$Unique_ID{COW01120}
$Pretitle{254}
$Title{Dominican Republic
Chapter 4B.   Family and Kinship}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{Thomas E. Weil, Jan Knippers Black, Harold I. Blutstein, Kathryn T. Johnson, David S. McNorris, Frederick P. Munson}
$Affiliation{HQ, Department of the Army}
$Subject{church
family
roman
catholic
children
class
dominican
social
religious
marriage}
$Date{1973}
$Log{}
Country:     Dominican Republic
Book:        Dominican Republic
Author:      Thomas E. Weil, Jan Knippers Black, Harold I. Blutstein, Kathryn T. Johnson, David S. McNorris, Frederick P. Munson
Affiliation: HQ, Department of the Army
Date:        1973

Chapter 4B.   Family and Kinship

     The family is still the most important social unit. Despite a gradual
weakening throughout the Trujillo years, it has remained the focal point for
loyalty, love, and leisure for the average Dominican. Although the family may
take different forms throughout the society, it is the most cohesive unit for
all classes. There are three kinds of marital union-civil, church, and
consensual. The first two are found at the upper level, whereas the
consensual, or common law, union predominates at the bottom. An important
accessory of the extended family is the compadre, or godfather, and the
compadrazgo (coparenthood-see Glossary) system is a vital institution at every
level of the society.

Structure and Functions of the Family

     The structure and functions of the Dominican family are further
reflections of the Spanish colonial and slave heritages of the past.
Traditional values of solidarity, honor, and parental authority were brought
by early settlers and established as desirable goals in family patterning.
Slaves, by contrast, could not hope to follow the Hispanic lead in kinship
organization because many times they were not even permitted the rite of
marriage. Furthermore, white upper class plantation owners effectively
established a pattern of informal unions with black women. The implications of
this heritage for lower class Dominicans cannot be overemphasized, and many
contemporary domestic structures can be seen as the result of colonial
life-styles.

     The idealized family structure and the one most emulated by the majority
of Dominicans is exemplified by the upper class. It serves to integrate the
individual into the closed stratification system, which in turn it supports
and perpetuates. Upper class kinship patterns are distinctly oriented along
patrilineal lines, and the oldest man is the unquestioned authority in all
matters. He is the arbiter of family affairs and is responsible for the
welfare of its members and for the maintenance of its honor. Sibling ties are
very solid and continue into adult life, providing the focal point for the
majority of social activity. Solidarity is stronger among brothers than
sisters, partly because in the patrilineal family women are expected to give
primary allegiance to the husband's family. Nevertheless, brothers usually
continue to look after the welfare of both married and unmarried sisters, as
well as that of their mother. The mother's role must not be underestimated in
the patrilineal Dominican family; for if the father is the representation of
supreme authority and power, the mother represents familial love and unity in
every class in the society.

     The extended family, consisting of a three-generation kin group, is still
the strongest and most cohesive unit for the Dominican elite, and all other
forms of social organization are considered secondary. There is some evidence
this kinship structure was appreciably weakened, however, during the thirty
years of the Trujillo dictatorship. Families were split both ideologically and
geographically as old taboos against intrafamily dissent gave way under
political pressure. Since Trujillo's assassination, many families have been
reunited, but the concept of the family as an impenetrable fortress no longer
exists to the degree it did in pre-Trujillo days. Increasing social change and
industrialization have also introduced alternative priorities that may
conflict with kinship loyalties.

     Although lower class Dominicans would like to follow the pattern set by
the elite family, historical factors and contemporary social and economic
pressures work against it. As in other situations where fulfillment of upper
class dictums is unworkable, a stretching of values occurs to adjust for
discrepancies between the real and the ideal. An understanding of this
background helps to explain why many lower class kinship patterns are in
apparent opposition to upper class norms. For example, the ruling elite
historically demanded formal marital unions among themselves, while condoning
informal consensual unions at the lower levels of society. Because there have
been few sanctions against common law marriages and because both civil and
religious ceremonies are expensive, complicated procedures, many poor people
view the consensual union as a viable alternative to marriage.

