The Hacker's Encyclopedia 1998

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*************************************************** *** Pirate Magazine Issue I - 5 / File 11 of 11*** *** Hackers and Phreaks as post-moderists *** *************************************************** This file appeared on PC-EXEC in Milwaukee, and is the one referred to by Ellis Dea in File 2. We edited out all the academic stuff that you're all seen on message boards a thousand times, and just left in the key points. The authors do not condone phreaking or hacking, but argue that it should be understood, rather than persecuted. They make a point many have made, which is that the media and pheds have distorted what goes on out there. Apologies to all if too much has been deleted. ------------------------- THE BAUDY WORLD OF THE BYTE BANDIT: A POSTMODERNIST INTERPRETATION OF THE COMPUTER UNDERGROUND (March, 1990) "Hackers are "nothing more than high-tech street gangs" (Federal Prosecutor, Chicago)." "Transgression is not immoral. Quite to the contrary, it reconciles the law with what it forbids; it is the dia- lectical game of good and evil (Baudrillard, 1987: 81)." " There ain't no sin and there ain't no virtue. There's just stuff people do. It's all part of the nice, but that's as far as any man got a right to say (Steinbeck, 1939:31-32)." The criminalization of "deviant acts" transforms and reduces social meanings to legal ones. Legal meanings are not necessari- ly social meanings. Most deviancy research tends to reproduce conventional social ideology and operative definitions of normal- ity within its concepts and theories. On occasion, these mean- ings represent a form of "class politics" that protect the power and privilege of one group from the challenge of another: Divorcing moral crusades from status group competition while denying that cultures are linked to social class- es has undermined attempts to link lifestyle politics to group struggles (Beisel, 1990: 45). Once a category of behaviors has become defined by statute as sanctionably deviant, the behaviors so-defined assume a new set of meanings that may obscure ones possessed by those who en- gage in such behaviors. "Computer deviants" provide one example of a criminalized type of "lifestyle politics." The proliferation of computer technology has been accompa- nied by the growth of a computer underground (CU), often mistak- enly labeled "hackers," that is perceived as criminally deviant by the media, law enforcement officials, and researchers. Draw- ing from ethnographic data, we offer a cultural rather than a criminological analysis of the underground by suggesting that it reflects an attempt to recast, re-appropriate, and reconstruct the power-knowledge relationship that increasingly dominates the ideology and actions of modern society. Our data reveal the com- puter underground as an invisible community with a complex and interconnected cultural lifestyle, an inchoate anti-authoritarian political consciousness, and dependent on norms of reciprocity, sophisticated socialization rituals, networks of information sharing, and an explicit value system. We interpret the CU cul- ture as a challenge to and parody of conventional culture, as a playful attempt to reject the seriousness of technocracy, and as an ironic substitution of rational technological control of the present for an anarchic and playful future. STIGMATIZING THE COMPUTER UNDERGROUND The computer underground refers to persons engaged in one or more of several activities, including pirating, anarchy, hacking, and phreaking[1]. Because computer underground participants freely share information and often are involved collectively in a single incident, media definitions invoke the generalized meta- phors of "conspiracies" and "criminal rings," (e.g., Camper, 1989; Zablit, 1989), "modem macho" evil-doers (Bloombecker, 1988), moral bankruptcy (Schwartz, 1988), "electronic trespas- sers" (Parker: 1983), "crazy kids dedicated to making mischief" (Sandza, 1984: 17), "electronic vandals" (Bequai: 1987), a new "threat" (Van, 1989), saboteurs ("Computer Sabateur," 1988), se- cret societies of criminals (WMAQ, 1990), and "high-tech street gangs" ("Hacker, 18," 1989). These images have prompted calls for community and law enforcement vigilance (Conly and McEwen, 1990: 2) and for application of the Racketeer Influenced and Cor- rupt Organizations (RICO) Act to prosecute and control the "crim- inals" (Cooley, 1984). These images fail to distinguish under- ground "hobbyists," who may infringe on legal norms but have no intention of pillaging, from felonious predators, who use