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$Title{History Of The Conquest Of Peru
Chapter II: Part II}
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$Author{Prescott, William H.}
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$Subject{pizarro
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$Date{1864}
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Title:       History Of The Conquest Of Peru
Book:        Book V: Settlement Of The Country
Author:      Prescott, William H.
Date:        1864

Chapter II: Part II

     The first act of Aldana was to cause the copy of Gasca's powers, with
which he had been intrusted, to be conveyed to his ancient commander, by
whom it was indignantly torn in pieces.  Aldana next contrived, by means
of his agents, to circulate among the citizens, and even the soldiers of
the camp, the president's manifestoes.  They were not long in producing
their effect.  Few had been at all aware of the real purport of Gasca's
mission, of the extent of his powers, or of the generous terms offered by
government.  They shrunk from the desperate course into which they had
been thus unwarily seduced, and they sought only in what way they could,
with least danger, extricate themselves from their present position, and
return to their allegiance.  Some escaped by night from the camp, eluded
the vigilance of the sentinels, and effected their retreat on board the
vessels.  Some were taken, and found no quarter at the hands of Carbajal
and his merciless ministers.  But, where the spirit of disaffection was
abroad, means of escape were not wanting.

     As the fugitives were cut off from Lima and the neighbouring coast,
they secreted themselves in the forests and mountains, and watched their
opportunity for making their way to Truxillo and other ports at a
distance; and so contagious was the example, that it not unfrequently
happened that the very soldiers sent in pursuit of the deserters joined
with them.  Among those that fled was the Licentiate Carbajal, who must
not be confounded with his military namesake.  He was the same cavalier
whose brother had been put to death in Lima by Blasco Nunez, and who
revenged himself, as we have seen, by imbruing his own hands in the blood
of the viceroy.  That a person thus implicated should trust to the royal
pardon showed that no one need despair of it; and the example proved most
disastrous to Pizarro. ^21

[Footnote 21: Pedro Pizarro, Descub.  y Conq., Ms. - Gomara, Hist. de las
Ind., cap. 180. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 63, 65.
- Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 15, 16.]

     Carbajal, who made a jest of every thing, even of the misfortunes
which pinched him the sharpest, when told of the desertion of his
comrades, amused himself by humming the words of a popular ditty: -

     "The wind blows the hairs off my head, mother:
     Two at a time, it blows them away!" ^22

[Footnote 22: "Estos mis Cabellicos, Madre,
     Dos a dos me los lleva el Aire."
     Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap 180.]

     But the defection of his followers made a deeper impression on
Pizarro, and he was sorely distressed as he beheld the gallant array, to
which he had so confidently looked for gaining his battles, thus melting
away like a morning mist.  Bewildered by the treachery of those in whom he
had most trusted, he knew not where to turn, nor what course to take.  It
was evident that he must leave his present dangerous quarters without loss
of time.  But whither should he direct his steps?  In the north, the great
towns had abandoned his cause, and the president was already marching
against him; while Centeno held the passes of the south, with a force
double his own.  In this emergency, he at length resolved to occupy
Arequipa, a seaport still true to him, where he might remain till he had
decided on some future course of operations.

     After a painful but rapid march, Gonzalo arrived at this place, where
he was speedily joined by a reinforcement that he had detached for the
recovery of Cuzco.  But so frequent had been the desertions from both
companies, - though in Pizarro's corps these had greatly lessened since
the departure from the neighbourhood of Lima, - that his whole number did
not exceed five hundred men, less than half of the force which he had so
recently mustered in the capital.  To such humble circumstances was the
man now reduced, who had so lately lorded it over the land with unlimited
sway!  Still the chief did not despond.  He had gathered new spirit from
the excitement of his march and his distance from Lima; and he seemed to
recover his former confidence, as he exclaimed, - "It is misfortune that
teaches us who are our friends.  If but ten only remain true to me, fear
not but I will again be master of Peru!" ^23

[Footnote 23: "Aunque siempre dijo: que con diez Amigos que le quedasen,
havia de conservarse, i conquistar de nuevo el Peru: tanta era su
sana,sana o su sobervia." Ibid., loc cit.]

