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$Title{History Of The Conquest Of Peru
Chapter III: Part II}
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$Author{Prescott, William H.}
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$Date{1864}
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Title:       History Of The Conquest Of Peru
Book:        Book V: Settlement Of The Country
Author:      Prescott, William H.
Date:        1864

Chapter III: Part II

     The only question now to be decided was as to the spot where Gonzalo
Pizarro should give battle to his enemies.  He determined at once to
abandon the capital, and wait for his opponents in the neighbouring valley
of Xaquixaguana.  It was about five leagues distant, and the reader may
remember it as the place where Francis Pizarro burned the Peruvian general
Challcuchima, on his first occupation of Cuzco.  The valley, fenced round
by the lofty rampart of the Andes, was, for the most part, green and
luxuriant, affording many picturesque points of view; and, from the genial
temperature of the climate, had been a favorite summer residence of the
Indian nobles, many of whose pleasure-houses still dotted the sides of the
mountains.  A river, or rather stream, of no great volume, flowed through
one end of this inclosure, and the neighbouring soil was so wet and miry
as to have the character of a morass.

     Here the rebel commander arrived, after a tedious march over roads
not easily traversed by his train of heavy wagons and artillery.  His
forces amounted in all to about nine hundred men, with some half-dozen
pieces of ordnance.  It was a well-appointed body, and under excellent
discipline, for it had been schooled by the strictest martinet in the
Peruvian service.  But it was the misfortune of Pizarro that his army was
composed, in part, at least, of men on whose attachment to his cause he
could not confidently rely.  This was a deficiency which no courage nor
skill in the leader could supply.

     On entering the valley, Pizarro selected the eastern quarter of it,
towards Cuzco, as the most favorable spot for his encampment.  It was
crossed by the stream above mentioned, and he stationed his army in such a
manner, that, while one extremity of the camp rested on a natural barrier
formed by the mountain cliffs that here rose up almost perpendicularly,
the other was protected by the river.  While it was scarcely possible,
therefore, to assail his flanks, the approaches in front were so extremely
narrowed by these obstacles, that it would not be easy to overpower him by
numbers in that direction.  In the rear, his communications remained open
with Cuzco, furnishing a ready means for obtaining supplies.  Having
secured this strong position, he resolved patiently to wait the assault of
the enemy. ^19

[Footnote 19: Carta de Valdivia, Ms. - Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2,
lib. 5, cap. 33, 34. - Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Gomara, Hist.
de las Indias, cap. 185. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2,
cap. 88.]

     Meanwhile, the royal army had been toiling up the steep sides of the
Cordilleras, until, at the close of the third day, the president had the
satisfaction to find himself surrounded by his whole force, with their
guns and military stores.  Having now sufficiently refreshed his men, he
resumed his march, and all went forward with the buoyant confidence of
bringing their quarrel with the tyrant, as Pizarro was called, to a speedy
issue.

     Their advance was slow, as in the previous part of the march, for the
ground was equally embarrassing.  It was not long, however, before the
president learned that his antagonist had pitched his camp in the
neighbouring valley of Xaquixaguana.  Soon afterward, two friars, sent by
Gonzalo himself, appeared in the army, for the ostensible purpose of
demanding a sight of the powers with which Gasca was intrusted.  But as
their conduct gave reason to suspect they were spies, the president caused
the holy men to be seized, and refused to allow them to return to Pizarro.
By an emissary of his own, whom he despatched to the rebel chief, he
renewed the assurance of pardon already given him, in case he would lay
down his arms and submit.  Such an act of generosity, at this late hour,
must be allowed to be highly creditable to Gasca, believing, as he
probably did, that the game was in his own hands. - It is a pity that the
anecdote does not rest on the best authority. ^20
[Footnote 20: The fact is not mentioned by any of the parties present at
these transactions.  It is to be found, with some little discrepancy of
circumstances, in Gomara (Hist. de las Indias, cap. 185) and Zarate (Conq.
del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 6); and their positive testimony maybe thought by
most readers to outweigh the negative afforded by the silence of other
contemporaries.]

     After a march of a couple of days, the advanced guard of the
royalists came suddenly on the outposts of the insurgents, from whom they
had been concealed by a thick mist, and a slight skirmish took place
between them.  At length, on the morning of the eighth of April, the royal
army, turning the crest of the lofty range that belts round the lovely
valley of Xaquixaguana, beheld far below on the opposite side the
glittering lines of the enemy, with their white pavilions, looking like
clusters of wild fowl nestling among the cliffs of the mountains.  And
still further off might be descried a host of Indian warriors, showing
gaudily in their variegated costumes; for the natives, in this part of the
country, with little perception of their true interests, manifested great
zeal in the cause of Pizarro.