tech- nology to loot[2]. Such terminology provides a common stock of knowledge that formats interpretations of CU activity in ways pre-patterned as requiring social control to protect the common- weal (e.g., Altheide, 1985). As Hollinger and Lanza-Kaduce (1988: 119), Kane (1989), and Pfuhl (1987) observed, the stigmatization of hackers has emerged primarily through value-laden media depictions. When in 1990 a Cornell University graduate student inadvertently infected an in- ternational computer network by planting a self-reproducing "vi- rus," or "rogue program," the news media followed the story with considerable detail about the dangers of computer abuse (e.g., Allman, 1990; Winter, 1988). Five years earlier, in May of 1983, a group of hackers known as "The 414's" received equal media at- tention when they broke into the computer system of the Sloan Kettering Cancer research center. Between these dramatic and a- typical events, the media have dramatized the dangers of computer renegades, and media anecdotes presented during Congressional legislative debates to curtail "computer abuse" dramatized the "computer hacking problem" (Hollinger and Lanza-Kaduce, 1988: 107). Although the accuracy and objectivity of the evidence has since been challenged (Hollinger and Lanza-Kaduce 1988: 105), the media continue to format CU activity by suggesting that any com- puter-related felony can be attributed to hacking. Additionally, media stories are taken from the accounts of police blotters, se- curity personnel, and apprehended hackers, each of whom have dif- ferent perspectives and definitions. This creates a self-rein- forcing imagery in which extreme examples and cursively circulated data are discretely adduced to substantiate the claim of criminality by those with a vested interest in creating and maintaining such definitions. For example, Conly and McEwen (1990) list examples of law enforcement jurisdictions in which special units to fight "computer crime," very broadly defined, have been created. These broad definitions serve to expand the scope of authority and resources of the units. Nonetheless, de- spite criminalization, there is little evidence to support the contention that computer hacking has been sufficiently abusive or pervasive to warrant prosecution (Michalowski and Pfuhl, forth- coming). As an antidote to the conventional meanings of CU activity as simply one of deviance, we shift the social meaning of CU be- havior from one of stigma to one of culture creation and meaning. Our work is tentative, in part because of the lack of previous substantive literature and in part because of the complexity of the data, which indicate a multiplicity of subcultures within the CU. This paper examines of two distinct CU subcultures, phreaks and hackers, and challenges the Manichean view that hackers can be understood simply as profaners of a sacred moral and economic order. THE COMPUTER UNDERGROUND AND POST-MODERNISM The computer underground is a culture of persons who call computer bulletin board systems (BBSs, or just "boards"), and share the interests fostered by the BBS. In conceptualizing the computer underground as a distinct culture, we draw from Geertz's (1973: 5) definition of culture as a system of meanings that give significance to shared behaviors that must be interpreted from the perspective of those engaged in them. A culture provides not only the "systems of standards for perceiving, believing, evalu- ating, and acting" (Goodenough, 1981: 110), but includes the rules and symbols of interpretation and discourse for partici- pants: In crude relief, culture can be understood as a set of solutions devised by a group of people to meet specific problems posed by situations they face in com- mon. . . This notion of culture as a living, historical product of group problem solving allows an approach to cultural study that is applicable to any group, be it a society, a neighborhood, a family, a dance band, or an organization and its segments (Van Maanen and Barley, 1985: 33). Creating and maintaining a culture requires continuous indi- vidual or group processes of sustaining an identity through the coherence gained by a consistent aesthetic point of view, a moral conception of self, and a lifestyle that expresses those concep- tions in one's immediate existence and tastes (Bell, 1976: 36). These behavioral expressions signify a variety of meanings, and as signifiers they reflect a type of code that can be interpreted semiotically, or as a sign system amenable to readings indepen- dent of either participants or of those imposed by the super-or- dinate culture: All aspects of culture