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- Newsgroups: misc.activism.progressive
- Path: sparky!uunet!gatech!ukma!mont!pencil.cs.missouri.edu!rich
- From: rich@pencil.cs.missouri.edu (Rich Winkel)
- Subject: El Salvador: Proceso 525
- Message-ID: <1992Aug21.225530.18093@mont.cs.missouri.edu>
- Followup-To: alt.activism.d
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- Organization: PACH
- Date: Fri, 21 Aug 1992 22:55:30 GMT
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-
- /** reg.elsalvador: 146.0 **/
- ** Topic: Proceso 525: News Briefs **
- ** Written 9:35 pm Aug 20, 1992 by cidai@huracan.cr in cdp:reg.elsalvador **
- From: cidai@huracan.cr (Centro de Informacion Documentacion y Apoyo a la Invest. - UCAJSC)
- Subject: Proceso 525: News Briefs
-
- Center for Information, Documentation and Research Support (CIDAI)
- Central American University (UCA)
- San Salvador, El Salvador
-
- PROCESO 525
- August 12, 1992
-
- NEWS BRIEFS:
-
- WAGE HIKE: Last July 29 the Ministry of Labor decreed a wage and
- benefits increase for construction workers. According to the
- measure, skilled workers will be raised from 31 to 36 colones per
- day ($4.35), while unskilled workers will receive a raise from
- 25.52 to 31 colones per day ($3.75), or 18%. Life insurance
- policies provided by construction companies to their workers must
- increase their coverage from 6,000 to 7,500 colones ($843), as well
- as compensation of 675 colones ($81) to families of deceased
- workers. The raise was the result of compulsory arbitration which
- put an end to negotiations between the Salvadoran Chamber of
- Construction (CASALCO) and the Union of Construction Workers
- (SUTC). The Labor Minister announced the pact with evident
- satisfaction, while CASALCO announced on August 11 that the
- increase would affect production costs, which would thereby produce
- an increase in the price of housing. SUTC and UNOC declared on
- August 12 that the agreement was the product of a nine-month worker
- struggle, adding that the increased wages and benefits would not
- increase the price of housing as much as CASALCO had warned, since
- they only affect labor costs and not those of materials.
-
- FOREIGN AID: Ministry of Planning sources reported on
- international aid to El Salvador between June 1991 and May 1992,
- stressing that both donations and loans would begin to arrive
- gradually over the next three years. The greatest amount of aid
- comes from USAID, with 75% of the donations, while 25% of the
- resources come from sources such as the World Bank and government
- funds. In 1991, a number of loan agreements were signed with
- multilateral lending agencies such as the IMF, which loaned $60
- million for the government's 1991 economic program. The World Bank
- has loaned $37 million for social programs and technical assistance
- to the power system; the Inter-American Development Bank, the chief
- source of financing for the 1991 economic program, holds a whole
- portfolio of loans and donations, with 3 contracts signed for a
- total of $160 million and two technical cooperation donations for
- $5 million; the Central American Bank for Economic Integration has
- awarded $9 million in loans for small agricultural producers.
-
- CRIME: A number of emergency rescue units have reported an
- increase in criminal activity, especially during the August
- holidays. Commandos de Salvamento reported an increase in personal
- assaults despite increased vigilance on the part of security forces
- (although they mentioned that the vigilance was quite weak in many
- areas). The Salvadoran Red Cross reported that 90% of the cases it
- treated during the first week of August involved persons attacked
- in buses, sports arenas, beaches, stores and on the street.
- Spokespersons of the Rosales Hospital also reported that its three
- emergency operating rooms were insufficient to treat the enormous
- number of knife and gun wounds inflicted during that period.
-
- MURDERS: Over the last several days there have been a number of
- murders of trade union leaders. On July 30, the Secretary of
- Conflicts of FENASTRAS was assassinated in a downtown restaurant.
- According to statements made on August 7 by members of FENASTRAS,
- the assassin was a man who entered the establishment for the
- express purpose of killing his victim. FENASTRAS also said that
- this was the second union member murdered over the last several
- days. On August 10, the Association of Employees of the Ministry of
- Public Works (ATMOP) reported that two members of its Santa Ana
- local had been murdered as well, and demanded that the crimes be
- investigated. ATMOP also said that both cases were made to look
- like common crime, although one of the victim was stripped of
- papers dealing with union activities. FEDECOOPADES denounced the
- ransacking of its offices in Santa Ana on the night of August 1.
