NetNews Usenet Archive 1992 #16/NN_1992_16.iso/spool/misc/activism/progress/5458

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From: [e-mail] (Rich Winkel)
Subject: Timor: Resistance leader stmt to UN Decol'n Committee
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/** reg.easttimor: 350.0 **/
** Topic: Xanana stmt to Decol. Committee **
** Written 12:18 am  Jul 29, 1992 by cscheiner in cdp:reg.easttimor **
Complete text, scanned.

Statement from Xanana Gusmao, head of the National Council of Maubere
Resistance, to the U.N. Decolonization Committee in New York, July 27,
1992. Translated from the Portuguese and delivered by Jose Ramos-Horta,
External Spokesman, CNRM.

EAST TIMOR
NATIONAL COUNCIL OF MAUBERE RESISTANCE
NATIONAL LIBERATION ARMED FORCES OF EAST TIMOR

Mr. Chairman,

Distinguished members of the Special Committee on Decolonization:

I have the honor to address this Committee on behalf of the people
of East Timor.

It is with faith that I am addressing this prestigious United Nations
body in the current international context. I believe it to be appropriate
to note that so many independent States were born in the shadows of the
principles that are embodied in this Committee. These are the same
principles that are inspiring the birth of new states in the old
Continent.

This Committee took upon itself the task of eradicating colonialism by
the Year 2,000. With this promising vision the Special Committee on
Decolonization asserts itself as the guardian of the hopes and
aspirations of the peoples still under a backward system of domination.

In the decades that crowned the struggles for national liberation, this
Committee was the forum for the defence of the international rights of
the colonial countries and peoples. These historical achievements are our
source of faith and hope and this is even more so with the approaching
end of colonialism from the face of the Earth.

Mr. Chairman,
Distinguished members of the Special Committee on Decolonization:

With the inclusion of East Timor in 1960 on the UN GA List of Non-
Self-Governing Territories, this committee undertook total responsibility
to see to it that the principles embodied in the Charter are fully
applied to this territory.

In the history of the struggle against colonial expansionism, the
oppressed peoples were always left with no alternative but to resort to
violence to assert their rights in the face of the arrogant use of force
by the colonizers. This is what happened to us when we were brutally
invaded on 7 December 1975. Till this very day we are resisting the
Indonesian criminal military occupation by all means available to us,
including armed resistance.

However, we are in the midst of a historical whirlwind, underscored by
political changes in various latitudes. Terrorist states have seen their
very foundation smoldered by the democratic conscience of their citizens.
Totalitarian regimes are now on the path towards the full respect for
fundamental freedoms. Dictatorships in the Third World, installed by the
West, are being overthrown in the face of popular protests. Humanity is
indeed on the road towards a New World Order.

We have to continue to build a New world order that is based on the
elimination of all the evils that affect so many regions of this planet.
This Committee, with only eight years ahead before the Year 2,000, has
the daunting task of sweeping from the face of the Earth all the
manifestations of colonialism.

Regrettably, some Member States use double standards on identical
situations, namely, East Timor and Kuwait. In spite of this, I am
certain, the Special Committee on Decolonization will not betray the
sacred principles that gave birth to it. We are also certain that in
dealing with the question of East Timor it will be guided by
International Law and all the relevant norms on self- determination and
independence.

We are certain that East Timor will not be an exception in the
decolonization process. Indonesia, a member of this august body, used it
in the past as a forum to denounce Portuguese colonialism. Now again it
is using this Committee as a forum to defend its own colonial aggression,
annexation and military occupation of East Timor in complete disregard
for the relevant Security Council Resolutions 384 (1975) and 389 (1976).

Mr. Chairman,

Distinguished members of the Committee:

It was only yesterday, so to speak, that the world was divided into two
major military blocs, led by the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., both sides using
at will the veto power to preserve their respective spheres of influence.
We note with consternation that even after the dismantling of the old
Soviet empire and the communist bloc, the West continues to make use of
its veto power whenever just causes affect their economic interests.

The sanctions against Iraq seemed to suggest that gone is the taboo of
state sovereignty and domestic jurisdiction; the measures adopted against
Libya seem to suggest that the universal concept of justice should breach
national boundaries when it comes to the application of universal
principles; the Security Council resolutions on Yugoslavia seem to
suggest that it now belongs to the past the notion that only the powerful
and rich could determine the fate of peoples and that the universal
principles of self- determination should prevail in time, in all
latitudes and in all circumstances.