possess a semiotic value, and the most taken-for-granted phenomena can function as signs: as elements in communication systems governed by semantic rules and codes which are not themselves directly apprehended in experience. These signs are, then, as opaque as the social relations which produce them and which they re-present (Hebdige, 1982: 13). It is this symbolic cultural ethos, by which we mean the style, world view, and mood (Hebdige, 1979), that reflects the postmodernist elements of the CU and separates it from modernism. Modernist culture is characterized especially by rationality, technological enhancement, deference to centralized control, and mass communication. The emergence of computer technology has created dramatic changes in social communication, economic trans- actions, and information processing and sharing, while simultane- ously introducing new forms of surveillance, social control, and intrusions on privacy (Marx, 1988a: 208-211; Marx and Reichman, 1985). This has contributed to a: . . . richly confused and hugely verbal age, energized by a multitude of competing discourses, the very pro- liferation and plasticity of which increasingly deter- mine what we defensively refer to as our reality (New- man, 1985: 15). By Postmodernism we mean a reaction against "cultural moder- nity" and a destruction of the constraints of the present "maxi- mum security society" (Marx, 1988b) that reflect an attempt to gain control of an alternative future. In the CU world, this con- stitutes a conscious resistance to the domination of but not the fact of technological encroachment into all realms of our social existence. The CU represents a reaction against modernism by of- fering an ironic response to the primacy of a master technocratic language, the incursion of computers into realms once considered private, the politics of techno-society, and the sanctity of es- tablished civil and state authority. Postmodernism is character- ized not so much by a single definition as by a number of inter- related characteristics, including, but not limited to: 1. Dissent for dissent's sake (Lyotard, 1988). 2. The collapse of the hierarchical distinction between mass and popular culture (Featherstone, 1988: 203). 3. A stylistic promiscuity favoring eclecticism and the mix- ing of codes (Featherstone, 1988: 203). 4. Parody, pastiche, irony, playfulness and the celebration of the surface "depthlessness" of culture (Featherstone, 1988: 203). 5. The decline of the originality/genius of the artistic pro- ducer and the assumption that art can only be repetitious (Featherstone 1988: 203). 6. The stripping away of social and perceptual coordinates that let one "know where one is" (Latimer, 1984: 121). 7. A search for new ways to make the unpresentable presenta- ble, and break down the barriers that keep the profane out of everyday life (Denzin, 1988: 471). 8. The introduction of new moves into old games or inventing new games that are evaluated pragmatically rather than from some uniform stand point of "truth" or philosophical discourse (Callinicos, 1985: 86). 9. Emphasis on the visual over the literary (Lash, 1988: 314). 10. Devaluation of formalism and juxtaposition of signifiers taken from the banalities of everyday life (Lash, 1988: 314). 11. Contesting of rationalist and/or didactive views of cul- ture (Lash, 1988: 314). 12. Asking not what a cultural text means, but what it does (Lash, 1988: 314). 13. Operation through the spectator's immersion, the relative- ly unmediated investment of his/her desire in the cultural object (Lash, 1988: 314). 14. Acknowledgement of the decenteredness of modern life and "plays with the apparent emptiness of modern life as well as the lack of coherence in modern symbol systems" (Man- ning, 1989: 8). "Post-Modernism" in its positive form constitutes an intel- lectual attack upon the atomized, passive and indifferent mass culture which, through the saturation of electronic technology, has reached its zenith in Post-War American (Newman, 1985: 5). It is this style of playful rebellion, irreverent subversion, and juxtaposition of fantasy with high-tech reality that impels us to interpret the computer underground as a postmodernist culture. *********************************** 20 pages of academic gibberish deleted here --eds ************************************ HACKERS: Hackers take pride in their assumed names, and one of the greatest taboos is to use the handle of an- other or to use multiple handles. Handles are borrowed liberally from the anti-heros of science fiction, adventure fantasy, and heavy metal rock lyrics, particularly among younger users, and