     Quickening their step, the royal army now hastily descended the steep
sides of the sierra; and notwithstanding every effort of their officers,
they moved in so little order, each man picking his way as he could, that
the straggling column presented many a vulnerable point to the enemy; and
the descent would not have been accomplished without considerable loss,
had Pizarro's cannon been planted on any of the favorable positions which
the ground afforded.  But that commander, far from attempting to check the
president's approach, remained doggedly in the strong position he had
occupied, with the full confidence that his adversaries would not hesitate
to assail it, strong as it was, in the same manner as they had done at
Huarina. ^21

[Footnote 21: "Salio a Xaquixaguana con toda su gente y alli nos aguardo
en un llano junto a un cerro alto por donde bajabamos; y cierto nuestro
Senor le cego el entendimiento, porque si nos aguardaran al pie de la
bajada, hicieran mucho dano a nosotros.  Retiraronse a un llano junto a
una cienaga, creyendo que nuestro campo alli les acometiera y con la
ventaja que nos tenian del puesto nos vencieran." Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y
Conq., Ms. - Carta de Valdivia, Ms. - Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.]

     Yet he did not omit to detach a corps of arquebusiers to secure a
neighbouring eminence or spur of the Cordilleras, which in the hands of
the enemy might cause some annoyance to his own camp, while it commanded
still more effectually the ground soon to be occupied by the assailants.
But his manoeuvre was noticed by Hinojosa; and he defeated it by sending a
stronger detachment of the royal musketeers, who repulsed the rebels, and,
after a short skirmish, got possession of the heights.  Gasca's general
profited by this success to plant a small battery of cannon on the
eminence, from which, although the distance was too great for him to do
much execution, he threw some shot into the hostile camp.  One ball,
indeed, struck down two men, one of them Pizarro's page, killing a horse,
at the same time, which he held by the bridle; and the chief instantly
ordered the tents to be struck, considering that they afforded too obvious
a mark for the artillery. ^22

[Footnote 22: "Porq. muchas pelotas dieron en medio de la gente, y una
dellas mato juto a Goncalo Pizarro vn criado suyo que se estaua armando; y
mato otro hombre y vn cauallo; que puso grande alteracion en el campo, y
abatieron todas las tiedas y toldos." Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1,
lib. 2, cap. 89. - Carta de Valdivia, Ms. - Relacion del Lic. Gasca. Ms]

     Meanwhile, the president's forces had descended into the valley, and
as they came on the plain were formed into line by their officers.  The
ground occupied by the army was somewhat lower than that of their enemy,
whose shot, as discharged, from time to time, from his batteries, passed
over their heads.  Information was now brought by a deserter, one of
Centeno's old followers, that Pizarro was getting ready for a night
attack.  The president, in consequence, commanded his whole force to be
drawn up in battle array, prepared, at any instant, to repulse the
assault.  But if such were meditated by the insurgent chief, he abandoned
it, - and, as it is said, from a distrust of the fidelity of some of the
troops, who, under cover of the darkness, he feared, would go over to the
opposite side.  If this be true, he must have felt the full force of
Carbajal's admonition, when too late to profit by it.  The unfortunate
commander was in the situation of some bold, high-mettled cavalier,
rushing to battle on a war-horse whose tottering joints threaten to give
way under him at every step, and leave his rider to the mercy of his
enemies!

     The president's troops stood to their arms the greater part of the
night, although the air from the mountains was so keen, that it was with
difficulty they could hold their lances in their hands. ^23 But before the
rising sun had kindled into a glow the highest peaks of the sierra, both
camps were in motion, and busily engaged in preparations for the combat.
The royal army was formed into two battalions of infantry, one to attack
the enemy in front, and the other, if possible, to operate on his flank.
These battalions were protected by squadrons of horse on the wings and in
the rear, while reserves both of horse and arquebusiers were stationed to
act as occasion might require.  The dispositions were made in so masterly
a manner, as to draw forth a hearty eulogium from old Carbajal, who
exclaimed, "Surely the Devil or Valdivia must be among them!" and
undeniable compliment to the latter, since the speaker was ignorant of
that commander's presence in the camp. ^24

[Footnote 23: "I asi estuvo el Campo toda la Noche en Arma, desarmadas las
Tiendas, padesciendo mui gran frio que no podian tener las Lancas en las
manos." Zarate, Conq. de Peru, lib. 7, cap. 6.]

