes.

     The urban society developing in the early 1970s was characterized by
considerable diversity in living habits and perspectives based on a mixture of
traditional and modern elements. The developing urban society was a series of
continua, with few individuals falling totally in either the traditional or
modern sector. On the one end is the newly arrived resident, with a limited
knowledge of English and Western society. Although he may have some education,
he is likely to maintain many traditional patterns in his eating habits,
clothing, and leisure activities. Mutual aid societies with tribal orientation
provided an important source of social interaction and identity for him. If he
is employed, he is likely to be a laborer, small shopkeeper, or trader.

     At the other end of the continuum is the established resident, who may
come from a second- or third-generation urban family. He is more likely to
wear a Western-style business suit, eat European foods, and live in a
Western-style house that is furnished in a European style. He is generally a
professed Christian and is involved in voluntary charitable organizations. He
is a political leader, government official, senior civil servant, doctor,
lawyer, college professor, journalist, or important businessman.

     Various criteria can be used to divide the upper ranks of urban society
into groups in terms of the functions they perform. These persons are tied to
economics, politics, education, admi