     No sooner had the rebel forces withdrawn from the neighbourhood of
Lima, than the inhabitants of that city, little troubled, as Carbajal had
predicted, by their compulsory oaths of allegiance to Pizarro, threw open
their gates to Aldana, who took possession of this important place in the
name of the president.  That commander, meanwhile, had sailed with his
whole fleet from Panama, on the tenth of April, 1547.  The first part of
his voyage was prosperous; but he was soon perplexed by contrary currents,
and the weather became rough and tempestuous.  The violence of the storm
continuing day after day, the sea was lashed into fury, and the fleet was
tossed about on the billows, which ran mountain high, as if emulating the
wild character of the region they bounded.  The rain descended in
torrents, and the lightning was so incessant, that the vessels, to quote
the lively language of the chronicler, "seemed to be driving through seas
of flame!" ^24 The hearts of the stoutest mariners were filled with dismay.
They considered it hopeless to struggle against the elements, and they
loudly demanded to return to the continent, and postpone the voyage till a
more favorable season of the year.

[Footnote 24: "Y los truenos y relapagos eran tantos y tales; que siempre
parecia que estauan en llamas, y que sobre ellos venian Rayos (que en
todas aquellas partes caen muchos)." (Fernandez, Hist del Peru, Parte 1,
lib. 2, cap. 71.) The vivid coloring of the old chronicler shows that he
had himself been familiar with these tropics tempests on the Pacific.]

     But the president saw in this the ruin of his cause, as well as of
the loyal vassals who had engaged, on his landing, to support it.  "I am
willing to die," he said, "but not to return"; and, regardless of the
remonstrances of his more timid followers he insisted on carrying as much
sail as the ships could possibly bear, at every interval of the storm. ^25
Meanwhile, to divert the minds of the seamen from their present danger,
Gasca amused them by explaining some of the strange phenomena exhibited by
the ocean in the tempest, which had filled their superstitious minds with
mysterious dread. ^26

[Footnote 25: "Y con lo poco que en aquella sazon, el Presidente estimaua
la vida si no auia de hazer la jornada: y el gran desseo que tenia de
hazeria se puso cotra ellos diziendo, que qual quiera que le tocasse en
abaxar vela, le costaria la vida." Fernandez, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 71.]

[Footnote 26: The phosphoric lights, sometimes seen in a storm at sea,
were observed to hover round the masts and rigging of the president's
vessel; and he amused the seamen, according to Fernandez, by explaining
the phenomenon, and telling the fables to which they had given rise in
ancient mythology. - This little anecdote affords a key to Gasca's
popularity with even the humblest classes.]

     Signals had been given for the ships to make the best of their way,
each for itself, to the island of Gorgona.  Here they arrived, one after
another, with but a single exception, though all more or less shattered by
the weather.  The president waited only for the fury of the elements to
spend itself when he again embarked, and, on smoother waters, crossed over
to Manta.  From this place he soon after continued his voyage to Tumbez,
and landed at that port on the thirteenth of June.  He was everywhere
received with enthusiasm, and all seemed anxious to efface the remembrance
of the past by professions of future fidelity to the Crown.  Gasca
received, also, numerous letters of congratulation from cavaliers in the
interior, most of whom had formerly taken service under Pizarro.  He made
courteous acknowledgments for their offers of assistance, and commanded
them to repair to Caxamalca, the general place of rendezvous.

     To this same spot he sent Hinojosa, so soon as that officer had
disembarked with the land forces from the fleet, ordering him to take
command of the levies assembled there, and then join him at Xauxa.  Here
he determined to establish his head-quarters.  It lay in a rich and
abundant territory, and by its central position afforded a point for
acting with greatest advantage against the enemy.

     He then moved forward, at the head of a small detachment of cavalry,
along the level road on the coast.  After halting for a short time in that
loyal city, he traversed the mountain range on the southeast, and soon entered
the fruitful valley of Xauxa.  There he was presently joined by reinforcements
from the north, as well as from the principal places on the coast; and, not
long after his arrival, received a message from Centeno, informing him that he
held the passes by which Gonzalo Pizarro was preparing to make his escape from
the country, and that the insurgent chief must soon fall into his hands.

     The royal camp was greatly elated by these tidings.  The war, then,
was at length terminated, and that without the president having been
called upon so much as to lift his sword against a Spaniard.  Several of
his counsellors now advised him to disband the greater part of his forces,
as burdensome and no longer necessary.  But the president was too wise to
weaken his strength before he had secured the victory.  He consented,
however, to countermand the requisition for levies from Mexico and the
adjoining colonies, as now feeling sufficiently strong in the general
loyalty of the country.  But, concentrating his forces at Xauxa, he
established his quarters in that town, as he had first intended, resolved
to await there tidings of the operations in the south.  The result was
different from what he had expected. ^27

[Footnote 27: For the preceding pages, see Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq.,
Ms. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 1. - Herrera, Hist. General,
dec. 8, lib. 3, cap. 14, et seq. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1,
lib. 2, cap. 71-77. - Ms. de Caravantes.

