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$Title{Plutarch's Lives
Part I}
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$Author{Plutarch}
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$Subject{aristides
upon
themistocles
athenians
name
himself
war
barbarians
country
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$Date{c75}
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Title:       Plutarch's Lives
Book:        Aristides
Author:      Plutarch
Date:        c75
Translation: Dryden, Arthur Hugh Clough

Part I

     Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, was of the tribe Antiochis, and
township of Alopece. As to his wealth, statements differ; some say he passed
his life in extreme poverty, and left behind him two daughters whose indigence
long kept them unmarried: but Demetrius, the Phalerian, in opposition to this
general report, professes in his Socrates, to know a farm at Phalerum going by
Aristides' name, where he was interred; and, as marks of his opulence, adduces
first, the office of archon eponymus, which he obtained by the lot of the
bean; which was confined to the highest assessed families, called the
Pentacosiomedimni; second, the ostracism, which was not usually inflicted on
the poorer citizens, but on those of great houses, whose station exposed them
to envy; third and last, that he left certain tripods in the temple of
Bacchus, offerings for his victory in conducting the representation of
dramatic performances, which were even in our age still to be seen, retaining
this inscription upon them, "The tribe Antiochis obtained the victory:
Aristides defrayed the charges: Archestratus' play was acted." But this
argument, though in appearance the strongest, is of the least moment of any.
For Epaminondas, who all the world knows was educated, and lived his whole
life, in much poverty, and also Plato, the philosopher, exhibited magnificent
shows, the one an entertainment of flute-players, the other of dithyrambic
singers; Dion, the Syracusan, supplying the expenses of the latter, and
Pelopidas those of Epaminondas. For good men do not allow themselves in any
inveterate and irreconcilable hostility to receiving presents from their
friends, but while looking upon those that are accepted to be hoarded up and
with avaricious intentions, as sordid and mean, they do not refuse such as,
apart from all profit, gratify the pure love of honor and magnificence.
Panaetius, again, shows that Demetrius was deceived concerning the tripod by
an identity of name. For, from the Persian war to the end of the
Peloponnesian, there are upon record only two of the name of Aristides, who
defrayed the expense of representing plays and gained the prize, neither of
which was the same with the son of Lysimachus; but the father of the one was
Xenophilus, and the other lived at a much later time, as the way of writing,
which is that in use since the time of Euclides, and the addition of the name
of Archestratus prove, a name which, in the time of the Persian war, no writer
mentions, but which several, during the Peloponnesian war, record as that of a
dramatic poet. The argument of Panaetius requires to be more closely
considered. But as for the ostracism, every one was liable to it, whom his
reputation, birth, or eloquence raised above the common level; insomuch that
even Damon, preceptor to Pericles, was thus banished, because he seemed a man
of more than ordinary sense. And, moreover, Idomeneus says, that Aristides was
not made archon by the lot of the bean, but the free election of the people.
And if he held the office after the battle of Plataea, as Demetrius himself
has written, it is very probable that his great reputation and success in the
war, made him be preferred for his virtue to an office which others received
in consideration of their wealth. But Demetrius manifestly is eager not only
to exempt Aristides, but Socrates likewise, from poverty, as from a great
evil; telling us that the latter had not only a house of his own, but also
seventy minae put out at interest with Crito.

     Aristides being the friend and supporter of that Clisthenes, who settled
the government after the expulsion of the tyrants, and emulating and admiring
Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian above all politicians, adhered to the
aristocratical principles of government; and had Themistocles, son of Neocles,
his adversary on the side of the populace. Some say that, being boys and bred
up together from their infancy, they were always at variance with each other
in all their words and actions as well serious as playful, and that in this
their early contention they soon made proof of their natural inclinations; the
one being ready, adventurous, and subtle, engaging readily and eagerly in
every thing; the other of a staid and settled temper, intent on the exercise
of justice, not admitting any degree of falsity, indecorum, or trickery, no,
not so much as at his play. Ariston of Chios ^1 says the first origin of the
enmity which rose to so great a height, was a love affair; they were rivals
for the affection of the beautiful Stesilaus of Ceos, and were passionate
beyond all moderation, and did not lay aside their animosity when the beauty
that had excited it passed away; but, as if it had only exercised them in it,
immediately carried their heats and differences into public business.