     The pervasiveness and instability of these informal sexual relationships
further explains lower class family structure. This kind of domestic
organization weakens the combined authority of both parents while seriously
circumscribing the role of the father. Poverty and low status are conducive to
common law unions, which in turn generate male and female role models quite
different from those of the elite. For the family as a whole this means the
mother or eldest woman, rather than the eldest man, may be the dominant and
stable family figure. Such a household is sometimes characterized by the
absence of adult men living permanently in the family dwelling. It is in this
situation that the mother may take over traditional male responsibilities,
becoming the main economic provider and stable authority figure for her
children.

     If this situation persists for several generations, the result is the
so-called grandmother family-the extended matrilineal family. The composition
of such a household or grouping consists of the matriarch, her unmarried
children, her married daughters, and the children of these unions. She may
become the stable parent figure for her grandchildren, especially if the
mother is working and the father is absent from the family. She has a great
deal of influence over her sons' behavior, whether or not they are married,
and is considered the unquestioned source of emotional support and moral
suasion. In contrast to the patrilineal upper class family, lower class adults
tend to plan their social interaction around the grandmother. Sisters maintain
a stronger bond with one another after reaching adulthood, and strong ties of
trust, affection, and mutual help are even found among half-brothers having
the same mother.

     The lower class family may appear to be noncohesive and disorganized to
the outsider, and in some respects it is a weaker institution than the elite
family. Nevertheless, it does perform some vital functions for its members.
For the poor Dominican, one of the most important of these is economic. Mutual
financial help is a necessity in a society that cannot provide enough
employment or social welfare to meet the needs of its population.

The Role of Children and Childraising

     The number of children in the Dominican family varies inversely with
class status-the higher the position on the social ladder, the fewer the
number of children. It is rare for an elite or middle class family to have
more than four children. It is equally rare for a lower class household to
have fewer than four. The value and role of the children are also determined
by sex and social class, but at all levels they are a vital part of the
domestic structure. Male children have a higher value than female, especially
the first born. Many male children are seen as a reflection of the father's
virility. If a couple is unable to have children, it is considered a serious
failure on the part of the woman. An equal amount of damage is done to the
man, however, as the lack of offspring casts doubt on his masculinity.
Childless unions are considered unsatisfactory and are easily dissolved,
particularly, if the two people are not formally married.

     With increasing social and economic development, new attitudes toward
children are forming among the upwardly mobile segments of the lower classes.
The rural poor have traditionally maintained large families, having as many
children "as God sends." In the past, there has also existed an anti-Haitian
sentiment that encouraged Dominicans to fill up their country, thus
circumventing the pressure of immigration from their neighbors to the west.
Finally, the larger the family, the greater the degree of security for the
parents in their old age. This pattern appears to be slowly changing, however,
due to a combination of governmental and socioeconomic pressures to reduce
family size. Upwardly mobile Dominicans especially feel the desire to limit
the number of children and to alter their life-style. It is these individuals
and their offspring who are becoming the core of the middle class and the most
likely perpetrators of social change.

     Because over half of the marriage unions are initiated without civil or
religious ceremony, a high percentage of births is illegitimate. Very little
social stigma is attached to illegitimacy. In the past, illegitimate natural
children could become legitimate through subsequent marriage of the child's
parents. Formal recognition was encouraged by Trujillo and involved completion
of simple forms and a RD$1 fee. It meant the child would be his parents' full,
legitimate heir under the law. Thus, although illegitimate natural children
are not ostracized, especially in the lower echelons of society, legitimacy is
perceived as a positive value and it is encouraged as a desirable goal.

     The adoption of children is more common than official figures show. A
high adoption rate results from the high incidence of nonlegal adoption among
middle class and lower class households and is perpetrated, in turn, by the
expensive and complicated legal procedures attached to formal adoption.
Sometimes a child is taken into a household to provide a regular and
inexpensive servant or to balance the ratio of male and female children in the
family. In other cases, however, the child may be a relative who has been
taken in because of the precarious financial situation of his parents. When
formal adoption does occur, the child receives legal status and inheritance
rights.