     This last writer, who held an important post in the department of
colonial finance, had opportunities of information which have enabled him
to furnish several particulars not to be met with elsewhere, respecting
the principal actors in these turbulent times.  His work, still in
manuscript, which formerly existed in the archives of the University of
Salamanca, has been transferred to the King's library at Madrid.]

     Pizarro, meanwhile, whom we left at Arequipa, had decided, after much
deliberation, to evacuate Peru, and pass into Chili.  In this territory,
beyond the president's jurisdiction, he might find a safe retreat.  The
fickle people, he thought, would soon weary of their new ruler; and he
would then rally in sufficient strength to resume active operations for
the recovery of his domain.  Such were the calculations of the rebel
chieftain.  But how was he to effect his object, while the passes among
the mountains, where his route lay, were held by Centeno with a force more
than double his own?  He resolved to try negotiation; for that captain had
once served under him, and had, indeed, been most active in persuading
Pizarro to take on himself the office of procurator.  Advancing,
accordingly, in the direction of Lake Titicaca, in the neighbourhood of
which Centeno had pitched his camp, Gonzalo despatched an emissary to his
quarters to open a negotiation.  He called to his adversary's recollection
the friendly relations that had once subsisted between them; and reminded
him of one occasion in particular, in which he had spared his life, when
convicted of a conspiracy against himself.  He harboured no sentiments of
unkindness, he said, for Centeno's recent conduct, and had not now come to
seek a quarrel with him.  His purpose was to abandon Peru; and the only
favor he had to request of his former associate was to leave him a free
passage across the mountains.

     To this communication Centeno made answer in terms as courtly as
those of Pizarro himself, that he was not unmindful of their ancient
friendship.  He was now ready to serve his former commander in any way not
inconsistent with honor, or obedience to his sovereign.  But he was there
in arms for the royal cause, and he could not swerve from his duty.  If
Pizarro would but rely on his faith, and surrender himself up, he pledged
his knightly word to use all his interest with the government, to secure
as favorable terms for him and his followers as had been granted to the
rest of their countrymen - Gonzalo listened to the smooth promises of his
ancient comrade with bitter scorn depicted in his countenance, and,
snatching the letter from his secretary, cast it away from him with
indignation.  There was nothing left but an appeal to arms. ^28

[Footnote 28: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Garcilasso, Com.
Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 16. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7.]

     He at once broke up his encampment, and directed his march on the
borders of Lake Titicaca, near which lay his rival.  He resorted, however,
to stratagem, that he might still, if possible, avoid an encounter.  He
sent forward his scouts in a different direction from that which he
intended to take, and then quickened his march on Huarina.  This was a
small town situated on the southeastern extremity of Lake Titicaca, the
shores of which, the seat of the primitive civilization of the Incas, were
soon to resound with the murderous strife of their more civilized
conquerors!

     But Pizarro's movements had been secretly communicated to Centeno,
and that commander, accordingly, changing his ground, took up a position
not far from Huarina, on the same day on which Gonzalo reached this place.
The videttes of the two camps came in sight of each other that evening,
and the rival forces, lying on their arms, prepared for action on the
following morning.

     It was the twenty-sixth of October, 1547, when the two commanders,
having formed their troops in order of battle, advanced to the encounter
on the plains of Huarina.  The ground, defended on one side by a bold spur
of the Andes, and not far removed on the other from the waters of
Titicaca, was an open and level plain, well suited to military manoeuvres.
It seemed as if prepared by Nature as the lists for an encounter.

     Centeno's army amounted to about a thousand men.  His cavalry
consisted of near two hundred and fifty, well equipped and mounted.  Among
them were several gentlemen of family, some of whom had once followed the
banners of Pizarro, the whole forming an efficient corps, in which rode
some of the best lances of Peru.  His arquebusiers were less numerous, not
exceeding a hundred and fifty, indifferently provided with ammunition.
The remainder, and much the larger part of Centeno's army, consisted of
spearmen, irregular levies hastily drawn together, and possessed of little
discipline. ^29

[Footnote 29: In the estimate of Centeno's forces, - which ranges, in the
different accounts, from seven hundred to twelve hundred, - I have taken
the intermediate number of a thousand adopted by Zarate, as, on the whole,
more probable than either extreme.]