- The FMLN condemned all these incidents and tied them with the
- August 4 attack on one of its members in Santa Ana, claiming that
- a dirty war was underway as well as an Armed Forces campaign
- against the peace process.
-
-
- ** End of text from cdp:reg.elsalvador **
-
- /** reg.elsalvador: 147.0 **/
- ** Topic: Proceso 525: Economy **
- ** Written 9:35 pm Aug 20, 1992 by cidai@huracan.cr in cdp:reg.elsalvador **
- From: cidai@huracan.cr (Centro de Informacion Documentacion y Apoyo a la Invest. - UCAJSC)
- Subject: Proceso 525: Economy
-
- Center for Information, Documentation and Research Support (CIDAI)
- Central American University (UCA)
- San Salvador, El Salvador
-
- PROCESO 525
- August 12, 1992
-
- ECONOMY:
- Needs of the agricultural sector
-
- The role of land distribution within the program to
- reintegrate former FMLN combatants into civil society is vital. In
- fact, delays in land distribution have bogged down the peace
- accords, especially with regard to the demobilization of the second
- contingent of FMLN combatants.
- According to the revised land inventory presented by the FMLN
- last April, which is currently being verified, the total land area
- in conflict zones is approximately 665,000 acres, which is around
- 18.5% of national territory and greater than the total of all lands
- affected by the 1980 land reform (approximately 173,000 acres). If
- the FMLN's figures are accurate, we are looking at the greatest
- land distribution of the last several decades.
- The distribution of lands is accompanied by the challenge of
- increasing agricultural productivity, and for this it is important
- to define clearly the criteria which will govern credit assistance
- to the agricultural sector, as well as the types of landholding
- which will be promoted.
-
- Credit assistance
-
- The recent experience of agricultural producers in the land
- reform sector demonstrates the clear need to revise agricultural
- credit policies. In the first place, the economic success of the
- new producers requires credit under especially favorable
- conditions; in the second place, there is a tendency to favor
- credit for export crops over basic grains.
- The most troublesome problems with regard to agricultural
- credit are the repayment conditions and the criteria used to
- evaluate credit applications. With regard to repayment of loans,
- the time period must be longer and there must be a preferential
- rate of interest which, as we will see further on, is not a
- proposal but rather a recent precedent.
- However, above and beyond awarding preferential conditions for
- payback of loans, it is also important to draw up a priority list
- of projects to be implemented which will help guarantee their
- profitability. The choice of crops to cultivate could serve as a
- good rule of thumb.
- This would allow for an opportunity to begin promoting the
- diversification of the agricultural sector in such a way as to
- shore up export crops which prove capable of generating foreign
- exchange, and which might substitute traditional export crops
- -particularly cotton and coffee- where profitability has dropped
- drastically over the past several years. The profitability of
- coffee is so diminished that in early July, the Central Reserve
- Bank announced a new credit line aimed at financing the unpaid
- balances of previous loans. This credit line enjoys a 12-year term
- and an interest rate of 15.5%, just slightly lower than the 16%
- charged by commercial banks in normal credit operations.
- It is indeed possible to open new lines of credit with
- preferential conditions for beneficiaries of the land about to be
- distributed, even more so if we consider that the resources used to
- award the loans can be drawn from foreign donations.
- The greatest problem appears to reside in the choice of
- projects to implement, since this largely depends on the
- profitability of certain crops and the possibility that they will
- remain in production. However, there is also a need to adopt forms
- of landholding which guarantee the greatest agricultural yield.
-
- Agricultural yield and forms of landholding
-
- The land reform evaluations conducted by the Ministry of
- Agriculture and Livestock provide information on agricultural and
- livestock-raising activities in the land reform sector, and also on
- the rest of this sector nationwide. Based on the figures provided
- by the four most recent evaluations (VII-X), we can conclude that
- the land reform sector uses forms of organization of production
- which in some cases yield more than those obtained by the non-
- reformed sector, at least in basic grains and traditional export
- crops as a whole.
