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$Title{History Of The Conquest Of Peru
Chapter IX: Part II}
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$Author{Prescott, William H.}
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$Date{1864}
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Title:       History Of The Conquest Of Peru
Book:        Book IV: Civil Wars Of The Conquerors
Author:      Prescott, William H.
Date:        1864

Chapter IX: Part II

     As week after week rolled away, Gonzalo Pizarro, though fortified
with the patience of a Spanish soldier, felt uneasy at the protracted stay
of Blasco Nunez in the north, and he resorted to stratagem to decoy him
from his retreat.  He marched out of Quito with the greater part of his
forces, pretending that he was going to support his lieutenant in the
south, while he left a garrison in the city under the command of Puelles,
the same officer who had formerly deserted from the viceroy.  These
tidings he took care should be conveyed to the enemy's camp.  The artifice
succeeded as he wished.  Blasco Nunez and his followers, confident in
their superiority over Puelles, did not hesitate for a moment to profit by
the supposed absence of Pizarro.  Abandoning Popayan, the viceroy, early
in January, 1546, moved by rapid marches towards the south.  But before he
reached the place of his destination, he became apprised of the snare into
which he had been drawn.  He communicated the fact to his officers; but he
had already suffered so much from suspense, that his only desire now was,
to bring his quarrel with Pizarro to the final arbitrament of arms.

     That chief, meanwhile, had been well informed, through his spies,of
the viceroy's movements.  On learning the departure of the latter from
Popayan, he had reentered Quito, joined his forces with those of Puelles,
and, issuing from the capital, had taken up a strong position about three
leagues to the north, on a high ground that commanded a stream, across
which the enemy must pass.  It was not long before the latter came in
sight, and Blasco Nunez, as night began to fall, established himself on
the opposite bank of the rivulet.  It was so near to the enemy's quarters,
that the voices of the sentinels could be distinctly heard in the opposite
camps, and they did not fail to salute one another with the epithet of
"traitors." In these civil wars, as we have seen, each party claimed for
itself the exclusive merit of loyalty. ^18

[Footnote 18: "Que se llegaron a hablar los Corredores de ambas partes,
Ilamandose Traidores los vnos a los otros, fundando, que cada vno
sustentaba la voz del Rei, i asi estuvieron toda aquella noche
aguardando." Ibid., ubi supra.]

     But Benalcazar soon saw that Pizarro's position was too strong to be
assailed with any chance of success.  He proposed, therefore, to the
viceroy, to draw off his forces secretly in the night; and, making a
detour round the hills, to fall on the enemy's rear, where he would be at
least prepared to receive them.  The counsel was approved; and, no sooner
were the two hosts shrouded from each other's eyes by the darkness, than,
leaving his camp-fires burning to deceive the enemy, Blasco Nunez broke up
his quarters, and began his circuitous march in the direction of Quito.
But either he had been misinformed, or his guides misled him; for the
roads proved so impracticable, that he was compelled to make a circuit of
such extent, that dawn broke before he drew near the point of attack.
Finding that he must now abandon the advantage of a surprise, he pressed
forward to Quito, where he arrived with men and horses sorely fatigued by
a night-march of eight leagues, from a point which, by the direct route,
would not have exceeded three.  It was a fatal error on the eve of an
engagement. ^19

[Footnote 19: For the preceding pages, see Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5,
cap. 34, 35. - Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 167. - Carta de Gonzalo
Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms. - Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1546. - Fernandez,
Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 50-52.

     Herrera, in his account of these transactions, has fallen into a
strange confusion of dates, fixing the time of the viceroy's entry into
Quito on the 10th of January, and that of his battle with Pizarro nine
days later (Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 1, cap 1.) This last event, which,
by the testimony of Fernandez, was on the eighteenth of the month, was by
the agreement of such contemporary authorities as I have consulted, - as
stated in the text, - on the evening of the same day in which the viceroy
entered Quito.  Herrera, though his work is arranged on the chronological
system of annals, is by no means immaculate as to his dates.  Quintana has
exposed several glaring anachronisms of the historian in the earlier
period of the Peruvian conquest.  See his Espanoles Celebres, tom. II.
Appendix, No. 7.]

     He found the capital nearly deserted by the men.  They had all joined
the standard of Pizarro; for they had now caught the general spirit of
disaffection, and looked upon that chief as their protector from the
oppressive ordinances.  Pizarro was the representative of the people.
Greatly moved at this desertion, the unhappy viceroy, lifting his hands to
heaven, exclaimed, - "Is it thus, Lord, that thou abandonest thy
servants?" The women and children came out, and in vain offered him food,
of which he stood obviously in need, asking him, at the same time, "Why he
had come there to die?" His followers, with more indifference than their
commander, entered the houses of the inhabitants, and unceremoniously
appropriated whatever they could find to appease the cravings of appetite.

     Benalcazar, who saw the temerity of giving battle, in their present
condition, recommended the viceroy to try the effect of negotiation, and
offered himself to go to the enemy's camp, and arrange, if possible, terms
of accommodation with Pizarro.  But Blasco Nunez, if he had desponded for
a moment, had now recovered his wonted constancy, and he proudly replied,
- "There is no faith to be kept with traitors.  We have come to fight, not
to parley; and we must do our duty like good and loyal cavaliers.  I will
do mine," he continued, "and be assured I will be the first man to break a
lance with the enemy." ^20

[Footnote 20: "Yo os prometo, que la primera laca que se rompa en los
enemigos, sea la mia (y assi lo cumplio).  Fernandez, Hist. del Peru,
Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 53.]

