$Unique_ID{COW01428} $Pretitle{353} $Title{Ghana Chapter 5B. Social Change} $Subtitle{} $Author{} $Affiliation{HQ, Department of the Army} $Subject{traditional social society urban lineage areas new groups family organizations} $Date{1970} $Log{} Country: Ghana Book: Area Handbook for Ghana Affiliation: HQ, Department of the Army Date: 1970 Chapter 5B. Social Change Traditional social institutions in Ghana have not existed in a vacuum. British influence has been present for generations, and by the time of independence the British had exercised substantial political authority over certain southern areas for well over 100 years (see ch. 3, Historical Setting). In areas under its control the colonial government ended warfare among tribes, abolished slavery, imposed some taxation, and established bureaucratic and juridical procedures; the social relationships that had existed before their arrival were altered by their influence-at times radically and always permanently. Some individuals and groups in ethnic societies lost power, and others gained power as the British abolished some traditional functions and established new ones. The introduction of currency and of new technology began to undermine the power of traditionally influential elders. Young persons adept in new techniques and able to earn cash in the money market could take advantage of an unaccustomed new freedom from restraints imposed by their elders. The inalienability of lineage lands was also eroded by the introduction of the money market. Formal education and the introduction of the English language produced a new elite class of literate graduates who functioned as intermediaries between the indigenous peoples and the colonial power and, later, the world at large. The growth of new values, social institutions, and patterns of interaction in urban areas and among certain peoples in southern Ghana represented the initial emergence of a new national culture and social system resulting from these changes. In early 1971 the contrasts between the traditional system, which formed a base for the new society, and the emerging society were not always distinct. Frequently, change was incremental rather than absolute, and many people participated in elements associated with both systems. Traditional institutions were in many cases being fitted to new functions or given new outward structures. Although various social and psychological tensions existed, this mixing of traditional practices and modern concepts eased the transition. These changes, which reflected a society in transition, were taking place primarily in urban areas and in rural areas involved in a market economy. The general structure of ultimate society was still fluid and open to change, and the outcome of existent trends was uncertain. Some elements of urban society identified with modernization, such as a preference for Western forms of relaxation and classical works of Western literature, were prestigious characteristics of an urban elite subculture that was not, and never would be, typical of the overall national society. The penetration of Western knowledge, techniques, and organization was not uniform throughout the country. Naturally, it occurred first and in most concentrated form on the coast; consequently, the coastal and southern peoples were the greatest beneficiaries of the new economic and social opportunities and, conversely, suffered the greatest social upheaval. The alteration and adaptation of traditional society had occurred particularly rapidly in urban areas, in part because of the concentration of economic development and social infrastructure, such as education, in the southern half of the country. Significant modernizing changes in the traditional society began in the late nineteenth century, although coastal peoples had experienced some effects of Western contacts earlier (see ch. 3, Historical Setting). Change was a gradual process, marked by marginal changes and shifts that affected only a small segment of the population. After World War II, and particularly after independence from the British in 1957, both the rate and extent of change increased rapidly. The elements of Western society introduced into Ghana were based on values and concepts totally foreign to those of the traditional cultures. Rather than being based on the inherited and personal relationships of kinship groups, interaction was organized on the more impersonal and bureaucratic considerations of educational achievement, economic status, and individual action. In the traditional society the individual had social importance because he functioned in a matrix of kin and personal relationships and obligations; his social identity could not be separated from that of his lineage. In the British value system, on the other hand, the individual existed as a free and separate social agent. His legal obligations were largely contractual rather than kin based, and his relations with other persons were dependent on individual action and interest. Formal education provided the traditional society with the major means of access to the society evolving in urban areas. It brought a knowledge of English and offered the skills and experience that were necessary to obtain employment and also served to rank the educated in the new-found hierarchy. Graduates of the older, established schools held positions of higher prestige than graduates of the newer schools. Urban Society Although many city dwellers maintain an ethnic identity, even though in an altered form, movement to the city represents a degree of identification with the aspirations of the modern, rather than the traditional, society. Migration