Compadrazgo

     The Roman Catholic custom of selecting godparents for one's children is
still a common practice at all levels of Dominican society and is formalized
at the infant's baptism. The baptism is an important social event because it
gives formal church sanction to these ritual kinship rites. The tradition of
compadrazgo represents a moral, social, and emotional bond between the parents
and compadres (godparents). To be selected as compadre is both an honor and a
responsibility, and is invested with the same trust, mutual esteem, and
importance that characterizes blood kinship.

     The selection of the compadres is done with great care because the act
hopefully represents an on-going relationship, not a mere symbolic gesture. In
the majority of cases, blood relatives are chosen, further cementing
intrafamily ties. For the lower classes however, compadrazgo can mean
potential security and financial aid for the newborn. Parents may try to
choose godparents who will be able to help provide the child with food,
clothes, or schooling.

     The relationship between the parents, the child, and his godparent is
indelible; open quarreling among them is as serious an offense as public
arguments between blood relatives. Trujillo used the compadrazgo system as a
ploy to bolster his own political power. Because it is treasonous to conspire
against one's compadre, Trujillo held mass baptisms where he became the
godfather of thousands of peasants' children. Such a baptism was also
desirable to the peasant because his compadre was the president of the
country, and in the early years of his regime, Trujillo gave a RD$100 bill to
the parents of each of his godchildren. President Balaguer has followed this
lead, although he has not carried it to the extremes employed by Trujillo.

Marriage and Consensual Union

     The legal, Christian, and monogamous marriage is universally accepted as
the most respected manner of consummating a relationship. There are two
classes of marriage recognized by law-civil marriage, which is performed in
accordance with civil law, and religious marriage, as prescribed by canon
law. A couple may choose either form of marriage ceremony, and the elite and
newly rich classes commonly celebrate both. As this is a double expense,
however, many middle class and lower class parents cannot afford both forms in
the same day.

     The common law union is the most prevalent form of marital union among
the Dominican lower classes. It involves neither legal nor religious
procedure, merely the consent of the individuals involved and their parents.
Although aspiring toward marriage, the average girl has little chance of a
formalized marriage. Many young women must settle for the consensual union
because of their low socioeconomic position and consequent lack of bargaining
power in the marriage market. Often a girl is only fourteen or fifteen when
she sets up housekeeping for the first time, and more often than not she is
pregnant or already a mother. A young man may avoid formal marriage, initially
because his obligations to wife and children are therefore increased, whereas
abilities as a free agent are decreased. He may experience more than one
common law marriage while waiting for a "better" woman (one of lighter color
or higher status) to come along. Consequently, the decision to marry may come
at middle age and after the birth of several children.

Religious Life

     Although the Dominican Republic is a strongly Roman Catholic country in
terms of believers and traditions, there is evidence that the influence of the
church outside the realm of spiritual values and observance of holidays is not
strong. Of the 2 percent who do not consider themselves Roman Catholic, the
majority are Protestant. There is also belief in the Haitian-based religion,
voodoo, but both of these religious influences are negligible. The position
and strength of the Roman Catholic Church fluctuated throughout its history,
experiencing serious setbacks at the beginning of this century. Trujillo's
timely election and rise to power bolstered the church by giving it a
semblance of secular power during most of his regime. The vacillation and
divisiveness demonstrated by the clergy during and after the last of his years
in office is an indication of the lack of cohesiveness that affected the Roman
Catholic Church in 1972.

     During the early years of the colony the Roman Catholic Church was the
prime agent in the transfer of Spanish culture to the island (see ch. 3). The
early clergy was considered the fount of intellectual and humanitarian
endeavor, and many of their polemical arguments over the spiritual nature of
the Indians reached the court in Spain.

     The church reached the apex of its power by the mid-sixteenth century.
After this early period of strength, however, it experienced a decline that
paralleled the economic decline of the seventeenth century. A short revival
was curtailed by the Haitian occupation (1822-44). During the nineteenth
century many foreign influences were felt in the Dominican Republic, including
those of Haitian voodoo and Protestantism. The Haitians ruled the church with
the same iron hand with which they ruled the country, and they did more to
circumscribe Roman Catholicism than any other force.