     This corps of infantry formed the centre of his line, flanked by the
arquebusiers in two nearly equal divisions, while his cavalry were also
disposed in two bodies on the right and left wings.  Unfortunately,
Centeno had been for the past week ill of a pleurisy, - so ill, indeed,
that on the preceding day he had been bled several times.  He was now too
feeble to keep his saddle, but was carried in a litter, and when he had
seen his men formed in order, he withdrew to a distance from the field,
unable to take part in the action.  But Solano, the militant bishop of
Cuzco, who, with several of his followers, took part in the engagement, -
a circumstance, indeed, of no strange occurrence, - rode along the ranks
with the crucifix in his hand, bestowing his benediction on the soldiers,
and exhorting each man to do his duty.

     Pizarro's forces were less than half of his rival's, not amounting to
more than four hundred and eighty men.  The horse did not muster above
eighty-five in all, and he posted them in a single body on the right of
his battalion.  The strength of his army lay in his arquebusiers, about
three hundred and fifty in number.  It was an admirable corps, commanded
by Carbajal, by whom it had been carefully drilled.  Considering the
excellence of its arms, and its thorough discipline, this little body of
infantry might be considered as the flower of the Peruvian soldiery, and
on it Pizarro mainly relied for the success of the day. ^30 The remainder
of his force, consisting of pikemen, not formidable for their numbers,
though, like the rest of the infantry, under excellent discipline, he
distributed on the left of his musketeers, so as to repel the enemy's
horse.

[Footnote 30: Flor de la milicia del Peru, says Garcilasso de la Vega, who
compares Carbajal to an expert chess-player, disposing his pieces in such
a manner as must infallibly secure him the victory.  Com. Real., Parte 2,
lib. 5, cap. 18.]

     Pizarro himself had charge of the cavalry, taking his place, as
usual, in the foremost rank.  He was superbly accoutred.  Over his shining
mail he wore a sobre-vest of slashed velvet of a rich crimson color, and
he rode a high-mettled charger, whose gaudy caparisons, with the showy
livery of his rider, made the fearless commander the most conspicuous
object in the field.

     His lieutenant, Carbajal, was equipped in a very different style.  He
wore armour of proof of the most homely appearance, but strong and
serviceable; and his steel bonnet, with its closely barred visor of the
same material, protected his head from more than one desperate blow on
that day.  Over his arms he wore a surcoat of a greenish color, and he
rode an active, strong-boned jennet, which, though capable of enduring
fatigue, possessed neither grace nor beauty.  It would not have been easy
to distinguish the veteran from the most ordinary cavalier.

     The two hosts arrived within six hundred paces of each other, when
they both halted.  Carbajal preferred to receive the attack of the enemy,
rather than advance further; for the ground he now occupied afforded a
free range for his musketry, unobstructed by the trees or bushes that were
sprinkled over some other parts of the field.  There was a singular
motive, in addition, for retaining his present position.  The soldiers
were encumbered, some with two, some with three, arquebuses each, being
the arms left by those who, from time to time, had deserted the camp.
This uncommon supply of muskets, however serious an impediment on a march,
might afford great advantage to troops waiting an assault; since, from the
imperfect knowledge as well as construction of fire-arms at that day, much
time was wasted in loading them. ^31

[Footnote 31: Garcilasso, Com. Real., ubi supra.

     The historian's father - of the same name with himself - was one of
the few noble cavaliers who remained faithful to Gonzalo Pizarro, in the
wane of his fortunes.  He was present at the battle of Huarina; and the
particulars which he gave his son enabled the latter to supply many
deficiencies in the reports of historians.]