- However, the level of participation in national production
- activities on the part of the land reform sector is still not very
- considerable. The land reform sector produces approximately 10% of
- basic grains, 12% of coffee, and 37.8% and 37.6% of sugar and
- cotton, respectively. This might be due to the relatively small
- proportion of arable land held by this sector. According to the
- tenth evaluation, conducted in 1990, the land reform sector farmed
- 19.1% of total arable land, and 13.8% of the national territory.
- The chief characteristic of the land reform sector is the
- relatively high level of productivity of cooperative production,
- given that, according to the tenth evaluation, yield is higher for
- cooperatives than for individual plots or for the so-called Special
- Model of Individual Ownership (MEAI in Spanish). The latter,
- created by the ARENA government to promote individual holdings in
- the land reform sector, has become more widespread even though it
- evidences lower levels of yield than cooperative forms of
- production.
- The land reform sector is more efficient than the non-reformed
- sector in the production of basic grains and, except for coffee, of
- traditional export crops. In addition, land reform cooperatives
- have shown themselves to be the most efficient form of production
- within the land reform sector.
-
- Recommendations
-
- The transfer of lands as a result of the peace accords appears
- to be imminent, although we must wait for the results of inventory
- verification in order to determine the total extent of the lands to
- be transferred.
- If the FMLN's inventory is accepted, or only slightly
- modified, the land area affected by the peace accords will be
- considerable compared to the land affected by the 1980 reform. In
- this context, we cannot underestimate the need to maximize the
- benefits which could be obtained through the redistribution
- process. A good measure would be to reorient available lines of
- credit and open new agricultural credit lines on the basis of
- promoting crops more profitable than coffee or cotton. At the same
- time, it is crucial to adopt preferential credit policies for new
- and small producers, something which does not seem all that
- difficult to obtain considering the precedent set by the recently-
- approved credit line for coffee.
- Finally, the current government's obsession with promoting
- individual landholdings must be weighed against the figures
- mentioned above. Considering that cooperative landholding has shown
- itself to be more efficient in the majority of cases, the
- government would be well-advised to promote cooperative landholding
- among beneficiaries of the lands about to distributed, or at least
- to desist from promoting individual landholding.
-
-
- ** End of text from cdp:reg.elsalvador **
-
- /** reg.elsalvador: 148.0 **/
- ** Topic: Proceso 525: Peace Accords **
- ** Written 9:35 pm Aug 20, 1992 by cidai@huracan.cr in cdp:reg.elsalvador **
- From: cidai@huracan.cr (Centro de Informacion Documentacion y Apoyo a la Invest. - UCAJSC)
- Subject: Proceso 525: Peace Accords
-
- Center for Information, Documentation and Research Support (CIDAI)
- Central American University (UCA)
- San Salvador, El Salvador
-
- PROCESO 525
- August 12, 1992
-
- PEACE ACCORDS:
- Second rebel contingent fails to demobilize
-
- The peace process became seriously bogged down during the
- second half of July. On July 31, the second contingent of rebel
- forces was scheduled to demobilize, yet did not do so. This was
- fundamentally due to the fact that the revised calendar of the
- peace process, so arduously negotiated throughout May and early
- June, once again suffered setbacks, leading the FMLN to conclude
- that conditions did not permit the disarming of the second 20% of
- its combatants. The delays consisted mainly of the government's
- failure to carry out its much-vaunted plans to provide economic and
- social assistance to make it easier for the demobilized contingents
- to rejoin civil society; stonewalling around the transfer of lands
- to ex-combatants on both sides; obstacles raised by members of
- ARENA which have prevented the legalization of the FMLN as a
- political party; and difficulties faced in beginning the work of
- the Academy of Public Security and, with it, the National Civilian
- Police.
- Early on, the FMLN warned of the seriousness of these
- problems. On July 21, Commander Shafick Handal stated: "There are
- a series of accords which have been delayed, and others that are
- not being carried out properly... this only foretells a worse
- crisis than the one we faced in April and May."
- The government's response was a rhetorical denial that a new
- impasse in the peace process was imminent, and it raised the
- confrontational tone of its public statements. Finally, however, to
- avoid contradicting even ONUSAL's evaluation of the situation, the
- Cristiani administration ended up acknowledging the existence of
- serious delays in the execution of government commitments, but it
- justified them by saying that international aid had yet to arrive.