[Footnote 24: "Y assi quando vio Francisco de Caruajal el campo Real;
pareciendole que los esquadrones venian bie ordenados dixo, Valdiuia esta
en la tierra, y rige el campo, o el diablo." Fernandez, Hist. del Peru,
Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 89. - Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms - Carta de
Valdivia, Ms. - Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 185. - Zarate, Conq. del
Peru, lib. 7, cap. 6. - Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 34.
- Pedro Pizarro Descub. y Conq., Ms.]

     Gasca, leaving the conduct of the battle to his officers, withdrew to
the rear with his train of clergy and licentiates, the last of whom did
not share in the ambition of their rebel brother, Cepeda, to break a lance
in the field.

     Gonzalo Pizarro formed his squadron in the same manner as he had done
on the plains of Huarina; except that the increased number of his horse
now enabled him to cover both flanks of his infantry.  It was still on his
fire-arms, however, that he chiefly relied.  As the ranks were formed, he
rode among them, encouraging his men to do their duty like brave
cavaliers, and true soldiers of the Conquest.  Pizarro was superbly armed,
as usual, and wore a complete suit of mail, of the finest manufacture,
which, as well as his helmet, was richly inlaid with gold. ^25 He rode a
chestnut horse of great strength and spirit, and as he galloped along the
line, brandishing his lance, and displaying his easy horsemanship, he
might be thought to form no bad personification of the Genius of Chivalry.
To complete his dispositions, he ordered Cepeda to lead up the infantry;
for the licentiate seems to have had a larger share in the conduct of his
affairs of late, or at least in the present military arrangements, than
Carbajal.  The latter, indeed, whether from disgust at the course taken by
his leader, or from a distrust, which, it is said, he did not affect to
conceal, of the success of the present operations, disclaimed all
responsibility for them, and chose to serve rather as a private cavalier
than as a commander. ^26 Yet Cepeda, as the event showed, was no less
shrewd in detecting the coming ruin.

[Footnote 25: "Iba mui galan, i gentil hombre sobre vn poderoso caballo
castano, armado de Cota, i Coracinas ricas, con vna sobre ropa de Raso
bien golpeada, i vn Capacete de Oro en la cabeca, con su barbote de lo
mismo." Gomara, Hist. de as Indias, cap. 185.]

[Footnote 26: "Porque el Maesse de campo Francisco de Caruajal, como
hombre desdenado de que Goncalo Picarro no huuiesse querido seguir su
parecer y consejo (dandose ya por vencido), no quiso hazer oficio de
Maesse de campo, como solia, y assi fue a ponerse en el esquadron con su
compania, como vno de los capitanes de ynfanteria." Garcilasso, Com.
Real., Parte 2, lib. 5 cap. 35.]

     When he had received his orders from Pizarro, he rode forward as if
to select the ground for his troops to occupy; and in doing so disappeared
for a few moments behind a projecting cliff.  He soon reappeared, however,
and was seen galloping at full speed across the plain.  His men looked
with astonishment, yet not distrusting his motives, till, as he continued
his course direct towards the enemy's lines, his treachery became
apparent.  Several pushed for ward to overtake him, and among them a
cavalier, better mounted than Cepeda.  The latter rode a horse of no great
strength or speed, quite unfit for this critical manoeuvre of his master.
The animal, was, moreover, encumbered by the weight of the caparisons with
which his ambitious rider had loaded him, so that, on reaching a piece of
miry ground that lay between the armies, his pace was greatly retarded. ^27
Cepeda's pursuers rapidly gained on him, and the cavalier above noticed
came, at length, so near as to throw a lance at the fugitive, which,
wounding him in the thigh, pierced his horse's flank, and they both came
headlong to the ground.  It would have fared ill with the licentiate, in
this emergency, but fortunately a small party of troopers on the other
side, who had watched the chase, now galloped briskly forward to the
rescue, and, beating off his pursuers, they recovered Cepeda from the
mire, and bore him to the president's quarters.

[Footnote 27: Ibid., ubi supra.]