from the countryside was, in 1971, one of the major sources of urban growth, although many of the older towns were inhabited by third- or fourth-generation urban dwellers. Surveys completed during the middle and late 1960s showed that migration to urban areas was affected by several factors. A large proportion of immigrants came from areas immediately adjacent to urban centers. Larger towns were more likely to attract immigrants than were small towns. There was a high correlation between economic well-being and educational level and the tendency to migrate, although occupation, marital status, and the number of dependents did not have much significance. The survey indicated that, although migrants to urban areas came from divergent traditions, they had many similar aspirations and attitudes. The urban society developing in the early 1970s was characterized by considerable diversity in living habits and perspectives based on a mixture of traditional and modern elements. The developing urban society was a series of continua, with few individuals falling totally in either the traditional or modern sector. On the one end is the newly arrived resident, with a limited knowledge of English and Western society. Although he may have some education, he is likely to maintain many traditional patterns in his eating habits, clothing, and leisure activities. Mutual aid societies with tribal orientation provided an important source of social interaction and identity for him. If he is employed, he is likely to be a laborer, small shopkeeper, or trader. At the other end of the continuum is the established resident, who may come from a second- or third-generation urban family. He is more likely to wear a Western-style business suit, eat European foods, and live in a Western-style house that is furnished in a European style. He is generally a professed Christian and is involved in voluntary charitable organizations. He is a political leader, government official, senior civil servant, doctor, lawyer, college professor, journalist, or important businessman. Various criteria can be used to divide the upper ranks of urban society into groups in terms of the functions they perform. These persons are tied to economics, politics, education, administration, medicine, or other professions. Within these groups are individuals who, on the basis of their education, professional standing, and participation in the new urban culture, are accorded high status. These individuals represent the elites of their respective groupings. These intersecting elites, taken as a whole, however, do not compose an upper class. The individuals constituting these elites come from different social and ethnic origins and draw power and social status from different points. Most of them continue to participate in certain aspects of traditional society and socialize with nonelite members of their own or other lineage groups. Most importantly, they do not think of themselves as an elite group. Although the class system is still fluid, the education system has begun to develop and perpetuate lines of stratification, particularly in the urban areas. Statistics in the late 1960s showed that educational recruitment patterns favored students coming from urban families with fathers having high occupational status and educational levels. This was particularly true for female students. Although the system showed a slight increase in fluidity, expansion in the educational system would probably continue to favor children of families with some professional background over workers and rural families. Education remains as a means of social mobility, but the range of mobility is limited; movements from peasant or working-class families to the upper ranks of society are less easily accomplished. Surveys also revealed that students at the secondary level were highly influenced by the views their peers held of them, wanting to be admired and accepted by them and not necessarily by their families or lineage mates. Many expressed dissatisfaction with existent opportunities and disillusionment over the value of continuing their secondary education because of declining job opportunities. Some were remaining in school because of the obligation they felt they owed their family or clan. Most rated such fields as medicine, science, law, and secondary school teaching high on the social scale. They were more likely, however, to express career aspirations of teaching in primary schools or working in clerical or administrative positions, and many secondary school leavers were taking jobs previously associated with those who had only completed middle school. Students at the university level showed a greater sense of cohesion, in part a result of the greater amount of education they had in common and also reflecting their awareness of the high prestige they held as a group. They tended to think in universal terms and held perspectives extending beyond the territorial bounds of the country. Many had assumed the attitudes of foreign teachers who previously had dominated the education system. Initially, primary school leavers possessed unrealistic attitudes and searched for high-status clerical positions. Surveys in the late 1960s indicated that they have become willing to accept skilled manual positions, probably reflecting the higher general level of education in the country and a more realistic view of the social environment and the available employment opportunities. Family life in urban areas approximates Western behavior in varying degree, depending on the family's position between traditional and modern influence. Decisions in the urban family