     Preferring, therefore, that the enemy should begin the attack,
Carbajal came to a halt, while the opposite squadron, after a short
respite, continued their advance a hundred paces farther.  Seeing that
they then remained immovable, Carbajal detached a small party of
skirmishers to the front, in order to provoke them; but it was soon
encountered by a similar party of the enemy, and some shots were
exchanged, though with little damage to either side.  Finding this
manoeuvre fail, the veteran ordered his men to advance a few paces, still
hoping to provoke his antagonist to the charge.  This succeeded.  "We lose
honor," exclaimed Centeno's soldiers; who, with a bastard sort of
chivalry, belonging to undisciplined troops, felt it a disgrace to await
an assault.  In vain their officers called out to them to remain at their
post.  Their commander was absent, and they were urged on by the cries of
a frantic friar, named Domingo Ruiz, who, believing the Philistines were
delivered into their hands, called out, - "Now is the time!  Onward,
onward, fall on the enemy!" ^32 There needed nothing further and the men
rushed forward in tumultuous haste, the pikemen carrying their levelled
weapons so heedlessly as to interfere with one another, and in some
instances to wound their comrades.  The musketeers, at the same time, kept
up a disorderly fire as they advanced, which, from their rapid motion and
the distance, did no execution.

[Footnote 32: "A las manos, a las manos; a ellos, a ellos." Fernandez,
Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 79.]

     Carbajal was well pleased to see his enemies thus wasting their
ammunition.  Though he allowed a few muskets to be discharged, in order to
stimulate his opponents the more, he commanded the great body of his
infantry to reserve their fire till every shot could take effect.  As he
knew the tendency of marksmen to shoot above the mark, he directed his men
to aim at the girdle, or even a little below it; adding, that a shot that
fell short might still do damage, while one that passed a hair's breadth
above the head was wasted. ^33

[Footnote 33: Garcilasso, Com. Real., ubi supra.]

     The veteran's company stood calm and unmoved, as Centeno's rapidly
advanced; but when the latter had arrived within a hundred paces of their
antagonists, Carbajal gave the word to fire.  An instantaneous volley ran
along the line, and a tempest of balls was poured into the ranks of the
assailants, with such unerring aim, that more than a hundred fell dead on
the field, while a still greater number were wounded.  Before they could
recover from their disorder, Carbajal's men, snatching up their remaining
pieces, discharged them with the like dreadful effect into the thick of
the enemy.  The confusion of the latter was now complete.  Unable to
sustain the incessant shower of balls which fell on them from the
scattering fire kept up by the arquebusiers, they were seized with a
panic, and fled, scarcely making a show of further fight, from the field.

     But very different was the fortune of the day in the cavalry combat.
Gonzalo Pizarro had drawn up his troop somewhat in the rear of Carbajal's
right, in order to give the latter a freer range for the play of his
musketry.  When the enemy's horse on the left galloped briskly against
him, Pizarro, still favoring Carbajal, - whose fire, moreover, inflicted
some loss on the assailants, - advanced but a few rods to receive the
charge.  Centeno's squadron, accordingly, came thundering on in full
career, and, notwithstanding the mischief sustained from their enemy's
musketry, fell with such fury on their adversaries as to overturn them,
man and horse, in the dust; "riding over their prostrate bodies," says the
historian, "as if they had been a flock of sheep!" ^34 The latter, with
great difficulty recovering from the first shock, attempted to rally and
sustain the fight on more equal terms.

[Footnote 34: "Los de Diego Centeno, como yuan con la pujanca de vna
zariera larga, lleuaron a los de Goncalo Picarro de encuentro, y los
tropellaron como si fueran ouejas, y cayeron cauallos y caualleros."
Ibid., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 19]

     Yet the chief could not regain the ground he had lost.  His men were
driven back at all points.  Many were slain, many more wounded, on both
sides, and the ground was covered with the dead bodies of men and horses.
But the loss fell much the most heavily on Pizarro's troop; and the
greater part of those who escaped with life were obliged to surrender as
prisoners.  Cepeda, who fought with the fury of despair, received a severe
cut from a sabre across the face, which disabled him and forced him to
yield. ^35 Pizarro, after seeing his best and bravest fall around him, was
set upon by three or four cavaliers at once.  Disentangling himself from
the melee, he put spurs to his horse, and the noble animal, bleeding from
a severe wound across the back, outstripped all his pursuers except one,
who stayed him by seizing the bridle.  It would have gone hard with
Gonzalo, but, grasping a light battle-axe, which hung by his side, he
dealt such a blow on the head of his enemy's horse that he plunged
violently, and compelled his rider to release his hold.  A number of
arquebusiers, in the mean time, seeing Pizarro's distress, sprang forward
to his rescue, slew two of his assailants who had now come up with him,
and forced the others to fly in their turn. ^36

[Footnote 35: Cepeda's wound laid open his nose, leaving so hideous a scar
that he was obliged afterwards to cover it with a patch, as Garcilasso
tells us, who frequently saw him in Cuzco.]

