Countries of the World/COUNTRYS.BIN/dp/0112/01120.txt

Text File | 1991-06-25 | 32KB | 509 lines

$Unique_ID{COW01120}
$Pretitle{254}
$Title{Dominican Republic
Chapter 4B.   Family and Kinship}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{Thomas E. Weil, Jan Knippers Black, Harold I. Blutstein, Kathryn T. Johnson, David S. McNorris, Frederick P. Munson}
$Affiliation{HQ, Department of the Army}
$Subject{church
family
roman
catholic
children
class
dominican
social
religious
marriage}
$Date{1973}
$Log{}
Country:     Dominican Republic
Book:        Dominican Republic
Author:      Thomas E. Weil, Jan Knippers Black, Harold I. Blutstein, Kathryn T. Johnson, David S. McNorris, Frederick P. Munson
Affiliation: HQ, Department of the Army
Date:        1973

Chapter 4B.   Family and Kinship

     The family is still the most important social unit. Despite a gradual
weakening throughout the Trujillo years, it has remained the focal point for
loyalty, love, and leisure for the average Dominican. Although the family may
take different forms throughout the society, it is the most cohesive unit for
all classes. There are three kinds of marital union-civil, church, and
consensual. The first two are found at the upper level, whereas the
consensual, or common law, union predominates at the bottom. An important
accessory of the extended family is the compadre, or godfather, and the
compadrazgo (coparenthood-see Glossary) system is a vital institution at every
level of the society.

Structure and Functions of the Family

     The structure and functions of the Dominican family are further
reflections of the Spanish colonial and slave heritages of the past.
Traditional values of solidarity, honor, and parental authority were brought
by early settlers and established as desirable goals in family patterning.
Slaves, by contrast, could not hope to follow the Hispanic lead in kinship
organization because many times they were not even permitted the rite of
marriage. Furthermore, white upper class plantation owners effectively
established a pattern of informal unions with black women. The implications of
this heritage for lower class Dominicans cannot be overemphasized, and many
contemporary domestic structures can be seen as the result of colonial
life-styles.

     The idealized family structure and the one most emulated by the majority
of Dominicans is exemplified by the upper class. It serves to integrate the
individual into the closed stratification system, which in turn it supports
and perpetuates. Upper class kinship patterns are distinctly oriented along
patrilineal lines, and the oldest man is the unquestioned authority in all
matters. He is the arbiter of family affairs and is responsible for the
welfare of its members and for the maintenance of its honor. Sibling ties are
very solid and continue into adult life, providing the focal point for the
majority of social activity. Solidarity is stronger among brothers than
sisters, partly because in the patrilineal family women are expected to give
primary allegiance to the husband's family. Nevertheless, brothers usually
continue to look after the welfare of both married and unmarried sisters, as
well as that of their mother. The mother's role must not be underestimated in
the patrilineal Dominican family; for if the father is the representation of
supreme authority and power, the mother represents familial love and unity in
every class in the society.

     The extended family, consisting of a three-generation kin group, is still
the strongest and most cohesive unit for the Dominican elite, and all other
forms of social organization are considered secondary. There is some evidence
this kinship structure was appreciably weakened, however, during the thirty
years of the Trujillo dictatorship. Families were split both ideologically and
geographically as old taboos against intrafamily dissent gave way under
political pressure. Since Trujillo's assassination, many families have been
reunited, but the concept of the family as an impenetrable fortress no longer
exists to the degree it did in pre-Trujillo days. Increasing social change and
industrialization have also introduced alternative priorities that may
conflict with kinship loyalties.

     Although lower class Dominicans would like to follow the pattern set by
the elite family, historical factors and contemporary social and economic
pressures work against it. As in other situations where fulfillment of upper
class dictums is unworkable, a stretching of values occurs to adjust for
discrepancies between the real and the ideal. An understanding of this
background helps to explain why many lower class kinship patterns are in
apparent opposition to upper class norms. For example, the ruling elite
historically demanded formal marital unions among themselves, while condoning
informal consensual unions at the lower levels of society. Because there have
been few sanctions against common law marriages and because both civil and
religious ceremonies are expensive, complicated procedures, many poor people
view the consensual union as a viable alternative to marriage.

     The pervasiveness and instability of these informal sexual relationships
further explains lower class family structure. This kind of domestic
organization weakens the combined authority of both parents while seriously
circumscribing the role of the father. Poverty and low status are conducive to
common law unions, which in turn generate male and female role models quite
different from those of the elite. For the family as a whole this means the
mother or eldest woman, rather than the eldest man, may be the dominant and
stable family figure. Such a household is sometimes characterized by the
absence of adult men living permanently in the family dwelling. It is in this
situation that the mother may take over traditional male responsibilities,
becoming the main economic provider and stable authority figure for her
children.

     If this situation persists for several generations, the result is the
so-called grandmother family-the extended matrilineal family. The composition
of such a household or grouping consists of the matriarch, her unmarried
children, her married daughters, and the children of these unions. She may
become the stable parent figure for her grandchildren, especially if the
mother is working and the father is absent from the family. She has a great
deal of influence over her sons' behavior, whether or not they are married,
and is considered the unquestioned source of emotional support and moral
suasion. In contrast to the patrilineal upper class family, lower class adults
tend to plan their social interaction around the grandmother. Sisters maintain
a stronger bond with one another after reaching adulthood, and strong ties of
trust, affection, and mutual help are even found among half-brothers having
the same mother.

     The lower class family may appear to be noncohesive and disorganized to
the outsider, and in some respects it is a weaker institution than the elite
family. Nevertheless, it does perform some vital functions for its members.
For the poor Dominican, one of the most important of these is economic. Mutual
financial help is a necessity in a society that cannot provide enough
employment or social welfare to meet the needs of its population.

The Role of Children and Childraising

     The number of children in the Dominican family varies inversely with
class status-the higher the position on the social ladder, the fewer the
number of children. It is rare for an elite or middle class family to have
more than four children. It is equally rare for a lower class household to
have fewer than four. The value and role of the children are also determined
by sex and social class, but at all levels they are a vital part of the
domestic structure. Male children have a higher value than female, especially
the first born. Many male children are seen as a reflection of the father's
virility. If a couple is unable to have children, it is considered a serious
failure on the part of the woman. An equal amount of damage is done to the
man, however, as the lack of offspring