are increasingly being made jointly by both parents. As children spend more and more time away from home, more of their values are inculcated by their peers and adults-particularly teachers-who are not members of their lineage. Social activities organized by schools are becoming increasingly important in the life of urban children and have reduced sibling interaction. As a result, an increasing part of socialization is taking place outside the context of the kin group and immediate family, in contrast to the rural society, in which the family and lineage remain the most significant institution. In general, the population structure of urban areas is young and shows a disproportionate number of males. The major exception to this pattern is found among the Ga, who were early residents in coastal areas and who by 1960 constituted over half of the population of Accra. Since most of the Ga living in the city had been born there, their way of life more closely reflected urban patterns than did other migrant groups. Both the age and sex structures of the Ga population were more balanced, and a higher percentage of Ga males had Western educations than did non-Ga males. Even among nonelites, residence in urban areas has resulted in variations on traditional family patterns. In general, the new patterns emerging represent accommodations of traditional patterns to the needs of urban life rather than the rejection of traditional relationships. Among the Ga, this process is most pronounced because of their long history of urban settlement. In the traditional Ga family the husband and wife maintained separate residences and were tied together through complicated family obligations. Among urban Ga the independent, conjugal family has arisen, based on the residence of the married couple in the same dwelling. Certain traditional Ga elements, however, such as the superordination of the male over the female, have been carried over. As the lineage system weakens and as population movement separates more and more persons from the kinsmen on whom they would ordinarily have depended for aid, companionship, and entertainment, many turn to voluntary-membership clubs and organizations composed of people with common interests rather than inherited ethnic links. These groups are numerous even in small urban areas; they have occurred because the urban population cannot always depend on ethnic structures in time of need and because the ethos of the voluntary organization corresponds to the greater individualism of urban society. Mutual aid associations have an established tradition in the country, and most people hold membership in one or several of the joint provident funds, ethnic associations, mutual benefit organizations, and occupational societies. Members of the urban elite join voluntary service associations, such as charitable societies, dining clubs, and literary and debating societies, for prestige and recreation as well as for the benefits these organizations extend to their members. Membership in both kinds of organizations provide indexes of social prestige and is therefore closely linked to social stratification and mobility. These associations are primarily in towns and in the larger villages of the southern coast. Both men and women are active in them; some organizations are made up of both men and women, although some associations consist of one sex only. Men hold the executive positions in mixed associations and tend to predominate in the elite associations, with the exception of charitable societies in which the women are very active. Men also predominate in the various ethnic group associations, but women far outnumber men in the mutual benefit and occupational associations that make up the bulk of voluntary organizations. These voluntary organizations have fairly high entrance fees and regular dues. They provide very few tangible benefits to members, but their intangible social benefits are considerable. Some of them, particularly the charitable organizations, accomplish some work in the welfare field, but most groups are used by the educated elite to gain or maintain social prestige. Most of the associations to which the semiliterate and illiterate belong provide social security benefits of some sort and are organized on ethnic or occupational lines. The membership of some ethnic organizations is based on specific lineage connections or birth in a particular village or district. Others are more broadly based and open to anyone from a particular indigenous group. A well-known secular benefit society is the Nanamei Akpee (Society of Friends), which has branches in most sizable towns. The mutual aid associations provide many of the benefits deriving from lineage membership to individuals who, because of their relocation in towns and their additional commitments there, are unable to continue active membership in their lineages. They are taking the place of the lineage in situations where the old kin organization is impaired or is breaking down. Particularly striking is the common feature of funeral benefits, such as money, food, and rites; in both the voluntary association and the lineage these benefits are both the principal obligation and the right of all members. Many associations provide, in addition, financial assistance to needy members, in the form of weekly or monthly payments, out of funds raised by members' regular subscriptions. Some even cover hospital expenses for their members and provide unemployment compensation. A few provide some educational benefits by running their own schools or by offering scholarships for study in established schools. Most of these associations also