[Footnote 1: More correctly, perhaps, both here and elsewhere, Ariston of
Ceos. There were two philosophical writers of the name, Ariston of Chios, a
stoic, and Ariston of Ceos, a Peripatetic.]

     Themistocles, therefore, joining an association of partisans, fortified
himself with considerable strength; insomuch that when some one told him that
were he impartial, he would make a good magistrate; "I wish," replied he, "I
may never sit on that tribunal where my friends shall not plead a greater
privilege than strangers." But Aristides walked, so to say, alone on his own
path in politics, being unwilling, in the first place, to go along with his
associates in ill doing, or to cause them vexation by not gratifying their
wishes; and, secondly, observing that many were encouraged by the support they
had in their friends to act injuriously, he was cautious; being of opinion
that the integrity of his words and actions was the only right security for a
good citizen.

     However, Themistocles making many dangerous alterations, and withstanding
and interrupting him in the whole series of his actions, Aristides also was
necessitated to set himself against all Themistocles did, partly in self -
defence, and partly to impede his power from still increasing by the favor of
the multitude; esteeming it better to let slip some public conveniences,
rather than that he by prevailing should become powerful in all things. In
fine, when he once had opposed Themistocles in some measures that were
expedient, and had got the better of him, he could not refrain from saying,
when he left the assembly, that unless they sent Themistocles and himself to
the barathrum, ^2 there could be no safety for Athens. Another time, when
urging some proposal upon the people, though there were much opposition and
stirring against it, he yet was gaining the day; but just as the president of
the assembly was about to put it to the vote, perceiving by what had been said
in debate the inexpediency of his advice, he let it fall. Also he often
brought in his bills by other persons, lest Themistocles, through party spirit
against him, should be any hindrance to the good of the public.

[Footnote 2: A pit into which the dead bodies of malefactors, or perhaps
living malefactors themselves, were thrown. "The gallows" perhaps is the
English term most nearly corresponding to the barathrum, as commonly spoken of
in the Athenian popular language.]

     In all the vicissitudes of public affairs, the constancy he showed was
admirable, not being elated with honors, and demeaning himself tranquilly and
sedately in adversity; holding the opinion that he ought to offer himself to
the service of his country without mercenary views and irrespectively of any
reward, not only of riches, but even of glory itself. Hence it came, probably,
that at the recital of these verses of Aeschylus in the theatre, relating to
Amphiaraus.

     "For not at seeming just, but being so
     He aims; and from his depth of soil below,
     Harvests of wise and prudent counsels grow,"

the eyes of all the spectators turned on Aristides, as if this virtue, in an
especial manner, belonged to him.

     He was a most determined champion for justice, not only against feelings
of friendship and favor, but wrath and malice. Thus it is reported of him that
when prosecuting the law against one who was his enemy, on the judges after
accusation refusing to hear the criminal, and proceeding immediately to pass
sentence upon him, he rose in haste from his seat and joined in petition with
him for a hearing, and that he might enjoy the privilege of the law. Another
time, when judging between two private persons, on the one declaring his
adversary had very much injured Aristides; "Tell me rather, good friend," he
said, "what wrong he has done you; for it is your cause, not my own, which I
now sit judge of." Being chosen to the charge of the public revenue, he made
it appear, that not only those of his time, but the preceding officers, had
alienated much treasure, and especially Themistocles: -

     "Well known he was an able man to be,
     But with his fingers apt to be too free."