     He was received by Gasca with the greatest satisfaction, - so great,
that, according to one chronicler, he did not disdain to show it by
saluting the licentiate on the cheek. ^28 The anecdote is scarcely
reconcilable with the characters and relations of the parties, or with the
president's subsequent conduct.  Gasca, however, recognized the full value
of his prize, and the effect which his desertion at such a time must have
on the spirits of the rebels.  Cepeda's movement, so unexpected by his own
party, was the result of previous deliberation, as he had secretly given
assurance, it is said, to the prior of Arequipa, then in the royal camp,
that, if Gonzalo Pizarro could not be induced to accept the pardon offered
him, he would renounce his cause. ^29 The time selected by the crafty
counsellor for doing so was that most fatal to the interests of his
commander.

[Footnote 28: "Gasca abraco, i beso en el carrillo a Cepeda, aunque lo
llevaba encenagado, teniendo por vencido a Picarro, con su falta." Gomara,
Hist. de las Indias, cap. 185.]

[Footnote 29: "Ca, segun parecio, Cepeda le huvo avisado con Fr. Antonio
de Castro, Prior de Santo Domingo en Arequipa, que si Picarro no quisiesse
concierto ninguno, el se pasaria al servicio del Emperador a tiempo que le
deshiciese." Ibid ubi supra.]

     The example of Cepeda was contagious.  Garcilasso de la Vega, father
of the historian, a cavalier of old family, and probably of higher
consideration than any other in Pizarro's party, put spurs to his horse,
at the same time with the licentiate, and rode over the enemy.  Ten or a
dozen of the arquebusiers followed in the same direction, and succeeded in
placing themselves under the protection of the advanced guard of the
royalists.

     Pizarro stood aghast at this desertion, in so critical a juncture, of
those in whom he had most trusted.  He was, for a moment, bewildered.  The
very ground on which he stood seemed to be crumbling beneath him.  With
this state of feeling among his soldiers, he saw that every minute of
delay was fatal.  He dared not wait for the assault, as he had intended,
in his strong position, but instantly gave the word to advance.  Gasca's
general, Hinojosa, seeing the enemy in motion, gave similar orders to his
own troops.  Instantly the skirmishers and arquebusiers on the flanks
moved rapidly forward, the artillery prepared to open their fire, and "the
whole army," says the president in his own account of the affair,
"advanced with steady step and perfect determination." ^30

[Footnote 30: "Visto por Gonzalo Pizarro Caravajal su Maestre de Campo que
se les iva gente procuraron de caminar en su orden hacia el campo de S. M.
i que viendo esto los lados i sobre salientes del exercito real se
empezaron a llegar a ellos i a disparar en ellos i que lo mesmo hizo la
artilleria, i todo el campo con paso bien concertado i entera
determinacion se llego a ellos' Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.]

     But before a shot was fired, a column of arquebusiers, composed
chiefly of Centeno's followers, abandoned their post, and marched directly
over to the enemy.  A squadron of horse, sent in pursuit of them, followed
their example.  The president instantly commanded his men to halt,
unwilling to spill blood unnecessarily, as the rebel host was like to fall
to pieces of itself.

     Pizarro's faithful adherents were seized with a panic, as they saw
themselves and their leader thus betrayed into the enemy's hands.  Further
resistance was useless.  Some threw down their arms, and fled in the
direction of Cuzco.  Others sought to escape to the mountains; and some
crossed to the opposite side, and surrendered themselves prisoners, hoping
it was not too late to profit by the promises of grace.  The Indian
allies, on seeing the Spaniards falter, had been the first to go off the
ground. ^31

[Footnote 31: "Los Indios que tenian los enemigos que diz que eran mucha
cantidad huyeron mui a furia." (Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.) For the
particulars of the battle, more or less minute, see Carta de Valdivia, Ms.
- Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 35. - Pedro Pizarro,
Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 185. - Fernandez,
Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 90. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib.
7, cap. 7. - Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 4, cap. 16.]

     Pizarro, amidst the general wreck, found himself left with only a few
cavaliers who disdained to fly.  Stunned by the unexpected reverse of
fortune, the unhappy chief could hardly comprehend his situation.  "What
remains for us?" said he to Acosta, one of those who still adhered to him.
"Fall on the enemy, since nothing else is left," answered the lion-hearted
soldier, "and die like Romans!' "Better to die like Christians," replied
his commander; and, slowly turning his horse, he rode off in the direction
of the royal army. ^32

[Footnote 32: "Goncalo Picarro boluiendo el rostro, a Juan de Acosta, que
estaua cerca del, le dixo, que hare mos hermano Juan?  Acosta presumiendo
mas de valiente que de discreto respondio, Senor arremetamos, y muramos
como los antiguos Romanos.  Goncalo Picarro dixo mejor es morir como
Cristianos." Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 36. - Zarate,
Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 7.]