act as units of social control by having established procedures for settling personal quarrels among members without the necessity of formal litigation. The associations to which members of the educated elite belong usually cut across both tribal and occupational lines; the members are drawn together by a common social station and interests. Among them are the Ghana Red Cross Society, the Ghana Music Society, the Accra Turf Club, and the Ghana Club. Two prominent men's clubs in Accra are the International Club and the Rodger Club. An exclusive women's club is the Accra Women's Dining Club. Changes in Rural Society The majority of Ghanaians live in the countryside rather than in cities, and they have not been immune from social change. Although new patterns and ways of life are most common in the urban areas, many aspects of rural life have been altered by the variety of social, technological, and economic influences brought to bear in Ghanaian life during the twentieth century. The basic structure of lineage relationships remains intact in most cases, but it has had to adapt to modern influences. In addition, much of the former symbolic and ideological significance of lineage relationships has deteriorated; many of the glamorous and prestigious models admired and imitated by the young people more commonly represent the aspirations and values of the new national society rather than the traditional groups. The introduction of cash crops and wage labor has had multiple effects on the social system. The production of cocoa among the Ashanti, Fante, and Ewe groups, for example, brought them into contact with marketing and other Western concepts related to commercial transactions. Handicraft production, including a wide range of products from baskets to silver and gold objects, had similar results, as did such skills as tailoring, carpentry, and masonry. Fishing in the coastal waters or in the mouths of rivers also brought sources of cash income. Wage labor often takes the laborer away from his home village and the protection and services provided by tribal and lineage organizations. Mutual benefit societies and cooperatives have formed to supply these services. Although some of these mutual benefit groups are composed of people of common lineage or tribal origin, they have reduced the importance of lineages themselves. In some cases these social institutions were transformed into organizations that were to become the basic models for modern labor and political organizations. Varying degrees of change in the structural and functional aspects of these organizations were affected. Cattle trade and butchery, for example, were the monopoly of the Hausa. The traditional social organization of Hausa brokers was absorbed into the present-day brokers' organization. There was little change in the actual structure of the social organization, but social functions became of secondary importance. The butchers' social organization became a cooperative society. The original personal family base of the organization was replaced by written laws and cash accounts. By the time of independence the power of the chief and the local councils had already been eroded and was in need of redefinition. The introduction of Western forms of local government in the country during the 1950s and 1960s limited their actual power to that of consultative and advisory roles and, in turn, further reduced their prestige and the extent of allegiance they held. Local administration, particularly during the era of Kwame Nkrumah, was transferred to individuals whose lineage was seldom royal. The resultant loss of prestige was met with dissatisfaction by the chiefs and welcomed by those who were able to enter the area of national politics. The office of chief, however, still retains various social and religious roles, and the chief still organizes many quasi-governmental services, such as search parties, festivals, and annual rituals. The chief may also have assumed certain elements required to function in the new system and may serve as a means of communication with the central government; as such, a chief may be more effective in the implementation of change than the actual legal administrators. A chief still possesses many symbols whose meaning in the daily life of the ordinary rural person is far more real than that of the distant government in Accra. Certain aspects of change have occurred within the context of traditional society itself. The abolition of slavery resulted in greater freedom to discuss family origin, although even in the late 1960s care was taken not to comment on family origins in the presence of children or individuals who might report the discussion to others. The descendants of former slaves in many cases have become the dominant portion of the lineage group. They may choose to perform the rites and other obligations of the lineage or may abandon the responsibility. In early 1971 the importance of lineage and kinship obligations was gradually changing at all levels of society. Assistance of clansmen was still important, but among the urban dwellers the range of eligible relatives had narrowed and had become more specified. The greatest sense of responsibility was in the care of one's mother, followed by assistance with education costs. Increases in social services offered by the government tend to perpetuate this trend. The greatest effect on traditional family patterns was visible in urban areas. Among the Anlo villagers, for example, traditional marriage ceremonies had been greatly simplified or eliminated, as had been a good share of the ritual. Families in urban areas still arranged marriages, but