- The Minister of the Presidency, Oscar Santamaria, said on July 31:
- "we do not consider the peace process to be in crisis. There are
- difficulties, as ONUSAL says. But we have said that we hope to
- overcome those difficulties in the near future." Santamaria added
- that "the obstacles we meet along the way must not be used as a
- pretext to fail to comply with the peace accords... non-compliance
- by one side does not justify non-compliance by the other." With
- this, the government tried to write off the FMLN's response to the
- difficulties in the peace process as simple bad faith, conveniently
- ignoring the fact that complying with the peace accords requires
- reciprocity. This is obviously the best guarantee for the prospects
- of democratizing Salvadoran society.
- During the last days of July, marathon working sessions were
- held once again between government and FMLN representatives, with
- ONUSAL mediation. Even so, no short-term solutions to the crisis
- could be reached. In fact, the way things are going, there is an
- urgent need for another direct intervention on the part of the
- Secretary General Adjunct for U.N. Peacekeeping Operations, Marrack
- Goulding, whose arrival in mid-August has already been announced.
- Thus, at the end of July, the only area in which progress had been
- made was in legalizing the FMLN, and this was effected in the
- Legislative Assembly amid heated debates.
-
- Chief sticking points
-
- In truth, above and beyond the natural difficulties which have
- arisen in executing the accords, apparently the government is once
- again stonewalling. At least this is the perception of top FMLN
- leaders. "We believe that the [government's] declarations evince
- true delaying tactics, and aim to build up a cushion of alleged
- incidents of non-compliance on the part of the FMLN in order to
- justify its own non-compliance," said Commander Roberto Roca on
- July 27.
- The fate of the measures to be taken to legalize the FMLN's
- open participation in civil society provide a good example of these
- delays. From July 14 to 30, the majority ARENA contingent in the
- Legislative Assembly managed to bar any plenary votes on reforms to
- the Electoral Code -written by COPAZ and revised by the Assembly's
- Political Commission- which would speed up the process of declaring
- the FMLN a political party.
- ARENA's decision to block the reforms was initially aimed at
- conditioning the legalization of the FMLN on a solution to the
- problem of mayors in Morazan and La Union, who continue to function
- in exile. FMLN leader Miguel Saenz declared that the government had
- "maliciously" proposed, in an "indirect fashion," that "the
- legalization of the FMLN depended on a solution to the problem of
- the mayors." Once the maneuvering became evident, however, the
- Legislative Assembly finally passed transitory measures to permit
- the registration of the FMLN as a political party within 100 days.
- The issue of sending FMLN combatants back to civilian life is
- even more complex and problematic. According to the government,
- almost $95 million has been made available to begin short- and
- medium-term assistance programs. There is also an emergency plan
- aimed at facilitating documentation, household goods, agricultural
- tools, and other items. In practice, the government has only
- implemented the documentation aspect. This has motivated the return
- of many of those who demobilized in the first contingent to their
- former rebel camps. Mauricio Chavez, a member of the FMLN's
- Reconstruction Committee, said on July 23 that about 7% of the
- former combatants had returned to their former concentration points
- for lack of assistance.
- The FMLN has issued vigorous protests against such government
- non-compliance. "The programs of economic and social support for
- demobilized combatants have not been resolved; the first 20%
- received absolutely nothing; despite government propaganda that 750
- million colones were available, they have received nothing," said
- Commander Handal. On July 27, the FMLN's Reconstruction Commission
- made public a new package of proposed assistance programs for
- demobilized combatants. The proposal contained contingency
- programs, as well as economic aid, adult education, housing,
- rehabilitation for war disabled, and pensions for war disabled as
- well as for families of those killed in combat.
- The outlook is less pessimistic for transferring lands to ex-
- combatants on both sides. The Presidential Agrarian Commissioner,
- Jaime Mauricio Salazar Diaz, announced that verifying government-
- held lands would begin during the last week in July in order to
- speed up the process of relocating demobilized FMLN combatants and
- government soldiers. The official announced that 175 properties
- belonging to a series of government agencies would be verified, for
- a total of almost 150,000 acres; he also stressed that demobilized
- combatants on both sides would get first choice of lands once
- verification was completed. However, not a single plot of land has
- been transferred to date, and no true progress has been made.