     The strength of the Roman Catholic Church continued to fluctuate
throughout the century, and the church's hold on the society weakened. The
numbers of clergy or churches remained stable, and ideological rifts developed
between the Vatican and the Dominican branch of the church. A controversy over
the ownership of church lands began during the Haitian regime and continued
into the twentieth century. The culmination of the dispute came in 1929 when
the Supreme Court of Justice declared that the church had no legal personality
and submitted a measure to Congress for the liquidation of all church
property. Trujillo took power at this point and had the measure defeated.

     During the Trujillo years the church and state achieved a degree of
mutual support second only to that experienced during the early colonial
period. The dictator openly favored the church, and it, in turn, upheld his
regime. Under his influence, the church grew in power, wealth, and influence,
and he became known as the Benefactor of the Church. Some of the measures
enacted to strengthen the Roman Catholic position included the construction of
new churches, the institution of the religious marriage ceremony and religious
education in the schools, and the restoration of the juridical personality of
the church. The Concordat of 1954 recognized Roman Catholicism as the official
religion of the state and incorporated the aforementioned measures. After the
concordat dozens of new priests came from Spain and Canada and millions of
dollars were spent on new religious institutions.

     This harmony and mutual admiration began to erode during the final years
of Trujillo's dictatorship, and the church openly severed ties during his last
two years in power. It began challenging his control by removing his authority
in administrative matters in the 1950s. Changes were also reflected in the
personnel and leadership, particularly in the highest levels. The most
important of these changes was reflected in the office of the archbishop of
Santo Domingo. Octavio Beras, a fifty-four-year-old Dominican-born priest of
liberal leanings replaced Archbishop Pettini, an eighty-year-old Italian-born
ultraconservative.

     With the rumblings of discontent getting louder and more threatening,
Trujillo replied with a new wave of terrorism. He jailed many leading
citizens, and for the first time Roman Catholic priests were among the
prisoners. This resurgence of terror, the jailing of churchmen, and the change
in the orientation of the Roman Catholic clergy resulted in a pastoral letter
forecasting the final break with the government. Trujillo reacted in a
conciliatory manner, and the church thereafter refrained from attacking him
officially. Although the official position was ambiguous, individual clergy
continued to criticize the regime publicly. The oppressed upper and middle
classes found among these members of the clergy the support they needed to
overthrow Trujillo.

     The dozen years after Trujillo's death were marked by further vacillation
on the part of the church and by continued discord among the clergy. After his
assassination, religious leaders joined the anti-Trujillo movement, and the
church was brought even closer to a reversal of its previous policy. Following
this wave of democratic sentiment, the religious hierarchy declared itself in
favor of social, economic, and political reform and encouraged the formation
of political parties. Nevertheless, as the 1962 elections drew near, some
priests began to fear the consequences of electing Juan Bosch to the
presidency. They expressed their trepidation publicly and tried to dissuade
Dominicans from voting for him on the pretext that he had communist leanings.

     After his election, Bosch made no attempt to allay the fears of the
church. His new constitution was particularly annoying to devout Roman
Catholics and the church because it sanctioned divorce, common law marriage,
and state inspection of religious schools, and extended state protection to
illegitimate children. The pious viewed this legislation as an attack on the
traditional Roman Catholic norms ruling marriage and family and feared the
result would be the abolition of religious instruction in the schools. Some
equated the new president's actions with pro-Castro and procommunist
tendencies, and these clergymen began to coalesce with dissatisfied elements
of the military and elite in their opposition to Bosch. Although the Roman
Catholic Church and its hierarchy maintained an officially neutral stance
concerning the Bosch regime, it was evident that they breathed a sigh of
relief after his overthrow.

     Thus far the Roman Catholic Church had demonstrated that it could act as
a barometer for public sentiment and political discontent, and it proved it
would support political and social change-up to a point. Its ambivalent
position after the Bosch overthrow, and especially during the 1965 crisis, has
brought it under criticism, nevertheless. Church efforts to maintain the
status quo were viewed as obstructionist, and intense antichurch sentiment was
the result. In response to this criticism and in the face of the increasingly
liberal orientation of the Vatican, the Roman Catholic Church has begun to
play a more constructive role in the process of social change.