young people were more frequently claiming the right to do their own choosing, with family approval still being taken into account. Major targets of direct change during the colonial period were the institutions of social control. The authority of the chiefs and of the lineage system was weakened initially by the establishment of new administrative units and processes. After the early 1920s, however, the system of indirect rule actually strengthened the position of the chiefs and perpetuated the existing sociopolitical order. At the same time, it ended for thirty years the traditional system that had been slowly adapting to new foreign influences and altering political situations (see ch. 3, Historical Setting). Social stratification and mobility also were affected by certain economic developments and the establishment of educational institutes based on Western patterns. Change usually resulted as an interplay of these factors rather than as the result of any one of them. The introduction of cash crops and the intensification of market transactions placed a monetary value on land and eroded the principle of inalienable lineage landholdings. Disputes over the distribution of land rights previously had been few and easily settled by the local authorities. Lineage heads, however, lacked the concepts and experience to handle disputes over the rights of one individual to claim title to a certain piece of land and offer it for sale and were even less capable to administer the distribution of the cash resulting from such sales. Such disputes marked a breakdown in the concept of a common lineage interest and diminution of the prestige of lineage authority. The relocation of certain groups whose land was inundated by the creation of Lake Volta has disrupted traditional social patterns in a major area. In the resettlement region the physical environment itself differs from the traditional pattern. The land has been cleared, and houses have been built of concrete and metal along Western models. For the most part these houses consist of one or two rooms and do not have bathing and cooking facilities as originally planned. They stand in straight lines and resemble Western-style suburban projects. Residents of these projects often come from different villages or clans, and the traditional leaders sometimes enter into conflict. The newly appointed administrators of the project lack the prestige of traditional leaders and rely on the central government for important decisions. The political and social systems stand highly fragmented. The local markets and schools are becoming centers of social interaction, but village cohesion remains marginal. Religion and Society Religion plays an important part in the daily life of all Ghanaians. Traditional religions retain their strength and influence because of their intimate relation to family loyalties and to the local mores. Each ethnic group has its own distinct religious traditions tied to its principal way of livelihood, a sacred place, or a sacred person in the early history of the group. A belief in the immediate influence on the individual of the spirits of dead ancestors and of personified forces of nature and a belief in the efficacy of magic and ritual propitiation of the gods are characteristic of all traditional religions. Each has its pantheon of gods, and many religions have special priesthoods, cults, and shrines. Supernatural powers give religious sanction to the political authority of a tribal chief and to the ethical code of the group. Slightly more than 38 percent of the population adheres to one of the traditional religions (see ch. 4, Ethnic Groups and Languages). More than 42 percent are Christian, and 12 percent are Muslim. Christianity, strongest along the coast, where European influence has been greatest and of longest duration, extends north through the Ashanti Region and the Volta Region; a few Christian areas are found in the north. Because of the long history of mission schools in the country, most educated Ghanaians are at least nominally Christians. Muslims are concentrated in pockets in the northern half of the country and in large southern cities. Few Christians and even fewer Muslims have completely abandoned their traditional beliefs, and most maintain at least some contact with relatives who profess traditional religious beliefs and participate in important family rituals. There is a general tolerance of religious differences among individuals and little conflict among the religious communities. Most ethnic groups are divided along religious lines, usually between traditional beliefs and one of the imported religions. Islam has the greatest influence among the Dagomba; the Mamprusi; the small group of Walba (Wala); and the Hausa and Fulani who immigrated to Ghana from Nigeria and other parts of West Africa. Christianity has more believers among the coastal Akan, the Ga, and the Ewe (see ch. 4, Ethnic Groups and Languages). Each of the three main religions-indigenous, Muslim, and Christian-is subdivided by differences in belief and practice. Local differences among the indigenous religions are numerous, and it is possible to speak of about fifty distinct religions, each associated with an ethnic group but holding a number of common tenets. Adherents to Islam in West Africa may be divided into Sunni Muslims and members of the Ahmadiyya sect, founded in Pakistan in 1990 and considered heretical by some Muslims. The numerous Christian denominations found in the country include the major Western denominations brought by missionaries from abroad and local variations of Protestantism that incorporate beliefs and