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CD-ROM Aktief 1995 #3
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1993-11-12
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DECLARATION OF THE CAUSES AND NECESSITY OF TAKING UP ARMS,
July 6, 1775
A declaration by the representatives of the united colonies of
North America, now met in Congress at Philadelphia, setting forth
the causes and necessity of their taking up arms.
If it was possible for men, who exercise their reason to believe,
that the divine Author of our existence intended a part of the
human race to hold an absolute property in, and an unbounded power
over others, marked out by his infinite goodness and wisdom, as the
objects of a legal domination never rightfully resistible, however
severe and oppressive, the inhabitants of these colonies might at
least require from the parliament of Great Britain some evidence,
that this dreadful authority over them, has been granted to that
body. But a reverance for our Creator, principles of humanity, and
the dictates of common sense, must convince all those who reflect
upon the subject, that government was instituted to promote the
welfare of mankind, and ought to be administered for the attainment
of that end. The legislature of Great Britain, however, stimulated
by an inordinate passion for a power not only unjustifiable, but
which they know to be peculiarly reprobated by the very
constitution of that kingdom, and desparate of success in any mode
of contest, where regard should be had to truth, law, or right,
have at length, deserting those, attempted to effect their cruel
and impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies by violence, and
have thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their last
appeal from reason to arms. Yet, however blinded that assembly may
be, by their intemperate rage for unlimited domination, so to sight
justice and the opinion of mankind, we esteem ourselves bound by
obligations of respect to the rest of the world, to make known the
justice of our cause. Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of
Great Britain, left their native land, to seek on these shores a
residence for civil and religious freedom. At the expense of their
blood, at the hazard of their fortunes, without the least charge to
the country from which they removed, by unceasing labour, and an
unconquerable spirit, they effected settlements in the distant and
unhospitable wilds of America, then filled with numerous and
warlike barbarians. -- Societies or governments, vested with
perfect legislatures, were formed under charters from the crown,
and an harmonious intercourse was established between the colonies
and the kingdom from which they derived their origin. The mutual
benefits of this union became in a short time so extraordinary, as
to excite astonishment. It is universally confessed, that the
amazing increase of the wealth, strength, and navigation of the
realm, arose from this source; and the minister, who so wisely and
successfully directed the measures of Great Britain in the late
war, publicly declared, that these colonies enabled her to triumph
over her enemies. -- Towards the conclusion of that war, it
pleased our sovereign to make a change in his counsels. -- From
that fatal movement, the affairs of the British empire began to
fall into confusion, and gradually sliding from the summit of
glorious prosperity, to which they had been advanced by the virtues
and abilities of one man, are at length distracted by the
convulsions, that now shake it to its deepest foundations. -- The
new ministry finding the brave foes of Britain, though frequently
defeated, yet still contending, took up the unfortunate idea of
granting them a hasty peace, and then subduing her faithful
friends.
These colonies were judged to be in such a state, as to present
victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of
statuteable plunder. -- The uninterrupted tenor of their peaceable
and respectful behaviour from the beginning of colonization, their
dutiful, zealous, and useful services during the war, though so
recently and amply acknowledged in the most honourable manner by
his majesty, by the late king, and by parliament, could not save
them from the meditated innovations. -- Parliament was influenced
to adopt the pernicious project, and assuming a new power over
them, have in the course of eleven years, given such decisive
specimens of the spirit and consequences attending this power, as
to leave no doubt concerning the effects of acquiescence under it.
They have undertaken to give and grant our money without our
consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive right to
dispose of our own property; statutes have been passed for
extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and
vice-admiralty beyond their ancient limits; for depriving us of the
accustomed and inestimable privilege of trial by jury, in cases
affecting both life and property; for suspending the legislature of
one of the colonies; for interdicting all commerce to the capital
of another; and for altering fundamentally the form of government
established by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature
solemnly confirmed by the crown; for exempting the "murderers" of
colonists from legal trial, and in effect, from punishment; for
erecting in a neighbouring province, acquired by the joint arms of
Great Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very
existence; and for quartering soldiers upon the colonists in time
of profound peace. It has also been resolved in parliament, that
colonists charged with committing certain offences, shall be
transported to England to be tried. But why should we enumerate
our injuries in detail? By one statute it is declared, that
parliament can "of right make laws to bind us in all cases
whatsoever." What is to defend us against so enormous, so unlimited
a power? Not a single man of those who assume it, is chosen by us;
or is subject to our control or influence; but, on the contrary,
they are all of them exempt from the operation of such laws, and an
American revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible purposes for
which it is raised, would actually lighten their own burdens in
proportion, as they increase ours. We saw the misery to which such
despotism would reduce us. We for ten years incessantly and
ineffectually besieged the throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we
remonstrated with parliament, in the most mild and decent language.
Administration sensible that we should regard these oppressive
measures as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to
enforce them. The indignation of the Americans was roused, it is
true; but it was the indignation of a virtuous, loyal, and
affectionate people. A Congress of delegates from the United
Colonies was assembled at Philadelphia, on the fifth day of last
September. We resolved again to offer an humble and dutiful
petition to the King, and also addressed our fellow subjects of
Great Britain. We have pursued every temperate, every respectful
measure; we have even proceeded to break off our commercial
intercourse with our fellow subjects, as the last peaceable
admonition, that our attachment to no nation upon earth should
supplant our attachment to liberty. -- This, we flattered
ourselves, was the ultimate step of the controversy: but subsequent
events have shewn, how vain was this hope of finding moderation in
our enemies.
Several threatening expressions against the colonies were inserted
in his majesty's speech; our petition, tho' we were told it was a
decent one, and that his majesty had been pleased to receive it
graciously, and to promise laying it before his parliament, was
huddled into both houses among a bundle of American papers, and
there neglected. The lords and commons in their address, in the
month of February, said, that "a rebellion at that time actually
existed within the province of Massachusetts Bay; and that those
concerned with it, had been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful
combinations and engagements, entered into by his majest