from word plays on technology, nihilism, and violence. The CU handle reflects a stylistic identity heavily influenced by meta- phors reflecting color (especially red and black), supernatural power (e.g., "Ultimate Warrior, "Dragon Lord"), and chaos ("Death Stalker," "Black Avenger"), or ironic twists on technology, fan- tasy, or symbols of mass culture (e.g., Epeios, Phelix the Hack, Rambo Pacifist, Hitch Hacker). This anti-establishment ethos also provides an ideological unity for collective action. Hackers have been known to use their collective skills in retaliation for acts against the cul- ture that the perceive as unfair by, for example, changing credit data or "revoking" driver's licenses (Sandza, 1984; "Yes, you Sound very Sexy," 1989). Following a bust of a national hacker group, the message section of the "home board" contained a lively debate on the desireability of a retaliatory response, and the moderates prevailed. Influenced especially by such science fan- tasy as William Gibson's Neuromancer (1984), John Brunner's The Shockwave Rider (1975), and cyber-punk, which is a fusion of ele- ments of electronic communication technology and the "punk" sub- culture, the hacker ethic promotes resistance to the very forms that create it. Suggestive of Frazer's (1922) The Golden Bough, power is challenged and supplanted by rituals combining both de- struction and rejuvenation. From this emerges a shared ethos of opposition against perceived Orwellian domination by an informa- tion-controlling elite. (Hackers will) always be necessary, especially in the technological oppression of the future. Just imagine an information system that systematically filters out certain obscene words. Then it will move on to phras- es, and then entire ideas will be replaced by comput- ers! Anyway, there will always be people tripping out on paper and trying to keep it to themselves, and it's up to us to at least loosen their grasp (P.A. Message Log 1988). In sum, the hacker style reflects well-defined goals, commu- nication networks, values, and an ethos of resistance to authori- ty. Because hacking requires a broader range of knowledge than does phreaking, and because such knowledge can be acquired only through experience, hackers tend to be both older and more knowl- edgeable than phreaks. In addition, despite some overlap, the goals of the two are somewhat dissimilar. As a consequence, each group constitutes a separate analytic category. Phreaks. The attraction of phreaking and its attendant life-style appear to center on three fundamental characteristics: The quest for knowledge, the belief in a higher ideological purpose of opposition to potentially dangerous technological control, and the enjoyment of risk-taking. In a sense, CU participants con- sciously create dissonance as a means of creating social meaning in what is perceived as an increasingly meaningless world (Milo- vanovic and Thomas, 1989). Together, phreaks and hackers have created an overlapping culture that, whatever the legality, is seen by participants as a legitimate enterprise in the new "tech- no-society." CONCLUSION The transition to an information-oriented society dependent on computer technology brings with it new symbolic metaphors and behaviors. Baudrillard (1987: 15) observed that our private sphere now ceases to be the stage where the drama of subjects at odds with their objects and with their image is played out, and we no longer exist as playwrites or actors, but as terminals of multiple networks. The public space of the social arena is re- duced to the private space of the computer desk, which in turn creates a new semi-public, but restricted, public realm to which dissonance seekers retreat. To participate in the computer un- derground is to engage in what Baudrillard (1987: 15) describes as private telematics, in which individuals, to extend Baudril- lard's fantasy metaphor, are transported from their mundane com- puter system to the controls of a hypothetical machine, isolated in a position of perfect sovereignty, at an infinite distance from the original universe. There, identity is created through symbolic strategies and collective beliefs (Bordieu, cited in Wacquant, 1989: 35). We have argued that the symbolic identity of the computer underground creates a rich and diverse culture comprised of jus- tifications, highly specialized skills, information-sharing net- works, norms, status hierarchies, language, and unifying symbolic meanings. The stylistic elements of CU identity and activity serve what Denzin (1988: 471) sees as the primary characteristic of postmodern behavior, which is to make fun of the