- With regard to the constitution of the National Civilian
- Police, a number of aspects have been delayed, but the one which
- most concerns the FMLN is the beginning of police training at the
- Academy of Public Security. According to the rescheduled calendar,
- the Academy should have begun classes no later than July 15.
- However, the government has announced that training would not begin
- until early September. In practical terms, this means that the
- first contingent of the new police force will not begin work until
- March 1993. The FMLN has stated its reluctance to dismantle its
- military structures as long as the new public security system is
- incapable of truly guaranteeing protection for civil society.
-
- Outlook
-
- The FMLN has made it clear that it will not disarm until the
- transformations in Salvadoran society laid out in the peace accords
- have become irreversible. In the short term, the way things are
- going, this means that it will be extremely difficult to dismantle
- the entire FMLN structure by October 31. On this point, Commander
- Joaquin Villalobos commented, "compliance with the nine months of
- cease-fire depends on the government. If that context is not
- created [of compliance with the accords] we will take no steps."
- Roca, in turn, stressed that "we will not let these incidents of
- non-compliance just go by; the government is answerable to the
- nation for what it has signed."
- Naturally, as ONUSAL head Iqbal Riza stated, the October 31
- date is not at all a "fatal deadline," as the government insists.
- If anything can endanger the cease-fire, which has not been
- violated to date, it is the Armed Forces' tricks and maneuvers to
- resist cleaning out its ranks, and the problems arising from
- slightly restructuring the prevailing unjust model of land
- ownership.
- In sum, it is foreseeable that the current impasse in the
- peace process can be resolved through the mechanism of the Joint
- Working Group made up of the government, the FMLN and ONUSAL,
- Furthermore, the imminent arrival of Marrack Goulding will
- undoubtedly help achieve this goal in the short term.
-
-
- ** End of text from cdp:reg.elsalvador **
-
- /** reg.elsalvador: 149.0 **/
- ** Topic: Proceso 525: Human Rights **
- ** Written 9:36 pm Aug 20, 1992 by cidai@huracan.cr in cdp:reg.elsalvador **
- From: cidai@huracan.cr (Centro de Informacion Documentacion y Apoyo a la Invest. - UCAJSC)
- Subject: Proceso 525: Human Rights
-
- Center for Information, Documentation and Research Support (CIDAI)
- Central American University (UCA)
- San Salvador, El Salvador
-
- PROCESO 525
- August 12, 1992
-
- IDHUCA REPORT:
- Respect for human rights is mandatory in El Salvador
-
- We are once again playing host to Marrack Goulding, U.N.
- Secretary General Adjunct for Peacekeeping Operations. It is
- extremely unfortunate that, for a second time, the point of his
- visit is to get the bogged-down peace accords back on track,
- instead of simply monitoring successful compliance. During his
- visit, the U.N. official must have noticed the fact that -just as
- during the war and the negotiations, which lasted until last
- December 31- the majority of Salvadorans, mired in their daily
- problems, have only been able to stand by and watch accusations fly
- back and forth between the government and the FMLN.
- One of the most outstanding daily anxieties suffered by
- Salvadorans has undoubtedly been their feeling of insecurity. "All
- persons have the right to life, to liberty and to personal
- security," says Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human
- Rights. "Every individual has the right to freedom and personal
- security," says the International Pact of Civil and Political
- Rights. The Salvadoran State is a signatory to these and other
- international instruments, yet in El Salvador, life and personal
- security continue to be nothing more than mere aspirations, rights
- which continue to clamor urgently for their intransigent defense.
- Just as in previous months, acts of violence during the first
- half of August, including assassinations and various types of
- attacks, have been many in number. Deaths have averaged almost two
- per day. Those responsible for these deaths are either unknown
- persons or ones whose modus operandi is identical to the
- unforgettable "death squads."
- The bloodshed, ever-present in Salvadoran daily life, produced
- two victims in August whose cases were amply covered by the
- national press: the murder of Ivan Ramirez, a member of FENASTRAS;
- and serious injuries to Jose Eduardo Pineda Valenzuela, former
- official of the Attorney General's Office and currently member of
- the Public Defender's Office for Human Rights.