Therefore, Themistocles associating several persons against Aristides, and
impeaching him when he gave in his accounts, caused him to be condemned of
robbing the public; so Idomeneus states; but the best and chiefest men of the
city much resenting it, he was not only exempted from the fine imposed upon
him, but likewise again called to the same employment. Pretending now to
repent him of his former practice, and carrying himself with more remissness,
he became acceptable to such as pillaged the treasury, by not detecting or
calling them to an exact account. So that those who had their fill of the
public money began highly to applaud Aristides, and sued to the people, making
interest to have him once more chosen treasurer. But when they were upon the
point of election, he reproved the Athenians. "When I discharged my office
well and faithfully," said he, "I was insulted and abused; but now that I have
allowed the public thieves in a variety of malpractices, I am considered an
admirable patriot. I am more ashamed, therefore, of this present honor than of
the former sentence; and I commiserate your condition, with whom it is more
praiseworthy to oblige ill men than to conserve the revenue of the public."
Saying thus, and proceeding to expose the thefts that had been committed, he
stopped the mouths of those who cried him up and vouched for him, but gained
real and true commendation from the best men.

     When Datis, being sent by Darius under pretence of punishing the
Athenians for their burning of Sardis, but in reality to reduce the Greeks
under his dominion, landed at Marathon and laid waste the country, among the
ten commanders appointed by the Athenians for the war, Miltiades was of the
greatest name; but the second place, both for reputation and power, was
possessed by Aristides: and when his opinion to join battle was added to that
of Miltiades, it did much to incline the balance. Every leader by his day
having the command in chief, when it came to Aristides' turn, he delivered it
into the hands of Miltiades, showing his fellow officers, that it is not
dishonorable to obey and follow wise and able men, but, on the contrary, noble
and prudent. So appeasing their rivalry, and bringing them to acquiesce in one
and the best advice, he confirmed Miltiades in the strength of an undivided
and unmolested authority. For now every one, yielding his day of command,
looked for orders only to him. During the fight the main body of the Athenians
being the hardest put to it, the barbarians, for a long time, making
opposition there against the tribes Leontis and Antiochis, Themistocles and
Aristides being ranged together, fought valiantly; the one being of the tribe
Leontis, the other of the Antiochis. But after they had beaten the barbarians
back to their ships, and perceived that they sailed not for the isles, but
were driven in by the force of sea and wind towards the country of Attica;
fearing lest they should take the city, unprovided of defence, they hurried
away thither with nine tribes, and reached it the same day. Aristides, being
left with his tribe at Marathon to guard the plunder and prisoners, did not
disappoint the opinion they had of him. Amidst the profusion of gold and
silver, all sorts of apparel, and other property, more than can be mentioned,
that were in the tents and the vessels which they had taken, he neither felt
the desire to meddle with any thing himself, nor suffered others to do it;
unless it might be some who took away any thing unknown to him; as Callias,
the torch-bearer, ^3 did. One of the barbarians, it seems, prostrated himself,
before this man, supposing him to be a king by his hair and fillet; and, when
he had so done, taking him by the hand, showed him a great quantity of gold
hid in a ditch. But Callias, most cruel and impious of men, took away the
treasure, but slew the man, lest he should tell of him. Hence, they say, the
comic poets gave his family the name of Laccopluti, or enriched by the ditch,
alluding to the place where Callias found the gold. Aristides, immediately
after this, was archon; although Demetrius, the Phalerian, says he held the
office a little before he died, after the battle of Plataea. But in the
records of the successors of Xanthippides, in whose year Mardonius was
overthrown at Plataea, amongst very many there mentioned, there is not so much
as one of the same name as Aristides: while immediately after Phaenippus,
during whose term of office they obtained the victory of Marathon, Aristides
is registered.