past while keeping it alive and the search for new ways to present the un- presentable in order to break down the barriers that keep the profane out of the everyday. The risks entailed by acting on the fringes of legality and substituting definitions of acceptable behavior with their own, the playful parodying of mass culture, and the challenge to au- thority constitute an exploration of the limits of techno-culture while resisting the legal meanings that would control such ac- tions. The celebration of anti-heros, re-enacted through forays into the world of computer programs and software, reflects the stylistic promiscuity, eclecticism and code-mixing that typifies the postmodern experience (Featherstone, 1988: 202). Rather than attempt to fit within modern culture and adapt to values and def- initions imposed on them, CU participants mediate it by mixing art, science, and resistance to create a culture with an alterna- tive meaning both to the dominant one and to those that observers would impose on them and on their enterprise. Pfuhl (1987) cogently argued that criminalization of comput- er abuse tends to polarize definitions of behavior. As a conse- quence, To view the CU as simply another form of deviance, or as little more than "high-tech street gangs" obscures the ironic, mythic, and subversive element, the Nieztschean "will to power," reflected in the attempt to master technology while challenging those forces that control it. The "new society" spawned by com- puter technology is in its infancy, and, as Sennet (1970: xvii) observed, the passage of societies through adolescence to maturi- ty requires acceptance of disorder and painful dislocation. Instead of embracing the dominant culture, the CU has creat- ed an irreducible cultural alternative, one that cannot be under- stood without locating its place within the dialectic of social change. Especially in counter-cultures, as Hebdige (1983: 3) ob- serves, "objects are made to mean and mean again," often ending: . . .in the construction of a style, in a gesture of defiance or contempt, in a smile or a sneer. It sig- nals a Refusal. I would like to think that this Reusal and the sneers have some subversive value. . . (Hebdige, 1982: 3). *********************** Guess we should include all the bibliography in case we deleted something important. But we find the list interesting for it's own sake. The authors should also take a look at the HARPER'S Forum in the March, 1990 issue, that contains a symposium/debate on computer hacking, and includes Phiber Optik and Acid Phreak, along with Clifford Stoll, author of the Cuckoo's Egg. We would also add CUCKOO'S EGG to this list $eds. ************************* BIBLIOGRAPHY Allman, William F. 1990. "Computer Hacking goes on Trial." U.S. News and World Report, January 22: 25. Altheide, David L. 1985. Media Power. Beverly Hills: SAGE. Baudrillard, Jean. 1987. The Ecstasy of Communication. New York: Semiotext(e). Beisel, Nicola. 1990. "Class, Culture, and Campaigns against Vice in Three American Cities, 1872-1892." American Sociological Review, 55(February): 44-62. Bell, 1976. The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism. New York: Basic Books. Bloombecker, Jay. 1988. Interview, Hour Magazine. NBC television, November 23. Bordieu, Pierre. 1989. "Social Space and Symbolic Power." Sociological Theory, 7(Spring): 14-25. Brunner, John. 1989. The Shockwave Rider. New York: Ballantine. Callinicos, Alex. 1985. "Posmodernism, Post-Structuralism, Post-Marxism?" Theory, Culture and Society, 2(3): 85-101. Camper, John. 1989. "Woman Indicted as Computer Hacker Mastermind." Chicago Tribune, June 21: II-4. "Computer Expert's Son Cited as Virus Creator.' 1988. Chicago Tribune, November 5: 1, 2. "Computer Saboteur gets Probation." 1988. Chicago Tribune, Oct. 22: 4. Conly, Catherine H. and J. Thomas McEwen. 1990. "Computer Crime." NIJ Reports, 218(January/February): 2-7. Cooley, Ronald B. 1984. "RICO: Modern Weaponry against Software Pirates." Computer Law>Law Journal, 5(Fall): 143-162. Denzin, Norman K. 1988. "Blue Velvet: Postmodern Contradictions." Theory, Culture and Society. 5(June): 461-473. "Doctor Crash." 1986. "The Techno-Revolution." PHRACK, I(6): Phile 3. "EB" %anonymous computerphile%. 1990. Circulated electronic letter, February. Featherstone, Mike. 1988. "In Pursuit of the Postmodern: An Introduction." Theory, Culture and Society, 2-3(June): 195-215. Frazer, James G. 1922. The Golden Bough. New York: MacMillan. Geertz, Clifford. 1973. The Interpretion of Cultures. New York: Basic Books. 1973. Gibson, William. 1984. Neuromancer. New York: Ace. Glaser, Barney G. and Anselm L. Strauss. 