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- THE POLITICAL INTEREST, Page 27 Amateurs, but Playing Like Pros
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- By Michael Kramer
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- Politics, Bill Clinton has explained, is like football.
- Elaborate strategies are crafted in advance, but execution and
- stamina trump planning and practice. Reality defies theory,
- confusion reigns, new tactics are implemented on the spot. At
- some moments, the best defense is a good offense; at others, the
- best offense is a good defense. In both battles, the winners are
- hailed as professionals and the losers are derided as amateurs
- -- and for more elections than the Democrats care to recall, the
- Republicans have been the professionals. Until now. With the
- G.O.P. convention only two weeks away, the Republican incumbents
- are acting like amateurs and the Democrats are performing almost
- flawlessly. "We've finally met our match," says a senior Bush
- aide. "Clinton punches and counterpunches like a Republican --
- and worst of all, he obviously understands how important it is
- to strike back in the same news cycle. So far, nothing we've
- thrown at him has gone unanswered by the evening news
- broadcasts."
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- Which is no accident. "You know how, in college football,
- coaches let up on the other team to spare them embarrassment?"
- Clinton asked. "Pros don't do that. You never let up. You keep
- scoring till the game's over. You hit back, and you hit back
- again. If you don't, you lose."
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- No incident better illustrates the Democrats' ability to
- counterpunch than last week's attack on Clinton by Bush's
- Southern campaign chairman, South Carolina Governor Carroll
- Campbell. At a Washington press conference last Wednesday,
- Campbell blasted Clinton's Arkansas record and reiterated the
- G.O.P.'s standard line: Clinton's a closet liberal who favors
- "tax and spend all the way." Thanks to the news wires,
- Campbell's pending appearance had been noted in Little Rock, and
- thanks to Betsey Wright, Clinton's former gubernatorial chief
- of staff, the Democrats struck back even before Campbell spoke.
- Wright has collected just about everything anyone has ever said
- about Clinton (a research task that required poring through
- 1,200 boxes of Clinton's papers), and as journalists listened
- to Campbell's thrust, they had in their hands Clinton's
- two-pronged parry: a January 1989 letter in which Campbell
- praised Arkansas' "innovative ways," designed to make the South
- "more internationally competitive," and an August 1989 newspaper
- article in which Campbell said Clinton's "not one of those
- liberals. He's not a radical." "We got our clocks cleaned on
- that one," says a Bush aide. "We expected a nice sound bite that
- evening. We got bitten instead."
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- The Clinton camp considers its Campbell rejoinder "simple
- stuff." True elegance was on display last Wednesday, when
- Clinton visited New Orleans, the site of Bush's 1988 "Read my
- lips" pledge. The centerpiece of the G.O.P. strategy is hardly
- mysterious. Two words, values and trust, symbolize Bush's
- attempt to portray Clinton as publicly "too slick" and privately
- "too loose" to be President. Until last week, when Clinton
- finally found a way to expand the definition of those words to
- his benefit, his responses had been less than satisfying. On
- Tuesday the Administration's Budget Director, Richard Darman,
- told a congressional hearing that everyone but the White House
- should be blamed for the nation's sagging economy. After
- learning of Darman's remarks, Clinton's chief strategist, James
- Carville, fairly screamed, "That's the hook we need!" So the
- very next day in the Louisiana Superdome, Clinton attacked Bush
- for failing the ultimate values test -- the willingness to
- assume responsibility for one's own shortcomings. "That was some
- piece of work," says a Bush campaign official, "and I'm sure
- we'll be hearing more in the same vein. We're trying to remind
- people of Clinton's sordid past, and he's saying the President
- lacks the guts to face his own complicity for what's wrong. We
- look cheap, and Clinton looks presidential."
-
- Where does all this leave Bush? In a deep hole. After the
- 1988 campaign, then G.O.P. chairman Lee Atwater said, "The
- ticket of admission to play in the [general election] game
- with a chance to win meant we had to hold Dukakis' lead to under
- 10 points at the time our own convention began. Anything worse,
- and we'd likely lose." By this standard, Bush is flirting with
- disaster; the latest polls have Clinton ahead by at least 20
- points. "At the rate we're going we may end up having to do the
- McGovern spot," says a Republican consultant. At the end of his
- disastrous 1972 campaign, George McGovern ran a TV commercial in
- which a conflicted citizen considered his choice in the voting
- booth: "Either way it won't be a disaster," the man muttered to
- himself. "So I'll be voting for Nixon. Why rock the boat? I'm
- not crazy about McGovern . . . But me vote for Nixon? . . . My
- father would roll over in his grave . . . Maybe McGovern can do
- the job . . . Yeah, McGovern."
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- "Sometimes," says the G.O.P. consultant, "all you've got
- is the `lesser of two evils' argument. McGovern did it kind of
- nicely." Yes, he did, but he lost.
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