[Footnote 36: According to most authorities, Pizarro's horse was not only
wounded but slain in the fight, and the loss was supplied by his friend
Garcilasso de la Vega, who mounted him on his own.  This timely aid to the
rebel did no service to the generous cavalier in after times, but was
urged against him by his enemies as a crime.  The fact is stoutly denied
by his son, the historian, who seems anxious to relieve his father from
this honorable imputation, which threw a cloud over both their fortunes
Ibid. Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 23]

     The rout of the cavalry was complete, and Pizarro considered the day
as lost, as he heard the enemy's trumpet sending forth the note of
victory.  But the sounds had scarcely died away, when they were taken up
by the opposite side.  Centeno's infantry had been discomfited, as we have
seen, and driven off the ground.  But his cavalry on the right had charged
Carbajal's left, consisting of spearmen mingled with arquebusiers.  The
horse rode straight against this formidable phalanx.  But they were unable
to break through the dense array of pikes, held by the steady hands of
troops who stood firm and fearless on their post; while, at the same time,
the assailants were greatly annoyed by the galling fire of the
arquebusiers in the rear of the spearmen.  Finding it impracticable to
make a breach, the horsemen rode round the flanks in much disorder, and
finally joined themselves with the victorious squadron of Centeno's
cavalry in the rear.  Both parties now attempted another charge on
Carbajal's battalion.  But his men facing about with the promptness and
discipline of well-trained soldiers, the rear was converted into the
front.  The same forest of spears was presented to the attack; while an
incessant discharge of balls punished the audacity of the cavaliers, who,
broken and completely dispirited by their ineffectual attempt, at length
imitated the example of the panic-struck foot, and abandoned the field.

     Pizarro and a few of his comrades still fit for action followed up
the pursuit for a short distance only, as, indeed, they were in no
condition themselves, nor sufficiently strong in numbers, long to continue
it.  The victory was complete, and the insurgent chief took possession of
the deserted tents of the enemy, where an immense booty was obtained in
silver; ^37 and where he also found the tables spread for the refreshment
of Centeno's soldiers after their return from the field.  So confident
were they of success!  The repast now served the necessities of their
conquerors.  Such is the fortune of war!  It was, indeed, a most decisive
action; and Gonzalo Pizarro, as he rode over the field strewed with the
corpses of his enemies, was observed several times to cross himself and
exclaim, - "Jesu!  what a victory!"

[Footnote 37: The booty amounted to no less than one million four hundred
thousand pesos, according to Fernandez.  'El saco que vuo fue grande: que
se dixo ser de mas de vn millon y quatrocietos mil pesos." (Hist. del
Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 79.) The amount is, doubtless, grossly
exaggerated.  But we get to be so familiar with the golden wonders of
Peru, that, like the reader of the "Arabian Nights," we become of too easy
faith to resort to the vulgar standard of probability]

     No less than three hundred and fifty of Centeno's followers were
killed, and the number of wounded was even greater.  More than a hundred
of these are computed to have perished from exposure during the following
night; for, although the climate in this elevated region is temperate, yet
the night winds blowing over the mountains are sharp and piercing, and
many a wounded wretch, who might have been restored by careful treatment,
was chilled by the damps, and found a stiffened corpse at sunrise.  The
victory was not purchased without a heavy loss on the part of the
conquerors, a hundred or more of whom were left on the field.  Their
bodies lay thick on that part of the ground occupied by Pizarro's cavalry,
where the fight raged hottest.  In this narrow space were found, also, the
bodies of more than a hundred horses, the greater part of which, as well
as those of their riders, usually slain with them, belonged to the
victorious army.  It was the most fatal battle that had yet been fought on
the blood-stained soil of Peru. ^38

[Footnote 38: "La mas sangrienta batalla que vuo en el Peru." Ibid., loc.
cit.