Contemporary Religions and Practices

Roman Catholicism

     The Roman Catholic Church hierarchy is organized with the archbishop of
Santo Domingo at the top of the pyramid; immediately under him are four
bishops whose jurisdiction extends over their specific geographic regions. In
1969 there was a total of 446 priests. There were 324 regular priests, that
is, those belonging to an order such as the Jesuit or Franciscan; 122 were
secular priests, that is, under the jurisdiction of a bishop of a diocese.
Despite the fact that the increase in parishes and priests between 1950 and
1960 (during the Trujillo years) was greater than in any other Latin American
country for the same period, the Dominican Republic still exhibits one of the
lowest ratios of priests to inhabitants. In 1969 there was one priest for
every 8,945 Dominicans. Only Cuba and Haiti had fewer priests per inhabitant.

     The overwhelming majority of the Roman Catholic clergy is engaged in
parish work and education. Education is still an important function of the
church, along with the operation of hospitals and other charitable
institutions. In the past the church has run thirty-seven schools, seven
hospitals, and many relief stations, social centers, and cooperatives.
Catholic Relief Services-or CARITAS, as it is known in the majority of Latin
American countries-is an agency that handles refugee and relief problems and
works closely with the rural poor. Often Roman Catholic priests are not only
the spiritual leaders of the community but also provide leadership in social,
economic, and political affairs. They have promoted labor seminars and
consumers' cooperatives in the countryside, while establishing means to help
the urban migrant as well.

     The Roman Catholic Church in the Dominican Republic is not as large or as
extensive an institution as it is in other Latin American countries.
Furthermore, it is often torn from within over various social or political
issues. Finally, it is not a very wealthy institution as it possesses no large
land holdings or industrial interests. There were many problems facing the
church in 1972, and there was some evidence that its influence is decreasing
in the modern sector, especially in the urban areas. Devout Dominicans feel
the decline in the church's power may be the result of several problems: the
lack of nationals in religious vocations; the absence of effective
collaboration between foreign religious communities; the need for greater
Roman Catholic influence in the schools; and the need for more effective
dissemination of current Roman Catholic thought through modern communication
media.

     In spite of these apparent weaknesses, the church continues to form the
base for the Dominican cultural pyramid while functioning as an influential
organization in several spheres. It may openly express its opinion through
Sunday sermons, church-owned radio stations, or pastoral letters. It may use
its influence in a more covert manner through social services, lay
organizations, and labor groups that draw their inspiration from Roman
Catholic principles. Important government functions usually have a church
official in attendance to give the appearance of official church sanction to
the event. Finally, at the lower and more basic levels of the society, the
village priest may still be the most educated man in the community, and his
opinion will be respected in both sacred and secular matters.

Protestantism

     Two percent of the Dominicans are not Roman Catholic, and the majority of
these are Protestants, called evangelicos by the Dominicans. Despite its small
size, the Protestant community has grown in influence, respect, and
effectiveness since the first missionary arrived in 1889. In 1972 there were
more than twenty Protestant denominations. The marked increase in their
numbers since 1935 appears to be an internal phenomenon that is more evident
in rural rather than in urban areas and among women rather than among men.

     In general, Protestants are not persecuted, and Freemasonry is tolerated.
Immediately after the signing of the Concordat of 1954, Protestant missions
and congregations in the interior of the country temporarily suffered
increased intimidation. In 1957 Trujillo expelled missionaries of the
Jehovah's Witnesses. In recent years, however, relationships between the
Roman Catholic Church and Protestant sects have been very cordial, and
interdenominational study groups have been formed to promote the ecumenical
spirit of Christianity.