[Footnote 3: In the festivals of Eleusinian Ceres; an office hereditary in the
family of Callias]

     Of all his virtues, the common people were most affected with his
justice, because of its continual and common use; and thus, although of mean
fortune and ordinary birth, he possessed himself of the most kingly and divine
appellation of Just; which kings, however, and tyrants have never sought
after; but have taken delight to be surnamed besiegers of cities, thunderers,
conquerors, or eagles again, and hawks; ^4 affecting, it seems, the reputation
which proceeds from power and violence, rather than that of virtue. Although
the divinity, to whom they desire to compare and assimilate themselves,
excels, it is supposed, in three things, immortality, power, and virtue; of
which three, the noblest and divinest is virtue. For the elements and vacuum
have an everlasting existence; earthquakes, thunders, storms, and torrents
have great power; but in justice and equity nothing participates except by
means of reason and the knowledge of that which is divine. And thus, taking
the three varieties of feeling commonly entertained towards the deity, the
sense of his happiness, fear, and honor of him, people would seem to think him
blest and happy for his exemption from death and corruption, to fear and dread
him for his power and dominion, but to love, honor, and adore him for his
justice. Yet though thus disposed, they covet that immortality which our
nature is not capable of, and that power the greatest part of which is at the
disposal of fortune; but give virtue, the only divine good really in our
reach, the last place, most unwisely; since justice makes the life of such as
are in prosperity, power, and authority the life of a good, and injustice
turns it to that of a beast.

[Footnote 4: Demetrius Poliorcetes, or the besieger, Ptolemy Ceraunus, or
Thunder, and Demetrius Nicator, the conqueror, are the probable examples
alluded to; with Pyrrhus who had the name of Aetus, the eagle, and Antiochus
surnamed Hierax, the hawk.]

     Aristides, therefore, had at first the fortune to be beloved for this
surname, but at length envied. Especially when Themistocles spread a rumor
amongst the people, that, by determining and judging all matters privately, he
had destroyed the courts of judicature, and was secretly making way for a
monarchy in his own person, without the assistance of guards. Moreover, the
spirit of the people, now grown high, and confident with their late victory,
naturally entertained feelings of dislike to all of more than common fame and
reputation. Coming together, therefore, from all parts into the city, they
banished Aristides by the ostracism, giving their jealousy of his reputation
the name of fear of tyranny. For ostracism was not the punishment of any
criminal act, but was speciously said to be the mere depression and
humiliation of excessive greatness and power; and was in fact a gentle relief
and mitigation of envious feeling, which was thus allowed to vent itself in
inflicting no intolerable injury, only a ten years' banishment. But after it
came to be exercised upon base and villainous fellows, they desisted from it;
Hyperbolus, being the last whom they banished by the ostracism.

     The cause of Hyperbolus' banishment is said to have been this. Alcibiades
and Nicias, men that bore the greatest sway in the city, were of different
factions. As the people, therefore, were about to vote the ostracism, and
obviously to decree it against one of them, consulting together and uniting
their parties, they contrived the banishment of Hyperbolus. Upon which the
people, being offended, as if some contempt or affront was put upon the thing,
left off and quite abolished it. It was performed, to be short, in this
manner. Every one taking an ostracon, a sherd, that is, or piece of
earthenware, wrote upon it the citizen's name he would have banished, and
carried it to a certain part of the market-place surrounded with wooden rails.
First, the magistrates numbered all the sherds in gross (for if there were
less than six thousand, the ostracism was imperfect); then, laying every name
by itself, they pronounced him whose name was written by the larger number,
banished for ten years, with the enjoyment of his estate. As, therefore, they
were writing the names on the sherds, it is reported that an illiterate
clownish fellow, giving Aristides his sherd, supposing him a common citizen,
begged him to write Aristides upon it; and he being surprised and asking if
Aristides had ever done him any injury, "None at all," said he, "neither know
I the man; but I am tired of hearing him everywhere called the Just."
Aristides, hearing this, is said to have made no reply, but returned the sherd
with his own name inscribed. At his departure from the city, lifting up his
hands to heaven, he made a prayer, (the reverse, it would seem, of that of
Achilles), that the Athenians might never have any occasion which should
constrain them to remember Aristides.