1967. The Discovery of Grounded Theory: Strategies for Qualitative Research. Chicago: Aldine. Goodenough, Ward. 1981. Culture, Language, and Society. Menlo Park (Calif.): Benjamin/Cummings. "Hacker, 18, Gets Prison for Fraud." 1989. Chicago Tribune, February 15: III-1. Hebdige, Dick. 1982. Subculture: The Meaning of Style. New York: Metheun. Hollinger, Richard C. and Lonn Lanza-Kaduce. 1988. "The Process of Criminalization: The Case of Computer Crime Laws." Criminology, 26(February): 101-126. Hume, Brit, and T.R. Reid. 1989. "Software can be Safeguarded from Bootlegging, Power Surge. Chicago Tribune, March 25: VII: 4. Kane, Pamela. 1989. V.I.R.U.S. Protection: Vital Information Resources under Siege. New York: Bantam. Landreth, Bill. 1985. Out of the Inner Circle: A Hacker's Guide to Computer Security. Belleview (Wash.): Microsoft Press. Lash, Scott. 1988. "Discourse or Figure? Postmodernism as 'Regime of Signification.'" Theory, Culture and Society, 5(June):311-336. Latimer, Dan. 1984. "Jameson on Post-Modernism." New Left Review, 148(November/December): 116-128. Levy, Steven. 1984. Hackers: Heroes of the Computer Revolution. Garden City: Doubleday. Lyotard, Jean-Francois. 1988. The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Manning, Peter K. (forthcoming). "Strands in the Postmodernist Rope: Ethnographic Themes." in N. Denzin (ed.), Studies in Symbolic Interaction (Vol. 13). Greenwich (Conn.): JAI. Marx, Gary T. 1988a. Undercover: Police Surveillance in America. Berkeley: University of California Press. . 1988b. "The Maximum Security Society." Deviance et Societe, 12(2): 147-166. Marx, Gary T., and Nancy Reichman. 1985. "Routinizing the Discovery of Secrets: Computers as Informants." Software Law Journal, 1(Fall): 95-121. Meyer, Gordon R. 1989a. The Social Organization of the computer underground. Unpublished Masters Thesis, Northern Illinois University. of the Computer Age." Pp. 74-82 in P. Kane, V.I.R.U.S. Protection: Vital Information Resources under Siege. New York: Bantam. Meyer, Gordon R. and Jim Thomas. 1989. "Role Differentiation in the computer underground." Paper presented at the Society for the Study of Social Problems annual meetings, Berkeley, August. Michalowski, Raymond J. and Erdwin H. Pfuhl. 1990 (forthcoming). "Technology, Property, and Law: The Case of Computer Crime." Contemporary Crisis. Milovanovic, Dragan, and Jim Thomas. 1989. "Overcoming the Absurd: Prisoner Litigation as Primitive Rebellion." Social Problems 36(February): 48-60. Newman, Charles. 1985. The Post-Modern Aura: The Act of Fiction in an age of Inflation. Evanston (Ill.): Northwestern University Press. Pfuhl, Erdwin H. 1987. "Computer Abuse: Problems of Instrumental Control." Deviant Behavior, 8(2): 113-130. Rosenbaum, Ron. 1971. "Secrets of the Little Blue Box." Esquire, 76(October): 116-1125, 222-226. Sandza, Richard. 1984. "The Night of the Hackers." Newsweek, 104(November 12): 17-18. Schwartz, Eddie. 1988. "Special on 'Computer Hacking.'" WGN Radio, Sept 27. Sennett, Richard. 1979. The Uses of Disorder: Personal Identity and City Life. New York: Vintage Books. Thomas, Jim and James B. Marquart. 1988. "Dirty Knowledge and Clean Conscience: The Dilemmas of Ethnographic Research." Pp. 81-96 in D. Maines and C. Couch (eds.), Information, Communication and Social Structure. Springfield, Ill.: Charles C. Thomas. Thomas, Jim and Gordon R. Meyer. 1990. "Computer Pirates: 'Keeping the Dream Alive,' or 'A Nightmare on Elm Street?'" Unpublished manuscript, Northern Illinois University. Tompkins, Joseph B., Jr., and Linda A. Mar. 1986. "The 1984 Federal Computer Crime Statute: A Partial Answer to a Pervasive Problem." Computer>Law Journal, 6(Winter): 459-481. Van, John. 1989. "Oddballs no More, Hackers are now a Threat." Chicago Tribune, March 5, IV: 4. Van Maanen, John, and Stephen Barley. 1985. "Cultural Organization: Fragments of a Theory." Pp. 31-53 in P.J. Frost, et. al., (eds.), Organizational Culture. Beverly Hills: Sage. Wacquant, Loic J.D. 1989. "Towards a Reflexive Sociology: A Workshop with Pierre Bordieu." Sociological Theory, 7(Spring): 26-63. Wilson, Debra S. 1984. "Software Rental, Piracy, and Copyright Protection." Computer>Law Journal, 5(Summer): 125-141. Winter, Christine. 1988. "Virus Infects Huge Computer Network." Chicago Tribune, November 4, 1, 18. "Yes, You Sound very Sexy, but I Really Need a Probation Officer." 1989. Chicago Tribune, June 13, 10. WMAQ Evening News. 1990. (Channel 5, Chicago), February 6. Zablit, Jocelyne. 1989. "Fraud Sweep Nabs 2 Michigan Teens in Computer Ring." Detroit Free Press, 25 May: 1, 18. >--------=====END=====--------<