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- From: nyt%nyxfer%igc.apc.org@MIZZOU1.missouri.edu (NY Transfer News)
- Subject: cuba labor
- Message-ID: <1992Nov17.002214.25704@mont.cs.missouri.edu>
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- Resent-From: "Rich Winkel" <MATHRICH@MIZZOU1.missouri.edu>
- Date: Tue, 17 Nov 1992 00:22:14 GMT
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-
-
- Via The NY Transfer News Service * All the News that Doesn't Fit
-
- from Workers World:
-
- CUBA THEN AND NOW, THROUGH A SAILOR'S EYES
-
-
- To the Editor:
-
- The October issue of the publication Labor Notes printed a letter
- by a Samuel Farber that attacked the legitimacy of trade unions in
- Cuba. Farber claimed they do not represent Cuban workers but
- instead are "organs of the one-party state." As a longtime trade
- union activist who participated in the second U.S./Cuba Labor
- Exchange delegation to Cuba this past spring, I would like to
- respond.
-
- I'm not an expert on Cuba or on its trade unions, but this wasn't
- my first trip to Cuba. I visited it some 30-40 times in the 1950s
- as a young seaman in the U.S. merchant marine. At that time, Havana
- was known as the "playground of the Caribbean," and with good
- reason. All the clubs and big restaurants were run by organized
- crime from the U.S. The cops were vicious, even to U.S. sailors.
- About the only job a Cuban woman could get was as a domestic
- servant or a prostitute. Racial segregation was as bad as anything
- in the deep South, and so many kids were trying to survive by
- begging that their own parents used to deform them so they'd get a
- few more coins from the tourists. I saw all this with my own eyes.
-
- This spring, I went back to Havana, as part of a delegation of 23
- U.S. trade unionists, some of us rank-and-file members, some union
- officers or staff members. We participated in a labor seminar
- sponsored by the Cuban Confederation of Workers (CTC), the
- federation of 14 unions that together represent 96 percent of the
- workers in Cuba. In an organized way and also on our own, we were
- able to visit workplaces and neighborhoods and meet with union
- leaders from across the island, including with Pedro Ross,
- president of the CTC.
-
- There's been a lot in the papers lately about what a hard time Cuba
- is going through, a result of the continuing 32-year blockade of
- the island by Washington, now being tightened even further by the
- Torricelli bill, plus the collapse of trading agreements with the
- former Soviet Union and eastern European countries. And Cuba is
- going through a very difficult time. But in my seven days in
- Havana, whether on the official tours or out on my own, I didn't
- see a single person living on the street. Not one homeless person.
- Not one beggar. And not one single child asking me for a coin or a
- piece of food. Now, maybe some people would say that the police can
- run off street people and beggars, but all the cops in the world
- can't tell a hungry kid not to ask you for something to eat.
-
- So I had to ask myself, what made the difference? Here's a society
- that's obviously poor, but the kids are healthy, everybody's got a
- place to live, segregation's gone, women are respected--what was
- the Cuban Revolution all about?
-
- When I used to visit Cuba, the tourist industry was run by the mob.
- Forty percent of the sugar industry was owned by U.S. businessmen,
- as was 90 percent of the utilities and most of the ranching and
- minding. A few Cubans were very wealthy and the rest were mostly
- dirt poor, especially the Black Cubans.
-
- Today in Cuba, there are no private companies, no stockholders. All
- the industries, the farms and mines, the utilities, hospitals,
- schools and so on are owned by the government and they're run to
- meet the needs of the people. Wages are set on the national level,
- by the government in consultation with the leadership of the CTC
- and are based on what is available. Pensions are set the same way.
- Health and safety laws are also national--they're not left up to
- each individual workplace to decide. "Negotiations" take place
- within the context of trying to raise the level of society as a
- whole, not just one individual group of workers. People go up or
- down together. You can see that yourself on the streets. There are
- no huge differences in how much people have. Professionals and
- managers make more than blue-collar workers, but not much more.
-
- Here healthcare is a big fight for the unions. In Cuba, health care
- is universal and free for all--and includes the unrestricted right
- to abortion. Education is free, from kindergarten through college.
- There are no private landlords, and by law, your rent can't be more
- than 10 percent of your income. After ten years the government
- gives you the title to your house or apartment and you don't have
- to pay rent anymore.
-
- So what's the role of the unions? Basically, it's to look out for
- the interests of the workers in the various enterprises. If a
- manager of a factory, for example, isn't enforcing health and
- safety regulations, if he or she is guilty of corruption or
- nepotism, or in the view of the union is pushing unreasonably hard
- for production, the union and management meet and talk it out. If
- they can't come to a resolution, a government mediator is brought
- in. If the union still isn't satisfied, it can push to have the
- manager removed. And that does happen. But at the same time, the
- union--and the individual workers--also have a stake in production,
- because that's what ultimately determines the level of their wages
- and pensions as well as the improvement and expansion of health
- care, education, housing, etc. So in this context, strikes--which,
- by the way, are not forbidden by the Cuban constitution--don't make
- a lot of sense.
-
- This is a different role for a union than the one we're used to
- here in the U.S. If a union leader were to tell us we had a stake
- in company productivity, we'd call him or her a stooge. But we live
- in a capitalist society, where productivity means more profits for
- the boss, and very often layoffs for the workers. In Cuba, there
- are no profits and productivity means advancement for everyone in
- society. That may sound like rhetoric, but it's a real difference.
- It's why the kids in Cuba are healthy and the old people aren't
- eating out of garbage cans. It's why I couldn't get over how much
- things had changed in Havana from the last time I was there.
-
- The CTC has played a major role in this change. The federation has
- been around since the 1920s and for many decades fought a bitter
- struggle against the government. Then in the mid-fifties the
- Batista dictatorship--with the help of the anti-communist crusaders
- running the AFL-CIO--physically removed much of the CTC leadership
- and replaced it with pro-Batista hacks. That's the real history.
- And that's the reason for the "purge of the freely elected union
- leadership" Mr. Farber mentions that took place right after the
- Revolution. Maybe Mr. Farber liked the CTC better when it was just
- an arm of the Batista regime, back in the good old days when Cuba
- was "free." But I remember those days and if there was a strong and
- free union movement in Cuba back then, well, it wasn't on the docks
- or on the ships or in the streets where I was.
-
- We could give Cuban workers a big hand by telling Washington to
- lift the damned blockade and stay the hell out of Cuba. And we
- could respect their right to build their own society, with their
- own values and principles--and their own unions.
-
- By the way, trade unionists who are interested in traveling to Cuba
- and seeing that society for themselves can contact the U.S./Cuba
- Labor Exchange, P.O. Box 39188, Redford, Mich. 48239, phone/fax:
- (313) 836-3752.
-
- Sincerely,
-
- Henri Nereaux
- Vice President
- Masters, Mates & Pilots (Ret.)
-
-
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