- However, these were not the only cases. This period also
- witnessed the murder of three engineers -Leonel Orlando Arevalo,
- Jaime Mejia and Lorenzo Ayala Medrano- whose bodies turned up in
- Intipuca (La Union); FMLN denunciations of another attempted murder
- of one of its members; the death of an FMLN member and trade
- unionist belonging to the Association of Public Works Employees,
- Jose Alejandro Jaco Perez; and the murder of a number of National
- Police officers and night watchmen, some on active duty. The list
- of victims of violence for the first 13 days of the month totaled
- 25 deaths under troubling circumstances.
- These incidents do nothing to help bring peace to El Salvador.
- In today's social context, they remain common denominators, along
- with intimidation, psychological terror and impunity.
- In the midst of these problems, the Truth Commission opened
- its doors last Monday to receive denunciations of acts of violence
- which deeply moved Salvadoran society during the previous 12 years.
- This commission, a product of the peace accords, is requesting
- citizen cooperation and has made it clear that it will accept both
- oral and written testimony regarding these painful incidents, while
- maintaining absolute confidentiality for the cases and those who
- denounce them.
- The efforts being made by the members of the Truth Commission
- to clarify some of the events which weigh so heavily on the
- conscience of Salvadorans are truly important. All of us must
- collaborate. Even more, we must take into account incidents such as
- the ones which occurred this month as well. The goal of searching
- through the past is to abolish the structures of violence which
- continue to act in El Salvador.
- But whether or not we choose to acknowledge it, many of us are
- not prepared for peace and reconciliation. It appears that some
- sectors, comfortably or conveniently entrenched in attitudes of
- violent confrontation, refuse to get in step with history. For
- example, a paid advertisement in El Mundo under the title of
- "SALVADORANS:" and appealing to false nationalism, asked the
- question: "Do the officers of the Armed Forces realize that the Ad
- Hoc and Truth Commissions have been structured to destroy the Armed
- Forces?". And the ad continued in its "patriotic appeal": "Always
- remember that the Chapultepec accords are not legally valid since
- they are not laws of the Republic." The ad was signed by the "Free
- El Salvador Civic Movement."
- If, from the perspective of human rights, we carefully examine
- the process currently underway in El Salvador, with the mediating,
- moderating and monitoring presence of the United Nations, we must
- ask ourselves if the country is being subjected -passively as well
- as by force- to group therapy on the part of a foreign body which
- aims to reorganize a national life which has been so badly
- mistreated by the systematic and generalized violation of human
- dignity. If the answer is yes, it would be valid to say that we are
- suffering foreign interference in our internal affairs, that our
- national sovereignty is under attack, and that we ought to invoke
- the badly manipulated principle of "non-intervention." However, it
- is not like that at all.
- According to Ignacio Ellacuria, human rights "must be rights
- for all of humanity, or they truly cease being human." In other
- words, if a human right lacks a humanitarian dimension, it is
- neither human nor a right. By humanitarian dimension we do not only
- mean the universality of human rights; in other words, its abstract
- validity with regard to any human being. The true and historical
- human rights of any person in particular have a humanitarian scope,
- since they presuppose a legal interest in all of humanity as a
- collective whole. Abstract universality must be accompanied by what
- we might call the "universal gravitation" of rights. The exercise
- and enjoyment of a human rights by a particular person, as well as
- its violation, truly and historically affects that "universal
- gravitation." The enjoyment of a human right by a particular person
- is only full when it is equally enjoyed by all members of the
- community. In the same fashion, the violation of a human right of
- a particular person implies a threat of violation, a reduction in
- personal security, and diminished enjoyment of this right on the
- part of all other members of humanity.
- Therefore, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is
- extremely coherent when, in Article 28, it acknowledges that "all
- persons have the right to the establishment of a social and
- international order in which the rights and freedoms proclaimed in
- this declaration become fully effective." Thus it is impossible to
- imagine the human rights of a particular person in static form, as
- if they were passive faculties extrinsically recognized by
- humanity, but rather they must be imagined dynamically, as a
- principle which configures a truly humanitarian social and
- international order.