     Nevertheless, three years after, when Xerxes marched through Thessaly and
Boeotia into the country of Attica, repealing the law, they decreed the return
of the banished; chiefly fearing Aristides, lest, joining himself to the
enemy, he should corrupt and bring over many of his fellow-citizens to the
party of the barbarians; much mistaking the man, who, already before the
decree, was exerting himself to excite and encourage the Greeks to the defence
of their liberty. And afterwards, when Themistocles was general with absolute
power, he assisted him in all ways both in action and counsel; rendering, in
consideration of the common security, the greatest enemy he had the most
glorious of men. For when Eurybiades was deliberating to desert the isle of
Salamis, and the galleys of the barbarians putting out by night to sea
surrounded and beset the narrow passage and islands, and nobody was aware how
they were environed, Aristides, with great hazard, sailed from Aegina through
the enemy's fleet; and coming by night to Themistocles' tent, and calling him
out by himself; "If we have any discretion," said he, "Themistocles, laying
aside at this time our vain and childish contention, let us enter upon a safe
and honorable dispute, vying with each other for the preservation of Greece;
you in the ruling and commanding, I in the subservient and advising part;
even, indeed, as I now understand you to be alone adhering to the best advice,
in counselling without any delay to engage in the straits. And in this, though
our own party oppose, the enemy seems to assist you. For the sea behind, and
all around us, is covered with their fleet; so that we are under a necessity
of approving ourselves men of courage, and fighting, whether we will or no;
for there is no room left us for flight." To which Themistocles answered, "I
would not willingly, Aristides, be overcome by you on this occasion; and shall
endeavor, in emulation of this good beginning, to outdo it in my actions."
Also relating to him the stratagem he had framed against the barbarians, he
entreated him to persuade Eurybiades and show him, how it was impossible they
should save themselves without an engagement; as he was the more likely to be
believed. Whence, in the council of war, Cleocritus, the Corinthian, telling
Themistocles that Aristides did not like his advice, as he was present and
said nothing, Aristides answered, That he should not have held his peace, if
Themistocles had not been giving the best advice; and that he was now silent
not out of any good-will to the person, but in approbation of his counsel.

     Thus the Greek captains were employed. But Aristides perceiving
Psyttalea, a small island that lies within the straits over against Salamis,
to be filled by a body of the enemy, put aboard his small boats the most
forward and courageous of his countrymen, and went ashore upon it; and,
joining battle with the barbarians, slew them all, except such more remarkable
persons as were taken alive. Amongst these were three children of Sandauce,
the king's sister, whom he immediately sent away to Themistocles, and it is
stated that in accordance with a certain oracle, they were, by the command of
Euphrantides, the seer, sacrificed to Bacchus, called Omestes, or the
devourer. But Aristides, placing armed men all around the island, lay in wait
for such as were cast upon it, to the intent that none of his friends should
perish, nor any of his enemies escape. For the closest engagement of the
ships, and the main fury of the whole battle, seems to have been about this
place; for which reason a trophy was erected in Psyttalea.

     After the fight, Themistocles, to sound Aristides, told him they had
performed a good piece of service, but there was a better yet to be done, the
keeping Asia in Europe, by sailing forthwith to the Hellespont, and cutting in
sunder the bridge. But Aristides, with an exclamation, bid him think no more
of it, but deliberate and find out means for removing the Mede, as quickly as
possible, out of Greece; lest being enclosed, through want of means to escape,
necessity should compel him to force his way with so great an army. So
Themistocles once more despatched Arnaces, the eunuch, his prisoner, giving
him in command privately to advertise the king that he had diverted the Greeks
from their intention of setting sail for the bridges, out of the desire he
felt to preserve him.