practices of traditional religions. Most traditional religions distinguish between a supreme god, several lesser gods, the spirits of departed ancestors, and a variety of minor deities. The spirit world is considered as real as the world of the living. Man, gods, and ancestral spirits are linked together by a network of mutual relationships and responsibilities. The action of a man can affect a god or a spirit just as the action of a god or a spirit can affect a living man. Man is neither the lord of creation nor the plaything of the gods. Man needs the blessing of the gods in order to live and prosper, but the gods also need the recognition and reverence of man for strength to act in the affairs of man. Similarly, man needs the approval and support of his ancestors in all his endeavors, but the ancestors need ritual care and attention at their shrines. If one fulfills his obligations, the other will in turn fulfill his. Worshipping departed ancestors is a major characteristic of all traditional religions. A very thin line separates the living from the dead, who continue their life in the spirit world. The dead, who are the most immediate link with the world beyond and the most important link between the living and their gods, are thought to be constantly near and to watch every thought and action of their living descendants. Some ancestors may, by virtue of their position in the lineage, be considered on a par with the gods. It is often held that ancestors are reincarnated in younger generations; barrenness is therefore a great misfortune because it prevents ancestors from returning to life. It is strongly believed, particularly among the illiterate and by participants in the traditional society, that there is an intimate relationship between supernatural powers and the daily life of the individual. Nothing happens by mere chance; there are no accidents or coincidences. If a snake bites a man, someone or something sent it. It is important to find out who and why and what can be done about it. The bitten man must try to make amends to the man or spirit who bears him ill-will. Similarly all sickness, even death, is attributed to spiritual agents, acting either directly or as a result of human intervention. The prescribed moral code must be strictly observed out of fear of angering the spirits and bringing about sickness, death, or other misfortune. Diviners and oracles are consulted to discover the cause of any illness and to determine what exorcising steps must be taken. Herbalists and witch doctors are widely consulted for the same purposes. There is no strong sense of individual guilt or hopelessness. When a man is assumed to have offended the gods, the spirits, or his ancestors, his act is generally regarded as an error or omission rather than a deliberate affront. Spiritual displeasure is believed to be fairly easily assuaged, and the affected individual can correct his mistake by appropriate ritual action. The rejection of traditional religious expression in favor of a religion introduced from outside is complicated by the social and political functions of religion in traditional society. Some Christians have made the total readjustment implied by the rejection of traditional society, but most still participate to varying degrees in it. Some have compartmentalized their religious and social perspectives, and other professing Christians attempt to reconcile their new beliefs and traditional practices. Throughout the 1960s a growing need for forms of Christianity adapted to the traditional forms of religious expression became increasingly apparent, and this was reflected in the development of two types of organizations. One consisted of numerous separatist churches, usually derivatives of established Christian denominations and often named after their founding leaders. They often incorporated faith healing and prophecy and placed considerable emphasis on ritual and emotionalism. In addition to the separatist churches, various religious cults combined traditional beliefs in magic with elements of Christianity. The major emphasis of these cults is on curative and preventive remedies, chants, and charms designed to ward off the power of witches and malevolent spirits. Both types of groups offer social activities in addition to their religious and medical roles. Some have rival drum societies and singing groups that are highly popular among the young. To their adherents, most of whom feel cut off from traditional society but are not yet comfortable in modern society, these cults offer the sense of security that comes of belonging to an established group. For many Ghanaians Christianity is a symbol of modernity, which is, in part, the result of the role played by the Christian church in the establishment of medical and educational programs in the country. Mission schools have never required conversion for admission, but parents often have felt that their children would be admitted more readily if they were practicing Christians. Mission children exposed to Christian theology usually have accepted the doctrine as a matter of course. Throughout the country's recent history, Christians have been among the first to assume membership in the new national elite groups that have evolved. Among the more educated elite groups the extent of modernity and social standing is frequently related to the specific denomination to which one belongs. Most Ghanaians with a higher than average education belong to one of the prominent worldwide denominations. Less educated individuals may belong to any church, but almost half of the separatist and syncretic sects draw their membership from this group.