     He had not proceeded far, when he was met by an officer, to whom,
after ascertaining his name and rank, Pizarro delivered up his sword, and
yielded himself prisoner.  The officer, overjoyed at his prize, conducted
him, at once, to the president's quarters.  Gasca was on horseback,
surrounded by his captains, some of whom, when they recognized the person
of the captive, had the grace to withdraw, that they might not witness his
humiliation. ^33 Even the best of them, with a sense of right on their
side, may have felt some touch of compunction at the thought that their
desertion had brought their benefactor to this condition.

[Footnote 33: Garcilasso, Com. Real., ubi supra.]

     Pizarro kept his seat in his saddle, but, as he approached, made a
respectful obeisance to the president, which the latter acknowledged by a
cold salute.  Then, addressing his prisoner in a tone of severity, Gasca
abruptly inquired, - "Why he had thrown the country into such confusion; -
raising the banner of revolt; killing the viceroy; usurping the
government; and obstinately refusing the offers of grace that had been
repeatedly made him?"

     Gonzalo attempted to justify himself by referring the fate of the
viceroy to his misconduct, and his own usurpation, as it was styled, to
the free election of the people, as well as that of the Royal Audience.
"It was my family," he said, "who conquered the country; and, as their
representative here, I felt I had a right to the government." To this
Gasca replied, in a still severer tone, "Your brother did, indeed, conquer
the land; and for this the emperor was pleased to raise both him and you
from the dust.  He lived and died a true and loyal subject; and it only
makes your ingratitude to your sovereign the more heinous." Then, seeing
his prisoner about to reply, the president cut short the conference,
ordering him into close confinement.  He was committed to the charge of
Centeno, who had sought the office, not from any unworthy desire to
gratify his revenge, - for he seems to have had a generous nature, - but
for the honorable purpose of ministering to the comfort of the captive.
Though held in strict custody by this officer, therefore, Pizarro was
treated with the deference due to his rank, and allowed every indulgence
by his keeper, except his freedom. ^34

[Footnote 34: Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 90.

     Historians, of course, report the dialogue between Gasca and his
prisoner with some variety.  See Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. 185. -
Garcilasso, Com. Real Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 36.  Relacion del Lic. Gasca,
Ms.]

     In this general wreck of their fortunes, Francisco de Carbajal fared
no better than his chief.  As he saw the soldiers deserting their posts
and going over to the enemy, one after another, he coolly hummed the words
of his favorite old ballad, -

     "The wind blows the hairs off my head, mother!"

But when he found the field nearly empty, and his stout-hearted followers
vanished like a wreath of smoke, he felt it was time to provide for his
own safety.  He knew there could be no favor for him and, putting spurs to
his horse, he betook himself to flight with all the speed he could make.
He crossed the stream that flowed, as already mentioned, by the camp, but,
in scaling the opposite bank, which was steep and stony, his horse,
somewhat old, and oppressed by the weight of his rider, who was large and
corpulent, lost his footing and fell with him into the water.  Before he
could extricate himself, Carbajal was seized by some of his own followers,
who hoped, by such a prize, to make their peace with the victor, and
hurried off towards the president's quarters.

     The convoy was soon swelled by a number of the common file from the
royal army, some of whom had long arrears to settle with the prisoner;
and, not content with heaping reproaches and imprecations on his head,
they now threatened to proceed to acts of personal violence, which
Carbajal, far from deprecating, seemed rather to court, as the speediest
way of ridding himself of life. ^35 When he approached the president's
quarters, Centeno, who was near, rebuked the disorderly rabble, and
compelled them to give way.  Carbajal, on seeing this, with a respectful
air demanded to whom he was indebted for this courteous protection.  To
which his ancient comrade replied, "Do you not know me? - Diego Centeno!"
"I crave your pardon," said the veteran, sarcastically alluding to his
long flight in the Charcas, and his recent defeat at Huarina; "it is so
long since I have seen any thing but your back, that I had forgotten your
face!" ^36

[Footnote 35: "Luego llevaron antel dicho Licenciado Caravajal Maestre de
campo del dicho Pizarro i tan cercado de gentes que del havian sido
ofendidas que le querian matar, el qual diz que mostrava que olgara que le
mataran alli." Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.]