     In the accounts of this battle there are discrepancies, as usual,
which the historian must reconcile as he can.  But on the whole, there is
a general conformity in the outline and in the prominent points.  All
concur in representing it as the bloodiest fight that had yet occurred
between the Spaniards in Peru, and all assign to Carbajal the credit of
the victory. - For authorities, besides Garcilasso and Fernandez,
repeatedly quoted, see Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.  (He was
present in the action.) - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap 3. -
Herrera, Hist. General, dec 8, lib. 4, cap. 2. - Gomara, Hist de las
Indias, cap. 181. - Montesi nos, Annales, Ms., ano 1547]

     The glory of the day - the melancholy glory - must be referred almost
wholly to Carbajal and his valiant squadron.  The judicious arrangements
of the old warrior, with the thorough discipline and unflinching courage
of his followers, retrieved the fortunes of the fight, when it was nearly
lost by the cavalry, and secured the victory.

     Carbajal, proof against all fatigue, followed up the pursuit with
those of his men that were in condition to join him.  Such of the unhappy
fugitives as fell into his hands - most of whom had been traitors to the
cause of Pizarro - were sent to instant execution.  The laurels he had won
in the field against brave men in arms, like himself, were tarnished by
cruelty towards his defenceless captives.  Their commander, Centeno, more
fortunate, made his escape.  Finding the battle lost, he quitted his
litter, threw himself upon his horse, and, notwithstanding his illness,
urged on by the dreadful doom that awaited him, if taken, he succeeded in
making his way into the neighbouring sierra.  Here he vanished from his
pursuers, and, like a wounded stag, with the chase close upon his track,
he still contrived to elude it, by plunging into the depths of the
forests, till, by a circuitous route, he miraculously succeeded in
effecting his escape to Lima.  The bishop of Cuzco, who went off in a
different direction, was no less fortunate.  Happy for him that he did not
fall into the hands of the ruthless Carbajal, who, as the bishop had once
been a partisan of Pizarro, would, to judge from the little respect he
usually showed those of his cloth, have felt as little compunction in
sentencing him to the gibbet as if he had been the meanest of the common
file. ^39

[Footnote 39: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Fernandez, Hist.del
Peru, ubi supra. - Zarate, lib.  7, cap. 3. - Garcilasso, Com Real., Parte
2, lib. 5, cap. 21, 22]

     On the day following the action, Gonzalo Pizarro caused the bodies of
the soldiers, still lying side by side on the field where they had been so
lately engaged together in mortal strife, to be deposited in a common
sepulchre.  Those of higher rank - for distinctions of rank were not to be
forgotten in the grave - were removed to the church of the village of
Huarina, which gave its name to the battle.  There they were interred with
all fitting solemnity.  But in later times they were transported to the
cathedral church of La Paz, "The City of Peace," and laid under a
mausoleum erected by general subscription in that quarter.  For few there
were who had not to mourn the loss of some friend or relative on that
fatal day.

     The victor now profited by his success to send detachments to
Arequipa, La Plata, and other cities in that part of the country, to raise
funds and reinforcements for the war.  His own losses were more than
compensated by the number of the vanquished party who were content to take
service under his banner.  Mustering his forces, he directed his march to
Cuzco, which capital, though occasionally seduced into a display of
loyalty to the Crown, had early manifested an attachment to his cause.

     Here the inhabitants were prepared to receive him in triumph, under
arches thrown across the streets, with bands of music, and minstrelsy
commemorating his successes.  But Pizarro, with more discretion, declined
the honors of an ovation while the country remained in the hands of his
enemies.  Sending forward the main body of his troops, he followed on
foot, attended by a slender retinue of friends and citizens, and proceeded
at once to the cathedral, where thanksgivings were offered up, and Te Deum
was chanted in honor of his victory.  He then withdrew to his residence,
announcing his purpose to establish his quarters, for the present, in the
venerable capital of the Incas. ^40

[Footnote 40: Ibid., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 27. - Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y
Conq., Ms. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 3.

     Garcilasso de la Vega, who was a boy at the time, witnessed Pizarro's
entry into Cuzco.  He writes, therefore, from memory; though after an
interval of many years.  In consequence of his father's rank, he had easy
access to the palace of Pizarro; and this portion of his narrative may
claim the consideration due not merely to a contemporary, but to an
eyewitness.]

     All thoughts of a retreat into Chili were abandoned; for his recent
success had kindled new hopes in his bosom, and revived his ancient
confidence.  He trusted that it would have a similar effect on the
vacillating temper of those whose fidelity had been shaken by fears for
their own safety, and their distrust of his ability to cope with the
president.  They would now see that his star was still in the ascendant.
Without further apprehensions for the event, he resolved to remain in
Cuzco, and there quietly await the hour when a last appeal to arms should
decide which of the two was to remain master of Peru.