- From this point of view, the presence of the United Nations in
- our country does not constitute foreign interference. And this is
- not only because the two sides -government and FMLN- have requested
- its cooperation, but rather because its presence represents the
- presence and concern of all of humanity, of the community of
- nations. It is not the intervention of a foreign power which, if it
- were to occur, must be repelled. Nor is it the solicitous gesture
- of a community of nations rushing to adjust the imperfections of
- some small country somewhere in the world. In reality, that small
- country has decided -and here is where we find the greatness of a
- process which must be taken advantage of- to actively solve its
- problems which, although domestic, have a universal humanitarian
- scope and dimension. The U.N. presence is therefore obligatory and
- natural, because the "universal gravitation" of human rights means
- that one nation's internal problems inevitably affect all of
- humanity.
- In El Salvador, where the political process is being mediated,
- moderated and monitored by the United Nations, not only is a
- precedent of innovative intervention being set by the U.N., but we
- are also seeing the beginnings of a model of universal cooperation.
- This is because our country is not acting simply as the passive
- political object of U.N. intervention, but rather as an active and
- dynamic subject. In this sense, we are not simply trying to solve
- our internal problems, but rather we have the opportunity to make
- a contribution to humanity of yet immeasurable consequences. We
- might even be so bold as to venture that with this unprecedented
- and innovative intervention in El Salvador, the United Nations
- could reawaken hope worldwide in the organization, and historically
- justify its existence.
- In his Sunday homily on August 9, the General Vicar of the
- Archdiocese of San Salvador, Mons. Ricardo Urioste, was clear in
- his denunciation. "We just don't get tired of killing in this
- country," he said. "There are some who do not understand, and there
- is no way to get them to understand, that human beings are sacred
- and their lives must be respected." This same plea was made by
- Mons. Romero over 12 years ago. Those groups -whether they are
- called civic movements, anti-Communist fronts, etc.- which still
- operate with impunity against human life, must understand that El
- Salvador's present historical commitment also has universal
- transcendence. As long as the voices which appeal for respect for
- life go unheeded, peace in El Salvador will remain in jeopardy and
- we will continue in debt to all of humanity.
-
-
- ** End of text from cdp:reg.elsalvador **
-
- /** reg.elsalvador: 150.0 **/
- ** Topic: Proceso 525: Labor **
- ** Written 9:36 pm Aug 20, 1992 by cidai@huracan.cr in cdp:reg.elsalvador **
- From: cidai@huracan.cr (Centro de Informacion Documentacion y Apoyo a la Invest. - UCAJSC)
- Subject: Proceso 525: Labor
-
- Center for Information, Documentation and Research Support (CIDAI)
- Central American University (UCA)
- San Salvador, El Salvador
-
- PROCESO 525
- August 12, 1992
-
- LABOR:
- The VAT: a new challenge for the popular movement
-
- Last July 23, the Legislative Assembly, with the votes of PCN
- and ARENA, passed the law to create a Value-Added Tax (VAT). The
- tax will take effect on September 1 with a rate of 10%. Many
- sectors opposed the tax from the moment the Ministry of the
- Treasury announced it would send the bill to the Assembly last May.
- Some opposition parties declared they would vote against the
- measure.
- The popular movement, for its part, carried out some actions
- to demonstrate its opposition to the tax. On June 3, the Permanent
- Commission of the National Debate for Peace (CPDN) requested that
- the tax not go into effect; on the 10th the UNTS ran a caravan
- through downtown San Salvador to protest the VAT; on July 9,
- CONFRAS joined the protests. However, during the period in which
- the VAT was under debate, it cannot be said that the popular
- movement actually adopted a strategy of struggle. The most
- important joint action taken was the general work stoppage of
- public employees on July 13 and 14, but the goal of the action was
- more to pressure the private sector to join the Forum for Economic
- and Social Consensus-Building than to oppose the VAT, even though
- this was one of the points that the Forum should have taken up.