[Footnote 36: "Diego Centeno reprehendia mucho a los que le offendian. Por
lo qual Caruajal le miro, y le dixo, Senor quien es vuestra merced que
tanta merced me haze? a lo qual Centeno respondio, Que no conoce vuestra
merced a Diego Centeno?  Dixo entonces Caruajal, Por Dios senor que como
siempre vi a vuestra merced de espaldas, que agora teniendo le de cara, no
le conocia' Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 90.]

     Among the president's suite was the martia bishop of Cuzco, who, it
will be remembered, had shared with Centeno in the disgrace of his defeat.
His brother had been taken by Carbajal, in his flight from the field, and
instantly hung up by that fierce chief, who, as we have had more than one
occasion to see, was no respecter of persons.  The bishop now reproached
him with his brother's murder, and, incensed by his cool replies, was
ungenerous enough to strike the prisoner on the face.  Carbajal made no
attempt at resistance.  Nor would he return a word to the queries put to
him by Gasca; but, looking haughtily round on the circle, maintained a
contemptuous silence.  The president, seeing that nothing further was to
be gained from his captive, ordered him, together with Acosta, and the
other cavaliers who had surrendered, into strict custody, until their fate
should be decided. ^37

[Footnote 37: Ibid., ubi supra.

     It is but fair to state that Garcilasso, who was personally
acquainted with the bishop of Cuzco, doubts the fact of the indecorous
conduct imputed to him by Fernandez, as inconsistent with the prelate's
character.  Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 39.]

     Gasca's next concern was to send an officer to Cuzco, to restrain his
partisans from committing excesses in consequence of the late victory, -
if victory that could be called, where not a blow had been struck.  Every
thing belonging to the vanquished, their tents, arms, ammunition, and
military stores, became the property of the victors.  Their camp was well
victualled, furnishing a seasonable supply to the royalists, who had
nearly expended their own stock of provisions.  There was, moreover,
considerable booty in the way of plate and money; for Pizarro's men, as
was not uncommon in those turbulent times, went, many of them, to the war
with the whole of their worldly wealth, not knowing of any safe place in
which to bestow it.  An anecdote is told of one of Gasca's soldiers, who,
seeing a mule running over the field, with a large pack on his back,
seized the animal, and mounted him, having first thrown away the burden,
supposing it to contain armour, or something of little worth.  Another
soldier, more shrewd, picked up the parcel, as his share of the spoil, and
found it contained several thousand gold ducats!  It was the fortune of
war. ^38

[Footnote 38: Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 8.]

     Thus terminated the battle, or rather rout, of Xaquixaguana.  The
number of killed and wounded - for some few perished in the pursuit - was
not great; according to most accounts, not exceeding fifteen killed on the
rebel side, and one only on that of the royalists!  and that one, by the
carelessness of a comrade. ^39 Never was there a cheaper victory; so
bloodless a termination of a fierce an bloody rebellion!  It was gained
not so much by the strength of the victors as by the weakness of the
vanquished.  They fell to pieces of their own accord, because they had no
sure ground to stand on.  The arm, not nerved by the sense of right,
became powerless in the hour of battle.  It was better that they should
thus be overcome by moral force than by a brutal appeal to arms.  Such a
victory was more in harmony with the beneficent character of the conqueror
and of his cause.  It was the triumph of order; the best homage to law and
justice.

[Footnote 39: "Temiose que en esta batalla muriria mucha gente de ambas
partes por haver en ellas mill i quatrocientos arcabuceros i seiscientos
de caballo i mucho numero de piqueros i diez i ocho piezas de artilleria,
pero plugo a Dios que solo murio un hombre del campo de S. M. i quince de
los contrarios como esta dicho." Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.

     The Ms. above referred to is supposed by Munoz to have been written
by Gasca, or rather dictated by him to his secretary.  The original is
preserved at Simancas, without date, and in the character of the sixteenth
century.  It is principally taken up with the battle, and the events
immediately connected with it; and although very brief, every sentence is
of value as coming from so high a source.  Alcedo, in his Biblioteca
Americana, Ms., gives the title of a work from Gasca's pen, which would
seem to be an account of his own administration, Historia de Peru, y de su
Pacificacion, 1576, fol. - I have never met with the work, or with any
other allusion to it.]