More than 200,000 dead and a continuing practice of persecution,
imprisonment and massacres are the balance of more than 16 years of our
resistance to Indonesia's military occupation of our country.

The 12 November 1991 massacre of East Timorese civilians jolted the
international conscience. Some governments, even though accomplices in
the physical, ethnic and cultural genocide of our people, were not able
not able to hide their horror in the face of the Santa Cruz massacre.
However, a few months have elapsed, and their conscience slipped back to
business as usual.

Much has been said about the 12 November 1991 massacre and the images of
the massacre revealed the nature of the annexation of East Timor. 12
November underscored the historical fact that people's nationalism cannot
be liquidated by repression, nor can it be alienated by so-called
economic development. Namibia emerged as an independent state 40 years
later. Small and large independent states whose right to
self-determination and independence were denied blossomed 40 years later.

The referenda in the Baltic States were a model in conflict resolution.
The world is shocked by the armed conflicts in Yugoslavia and Armenia.
However, the international community is only harvesting the fruits of
historical mistakes perpetrated by oppressive regimes that assaulted
human conscience and regarded their fellow beings as mere pawns of the
ambitions of the economic oligarchy to which they belonged.

A referendum process is now in preparation in Western Sahara. We are
perplexed by the news that Indonesia reportedly offered a contingent to
participate in the UN multinational force in Western Sahara.

Mr. Chairman,

Distinguished members of the Committee:

Indonesia claims that the people of East Timor have already chosen
integration by "free will". If this is the case, then why so many
restrictions in East Timor? If this is so, why does it, fear a
ratification of the act under international supervision? if this is
so, why did it create so many obstacles that aborted the projected
Portuguese Parliamentary Mission to East Timor? Why did Indonesia
close the territory following the 12 November massacre? Why are
foreign visitors subjected to pro-Indonesia criteria? Why does East
Timor remains closed to international humanitarian organizations?

Why all this if the people of East Timor chose by its free will
integration with Indonesia? Why all this if, according to the
Indonesian generals, only a few "marginal" continue to think about
independence?

The new democracies, conscious that they are part of the community of
nations, have shown political good will by inviting international
supervision of their inaugural electoral processes. Why does the
international community allows East Timor to remain a large prison? Is it
because the people of East Timor wanted their island to be a prison?

Mr. Chairman,
Distinguished Members of the Special Committee on Decolonization:

I believe that in regard to East Timor, there are three fundamental
resolutions that should be taken into consideration:

a. Security Council Res. 384 of 22 December 1975 and 389 of 26 April 1976
which, inter alia, reaffirm:

"the inalienable right of the people of East Timor to self-determination
and independence in accordance with the principles of the United Nations
Charter and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial
Countries and Peoples contained in General Assembly Res. 1514 (XV) of 14
December 1960".

The above-mentioned resolutions called

"on all States to respect the territorial integrity of East Timor as well
as the inalienable right of its people to Self- determination in
accordance with GA Res. 1514 (XV); and " ... the government of Indonesia
to withdraw without delay all its forces from the territory".

The Security Council finally called upon "all states and all interested
parties to cooperate fully with the United Nations in its efforts to
finding a peaceful solution to the prevailing situation and to facilitate
the decolonization of the territory".

b. Yearly resolutions between 1975 and 1981 met with the indifference of
the international community which in turn served only to encourage
inflexibility on the part of Indonesia. In 1982, the General Assembly
adopted Res. 37/30 which states and I quote:

"Recognizing the inalienable right of all peoples to self- determination
and independence in accordance with the United Nations Charter and the
Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and
Peoples, contained in Res. 1514 (XV) of the General Assembly, of 14
December 1960,

"Requests the Secretary-General to initiate consultations with all
parties directly concerned with a view to exploring the avenues for
achieving a comprehensive settlement of the problem and to report thereon
to the General Assembly at its 38th session".

Mr. Chairman,

Any solution to the problem of East Timor must be based on the respect
for the expressed will of the people of East Timor. We are conscious of
the fact that it is particularly difficult for the government of
Indonesia a solution that put in question the fundamental interests of
the Indonesian state, but we cannot abdicate from our own interests and
rights.