     Xerxes, being much terrified with this, immediately hasted to the
Hellespont. But Mardonius was left with the most serviceable part of the army,
about three hundred thousand men, and was a formidable enemy, confident in his
infantry, and writing messages of defiance to the Greeks: "You have overcome
by sea men accustomed to fight on land, and unskilled at the oar; but there
lies now the open country of Thessaly; and the plains of Boeotia offer a broad
and worthy field for brave men, either horse or foot, to contend in." But he
sent privately to the Athenians, both by letter and word of mouth from the
king, promising to rebuild their city, to give them a vast sum of money, and
constitute them lords of all Greece on condition they were not engaged in the
war. The Lacedaemonians, receiving news of this, and fearing, despatched an
embassy to the Athenians, entreating that they would send their wives and
children to Sparta, and receive support from them for their superannuated.
For, being despoiled both of their city and country, the people were suffering
extreme distress. Having given audience to the ambassadors, they returned an
answer, upon the motion of Aristides, worthy of the highest admiration;
declaring, that they forgave their enemies if they thought all things
purchasable by wealth, than which they knew nothing of greater value; but that
they felt offended at the Lacedaemonians, for looking only to their present
poverty and exigence, without any remembrance of their valor and magnanimity,
offering them their victuals, to fight in the cause of Greece. Aristides,
making this proposal and bringing back the ambassadors into the assembly,
charged them to tell the Lacedaemonians, that all the treasure on the earth or
under it, was of less value with the people of Athens, than the liberty of
Greece. And, showing the sun to those who came from Mardonius, "as long as
that retains the same course, so long," said he, "shall the citizens of Athens
wage war with the Persians for the country which has been wasted, and the
temples that have been profaned and burnt by them." Moreover, he proposed a
decree, that the priests should anathematize him who sent any herald to the
Medes, or deserted the alliance of Greece.

     When Mardonius made a second incursion into the country of Attica, the
people passed over again into the isle of Salamis. Aristides, being sent to
Lacedaemon, reproved them for their delay and neglect in abandoning Athens
once more to the barbarians; and demanded their assistance for that part of
Greece which was not yet lost. The Ephori, hearing this, made show of sporting
all day, and of carelessly keeping holy day, (for they were then celebrating
the Hyacinthian festival), but in the night, selecting five thousand Spartans,
each of whom was attended by seven Helots, they sent them forth unknown to
those from Athens. And when Aristides again reprehended them, they told him in
derision that he either doted or dreamed, for the army was already at
Oresteum, in their march towards the strangers; as they called the Persians.
Aristides answered, that they jested unseasonably, deluding their friends,
instead of their enemies. Thus says Idomeneus. But in the decree of Aristides,
not himself, but Cimon, Xanthippus, and Myronides are appointed ambassadors.

     Being chosen general for the war, he repaired to Plataea, with eight
thousand Athenians, where Pausanias, generalissimo of all Greece, joined him
with the Spartans; and the forces of the other Greeks came in to them. The
whole encampment of the barbarians extended all along the bank of the river
Asopus, their numbers being so great, there was no enclosing them all, but
their baggage and most valuable things were surrounded with a square bulwark,
each side of which was the length of ten furlongs.