     The largest Protestant sects include: Seventh-Day Adventists; the
Dominican Evangelical Church; the Assembly of God; and the Protestant
Episcopal Church. The congregations, following the historic pattern, are
largely drawn from the poorer, darker segments of Dominican society. One of
the most important of these sects is the Dominican Evangelical Church, which
was founded in 1960 through the merger of several Protestant groups already
established. It is the only major denomination that can claim indigenous
status, and the ministers and leading laymen are all Dominicans. In addition
to evangelism, the Dominican Evangelical Church carries out educational,
cultural, and welfare activities. It has organized clinics for babies in
several cities and has become involved in family planning and birth control
through one of its women's groups. Other activities include establishing
cooperatives, housing projects, playgrounds, sewing centers, and literacy and
sports programs.

Voodoo

     Among the various cults in the rural areas are the Liborista cult and the
Brotherhood of the Congo. The most prevalent, however, is voodoo, which was
brought into the country by the Haitians. The word voodoo is Dahomean and is
probably best translated as "god." It is a general term for all deities. In
Haiti voodoo presents a well-knit, organized system of theology and
ceremonialism that includes several categories: one concerned with the great
gods; a second consisting of a series of familial deities associated with the
kindred and the gods of the ancestral cult; a third, which is a group of
personal forces that includes the deities of the divining cult and the souls
of men; and a fourth, which is magic. Special priests and priestesses attend
the needs of the believers, as well as performing certain rites in the unique
so-called languages of their cults.

     In 1972 voodoo practices are still most often encountered among Haitian
immigrants or their descendants who have settled along the border or in other
predominantly rural areas. Nevertheless, as these rural people migrate to the
city they carry their beliefs and practices with them. This explains why, in
the market in Santo Domingo, one may encounter prayer cards to semi-Christian
deities in which reference is made to black magic practices. The government
and most Dominicans consider voodoo to be African, barbaric, and
anti-Catholic. As a result, the practice of voodoo is secret, and the nature
and extent of these practices and the number of its adherents is not known or
even estimated.

Religious Shrines and Practices

     With the exception of the voodoo ceremonies, the majority of religious
practices and customs are firmly rooted in the Roman Catholic tradition.
During the early part of the colonial period the island's patron saint was Our
Lady of Mercy (Nuestra Senora de la Merced), and the most important shrine in
the country is dedicated to this Spanish madonna. According to the traditional
story, Columbus and his men were surprised by an Indian attack one night and
were almost defeated, when suddenly a vision of the Virgin Mary appeared on
the Cross. The Indians were awed and frightened, allowing the Spaniards to
repel the attack. Thousands of Dominicans visit this shrine every year, and
soil from the spot where the cross originally stood is accredited with many
miraculous cures.

     This Spanish madonna was later replaced in popularity by a native
Dominican patron, La Altagracia (the Virgin of the Highest Grace). The
traditional story is told that a very old and mysterious pilgrim-reputedly one
of the apostles-came to a small village in the eastern part of the country and
asked the father of an ailing daughter for food and shelter. When the pilgrim
departed, he gave a small picture of the Virgin Mary to the father and, upon
looking at the picture, the child was healed. Ever since, this particular
madonna has been venerated by Dominicans, who attribute miraculous cures to
her. She is still the most popular intercessor among Dominicans, and studies
of Santo Domingo indicate that 40 percent of the people questioned prayed
directly to her. She has been the country's official patroness since 1922.

     A very common religious practice in the Dominican Republic is the rosario
or religious procession. Such processions are often organized to ask for rain
or to ask for intercession in a common problem. An image of a saint or madonna
is carried at the head of a procession followed by the person who leads the
singing and carries a large rosary made of wood. Behind the lead singer come
the musicians and then the other members of the procession. Rosarios may go to
a church or stop at a home by special request, but members cannot leave the
procession until it returns to its starting place. There are many religious
holidays, but by far the most popular is Christmas. It is the most joyful
celebration of the year. Preparation begins in early December and continues
throughout the month.

     In the lower segments of society, Roman Catholicism sometimes becomes
interlaced with local superstitions and practices that are believed to guard
possessions and well-being. Among these practices are formularios and
oraciones, which are similar to incantations and are probably closely tied
with voodoo or other magical practices and superstitions. The incantations may
be used to ward off the evil eye or bring good luck and usually carry a tone
of supplication. They are sold in the marketplaces of the rural areas, as well
as in the poorer markets of the capital city itself.