Dialogue is the means to solve conflicts. This is the trend in today's
world. Indonesia herself continues to play an important role in the
resolution of the Cambodian conflict. The whole argument of "internal
affair" has been invoked time and again by the powerful. We witnessed it
in the Gulf. What is happening in Yugoslavia, now focus of peace-making
efforts by the UN and the EC, exposes the arrogance of those who continue
to create obstacles to the peaceful resolution of conflicts.

Dialogue without pre-conditions preserves the mutual interests of the
parties to the conflict. Both Portugal and the Maubere People are ready
for dialogue. However, the government of Indonesia, enjoying the status
as benefactor of Western economic and financial largesse, feels strong
enough to reject the inclusion of the East Timorese themselves in the
peace talks. We continue to invite Indonesia to round-table talks and we
reaffirm our political will in endeavoring to find the best way to
balance the interests of all parties to the conflict.

Portugal, the Administering power recognized by the UN, stands for a
process of dialogue with the inclusion of the East Timorese, without
pre-conditions.

Our flexibility regarding the involvement of the East Timorese aims at
helping Portugal face the negotiation process seriously. it is the role
of Portugal, legal Administering power of East Timor, in the context of
its responsibilities, to work with the East Timorese towards finding
formulas that might lead towards a comprehensive and lasting solution.

The Special Representative of the National Council of Maubere Resistance,
Mr. Jose Ramos-Horta, conceived and outlined a set of key-ideas with a
view to contributing to a solution. I wish to elaborate on this plan.

Three elements emerge from this plan:

a. An extremely important element to emphasise, without any doubt, is the
fact that the territory remains under UN responsibility until a final
solution of the problem;

b. Concerning the Portuguese role in the process, I believe that the role
of Portugal has to be seen in the context of its commitment to engage in
dialogue with Indonesia. Its role in the whole peace process is vital.

c. In accepting a transition situation and recognizing that a "de facto"
situation exists in East Timor (Namibia was under South African
domination and yet the UN did not relinquish its responsibilities), we
wish to create favorable political conditions so that through democratic
means and in a peaceful climate each party may persuade the people about
the advantages of its policies. An act of self-determination, as the
result and goal of this transition period, would be the true political
act of free choice by our people.

I reaffirm our collective political will to abide by the popular verdict
if the Maubere people, under international supervision, decide to opt for
integration with the Republic of Indonesia.

We do not fight against Indonesia, we are not fighting against the people
of Indonesia. We respect the great Indonesian nation, we respect our
Indonesian brothers.

In an independent East Timor we will strive to have privileged relations
of friendship and cooperation between our two peoples; we will strive to
promote the instruments of bi-lateral and regional cooperation in the
framework of ASEAN. We will spare no effort to enhance ASEAN and its role
in promoting political and economic cooperation as well as promoting the
region as a zone of peace and prosperity.

An independent East Timor will seek membership with the South Pacific
Forum. We share the same aspirations with the small island-states of the
Pacific and we will strive to foster cooperation for the benefit of our
peoples.

An independent East Timor will reject the existence of armed forces as
our real contribution towards regional and world peace. We oppose
militarization because we are against armed conflicts. We oppose
militarization because as part of the Humanity that desires peace we do
not fear our powerful neighbors. We oppose militarization because we
believe the conscience of mankind opts for dialogue to resolve
differences. If dialogue means democratic practice, if, above all, it is
a concept of justice, if dialogue means respect for fundamental rights
and freedoms of peoples, we are then against the use of force, we are
against war, we are against oppression.

We are convinced that if all share the same convictions, Southeast Asia
could become a model in the new world we all wish to build.

We hope that the Indonesian leaders understand our message of peace, our
gesture of reconciliation and that our resistance is not aimed at the
Indonesian state or people. In equal circumstances of rights and
obligations we will know how to honor the friendship that the great
Indonesian nation may offer us.

We appeal to the Special Committee on Decolonization to spare no effort
to see to it that the UN relevant resolutions on East Timor are fully
implemented.
---------------
     Headquarters of the National Council of Maubere Resistance, in East
     Timor, 20 June 1992.

     For the CNRM,

     Kayrala Xanana Gusmao
     Comandante das FALINTIL

** End of text from cdp:reg.easttimor **