     Tisamenus, the Elean, had prophesied to Pausanias and all the Greeks, and
foretold them victory if they made no attempt upon the enemy, but stood on
their defence. But Aristides sending to Delphi, the god answered, that the
Athenians should overcome their enemies, in case they made supplication to
Jupiter and Juno of Cithaeron, Pan, and the nymphs Sphragitides, and
sacrificed to the heroes Androcrates, Leucon, Pisander, Damocrates, Hypsion,
Actaeon, and Polyidus; and if they fought within their own territories in the
plain of Ceres Eleusinia and Proserpine. Aristides was perplexed upon the
tidings of this oracle: since the heroes to whom it commanded him to sacrifice
had been chieftains of the Plataeans, and the cave of the nymphs Sphragitides
was on the top of the Mount Cithaeron, on the side facing the setting sun of
summer time; in which place, as the story goes, there was formerly an oracle,
and many that lived in the district were inspired with it, whom they called
Nympholepti, possessed with the nymphs. But the plain of Ceres Eleusinia, and
the offer of victory to the Athenians, if they fought in their own
territories, recalled them again, and transferred the war into the country of
Attica. In this juncture, Arimnestus, who commanded the Plataeans, dreamed
that Jupiter, the Saviour, asked him what the Greeks had resolved upon; and
that he answered, "To-morrow, my Lord, we march our army to Eleusis, and there
give the barbarians battle according to the directions of the oracle of
Apollo." And that the god replied, they were utterly mistaken, for that the
places spoken of by the oracle were within the bounds of Plataea, and if they
sought there they should find them. This manifest vision having appeared to
Arimnestus, when he awoke he sent for the most aged and experienced of his
countrymen, with whom communicating and examining the matter, he found that
near Hysiae, at the foot of Mount Cithaeron, there was a very ancient temple
called the temple of Ceres Eleusinia and Proserpine. He therefore forthwith
took Aristides to the place, which was very convenient for drawing up an army
of foot, because the slopes at the bottom of the mountain Cithaeron rendered
the plain, where it comes up to the temple, unfit for the movements of
cavalry. Also, in the same place, there was the fane of Androcrates, environed
with a thick shady grove. And that the oracle might be accomplished in all
particulars for the hope of victory, Arimnestus proposed, and the Plataeans
decreed, that the frontiers of their country towards Attica should be removed,
and the land given to the Athenians, that they might fight in defence of
Greece in their own proper territory. This zeal and liberality of the
Plataeans became so famous, that Alexander, many years after, when he had
obtained the dominion of all Asia, upon erecting the walls of Plataea, caused
proclamation to be made by the herald at the Olympic games, that the king did
the Plataeans this favor in consideration of their nobleness and magnanimity,
because, in the war with the Medes, they freely gave up their land and
zealously fought with the Greeks.

     The Tegeatans, contesting the post of honor with the Athenians, demanded,
that, according to custom, the Lacedaemonians being ranged on the right wing
of the battle, they might have the left, alleging several matters in
commendation of their ancestors. The Athenians being indignant at the claim,
Aristides came forward; "To contend with the Tegeatans," said he, "for noble
descent and valor, the present time permits not: but this we say to you, O you
Spartans, and you the rest of the Greeks, that place neither takes away nor
contributes courage: we shall endeavor by crediting and maintaining the post
you assign us, to reflect no dishonor on our former performances. For we are
come, not to differ with our friends, but to fight our enemies; not to extol
our ancestors, but ourselves to behave as valiant men. This battle will
manifest how much each city, captain, and private soldier is worth to Greece."
The council of war, upon this address, decided for the Athenians, and gave
them the other wing of the battle.

     All Greece being in suspense, and especially the affairs of the Athenians
unsettled, certain persons of great families and possessions having been
impoverished by the war, and seeing all their authority and reputation in the
city vanished with their wealth, and others in possession of their honors and
places, convened privately at a house in Plataea, and conspired for the
dissolution of the democratic government; and, if the plot should not succeed,
to ruin the cause and betray all to the barbarians. These matters being in
agitation in the camp, and many persons already corrupted, Aristides,
perceiving the design, and dreading the present juncture of time, determined
neither to let the business pass unanimadverted upon, nor yet altogether to
expose it; not knowing how many the accusation might reach, and willing to set
bounds to his justice with a view to the public convenience. Therefore, of
many that were concerned, he apprehended eight only, two of whom, who were
first proceeded against and most guilty, Aeschines of Lampra, and Agesias of
Acharnae, made their escape out of the camp. The rest he dismissed; giving
opportunity to such as thought themselves concealed, to take courage and
repent; intimating that they had in the war a great tribunal, where they might
clear their guilt by manifesting their sincere and good intentions towards
their country.