- It was only after the tax was passed that the popular movement
- began to have an important presence in anti-VAT protests. On July
- 28, the Consumer Defense Committee announced that the VAT would
- cause greater poverty, that the Ministry of the Treasury did not
- have enough staff to oversee compliance with the tax, and that
- therefore it should not go into effect until January 1993. The
- Community Coordinating Council made similar declarations the same
- day, adding that Salvadorans are not prepared to absorb such an
- increase in the cost of living. On July 29 and 30, the CPDN and
- UNTS, respectively, asked President Cristiani to veto the law. The
- UNTS said it could accept the VAT only under the following
- conditions: a 7% rate starting in January 1993, along with
- ratification of the Consumer Protection Law without President
- Cristiani's observations, a longer list of tax-exempt products, and
- wage increases for workers. It also warned of future protest
- actions if the law went into effect as passed by the Assembly.
- Later, on August 8, Ramon Diaz Bach of the CPDN complained
- that the VAT was already being applied to some products by
- unscrupulous merchants. He also claimed that the cost of living
- would go up by 20% as a consequence of the tax.
- Although the popular movement has achieved a more or less
- common position around the VAT, it is unlikely that its demands
- will be heeded, especially with regard to the request that
- President Cristiani veto the bill passed by the Assembly. In the
- first place, the protests came far too late. On July 9 Cristiani
- declared that no organization had presented a technically-qualified
- document to support the claim that the proposed 12% rate was too
- high; indeed, during the period between the announcement of the
- bill and its passing in the Assembly, only a few isolated trade
- union declarations were registered. Although almost all platforms
- of labor demands mentioned the negative effects of the future VAT
- on the standard of living of the majority, this does not mean that
- a struggle to prevent the tax was being waged. The popular movement
- spent those months busy chiefly with the teachers' strike and the
- general work stoppage, not with the VAT.
- In the second place, the VAT is already a given, whether it
- goes into effect in September or next January, and whether the rate
- is 10% or 7%. Furthermore, the tax enjoyed sufficient consensus in
- principle to avoid a boycott. The alternative now is perhaps in
- demanding compensatory measures. One of them could be to demand
- that the Consumer Protection Law be ratified with its original
- language, excluding the presidential recommendations.
- The popular movement has also failed to come up with a joint
- strategy for the consumer struggle. Although the Consumer Defense
- Committee did a good job of drawing up and promoting the bill,
- which was reflected in the general satisfaction with the language
- of the bill as passed unanimously by the Assembly, the other
- grassroots organizations have done little to pressure the Assembly
- to override the president's recommendations [which seriously alter
- the spirit and letter of the bill, cf. Proceso 523]. Popular
- movement pressure remains at the level of isolated declarations. In
- fact, the opposition parties have taken the lead in opposing
- President Cristiani's recommendations.
- These parties are also opposed to the form in which the VAT
- bill was passed. This could be an important factor to consider in
- building future alliances. On August 8, the Democratic Convergence
- announced that it would request the tax be postponed until January
- 1993 and with a rate of 7%. It also said that the version passed by
- the Assembly has serious technical flaws which require time to
- correct, among them a complete lack of mechanisms for fiscal
- oversight. The party also requested that the tax be established by
- consensus among the different sectors of the nation.
- On August 9, the Christian Democratic Party (PDC) declared
- that the Law's technical flaws will prompt a trickle-down effect
- resulting in a total increase of 35-40% in the price of all goods.
- The PDC also complained that the informal sector was not taken into
- account, despite the fact that it produces half of all goods and
- services nationwide; and that the Ministry lacks the staff
- necessary to control the implementation of the tax. Thus the PDC is
- also in favor of allowing for more time to correct these problems
- before the tax actually takes effect.
- The VAT is a measure which should have been discussed in the
- Forum for Economic and Social Consensus-Building. The government
- itself could have come up with a better reaction to the Consumer
- Protection Law if the Forum had been fully functional, since it
- would have worked to obtain decisive popular support.
- Finally, it is important to stress that the present moment
- requires that the popular movement update its lines of action. At
- a time when the nation is facing issues in which the subsistence of
- the majority is at stake, there is no room for short-term demands
- or improvisation. The moment demands concerted, powerful and
- effective action. The greatest challenge facing the popular
- movement is to win socio-economic demands which improve the living
- conditions of the Salvadoran people. And the most urgent agenda
- point is to mitigate the effects of the upcoming VAT.
-
-
- ** End of text from cdp:reg.elsalvador **
-