     He then called his troops together, and addressed to them a few words
preparatory to marching "You are all brave men," he said, "and loyal to
your sovereign.  For my own part, I hold life as little in comparison with
my duty to my prince.  Yet let us not distrust our success; the Spaniard,
in a good cause, has often overcome greater odds than these.  And we are
fighting for the right; it is the cause of God, - the cause of God," ^21 he
concluded, and the soldiers, kindled by his generous ardor, answered him
with huzzas that went to the heart of the unfortunate commander, little
accustomed of late to this display of enthusiasm.

[Footnote 21: "Que de Dios es la causa, de Dios es la causa, de Dios es la
causa." Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 35.]

     It was the eighteenth of January, 1546, when Blasco Nunez marched out
at the head of his array, from the ancient city of Quito.  He had
proceeded but a mile, ^22 when he came in view of the enemy formed along
the crest of some high lands, which by a gentle swell, rose gradually from
the plains of Anaquito.  Gonzalo Pizarro, greatly chagrined on
ascertaining the departure of the viceroy, early in the morning, had
broken up his camp, and directed his march on the capital, fully resolved
that his enemy should not escape him.

[Footnote 22: "Un quarto de legua de la ciudad." Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro
a Valdivia, Ms.]

     The viceroy's troops, now coming to a halt, were formed in order of
battle.  A small body of arquebusiers was stationed in the advance to
begin the fight.  The remainder of that corps was distributed among the
spearmen, who occupied the centre, protected on the flanks by the horse
drawn up in two nearly equal squadrons.  The cavalry amounted to about one
hundred and forty, being little inferior to that on the other side, though
the whole number of the viceroy's forces, being less than four hundred,
did not much exceed the half of his rival's.  On the right, and in front
of the royal banner, Blasco Nunez, supported by thirteen chosen cavaliers,
took his station, prepared to head the attack.

     Pizarro had formed his troops in a corresponding manner with that of
his adversary.  They mustered about seven hundred in all, well appointed,
in good condition, and officered by the best knights in Peru. ^23 As,
notwithstanding his superiority of numbers, Pizarro did not seem inclined
to abandon his advantageous position, Blasco Nunez gave orders to advance.
The action commenced with the arquebusiers, and in a few moments the dense
clouds of smoke, rolling over the field, obscured every object; for it was
late in the day when the action began, and the light was rapidly fading.

[Footnote 23: The amount of the numbers on both sides is variously given,
as usual, making, however, more than the usual difference in the relative
proportions, since the sum total is so small.  I have conformed to the
statements of the best-instructed writers.  Pizarro estimates his
adversary's force at four hundred and fifty men, and his own at only six
hundred; an estimate, it may be remarked, that does not make the given in
the text any less credible.]

     The infantry, now levelling their pikes, advanced under cover of the
smoke, and were soon hotly engaged with the opposite files of spearmen.
Then came the charge of the cavalry, which - notwithstanding they were
thrown into some disorder by the fire of Pizarro's arquebusiers, far
superior in number to their own - was conducted with such spirit that the
enemy's horse were compelled to reel and fall back before it.  But it was
only to recoil with greater violence, as, like an overwhelming wave,
Pizarro's troopers rushed on their foes, driving them along the slope, and
bearing down man and horse in indiscriminate ruin.  Yet these, in turn, at
length rallied, cheered on by the cries and desperate efforts of their
officers.  The lances were shivered, and they fought hand to hand with
swords and battle-axes mingled together in wild confusion.  But the
struggle was of no long duration; for, though the numbers were nearly
equal, the viceroy's cavalry, jaded by the severe march of the previous
night, ^24 were no match for their antagonists.  The ground was strewn with
the wreck of their bodies; and horses and riders, the dead and the dying,
lay heaped on one another.  Cabrera, the brave lieutenant of Benalcazar,
was slain, and that commander was thrown under his horse's feet, covered
with wounds, and left for dead on the field.  Alvarez, the judge, was
mortally wounded.  Both he and his colleague Cepeda were in the action,
though ranged on opposite sides, fighting as if they had been bred to
arms, not to the peaceful profession of the law.

[Footnote 24: Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 35.]

     Yet Blasco Nunez and his companions maintained a brave struggle on
the right of the field.  The viceroy had kept his word by being the first
to break his lance against the enemy, and by a well-directed blow had
borne a cavalier, named Alonso de Montalvo, clean out of his saddle.  But
he was at length overwhelmed by numbers, and, as his companions, one after
another, fell by his side, he was left nearly unprotected.  He was already
wounded, when a blow on the head from the battle-axe of a soldier struck
him from his horse, and he fell stunned on the ground.  Had his person
been known, he might have been taken alive, but he wore a sobre-vest of
Indian cotton over his armour, which concealed the military order of St.
James, and the other badges of his rank. ^25

[Footnote 25: He wore this dress, says Garcilasso de la Vega, that he
might fare no better than a common soldier, but take his chance with the
rest.  (Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 34.) Pizarro gives him credit
for no such magnanimous intent.  According to him, the viceroy assumed
this disguise, that, his rank being unknown, he might have the better
chance for escape. - It must be confessed that this is the general motive
for a disguise.  "I Blasco Nunez puso mucha diligencia por poder huirse si
pudiera, porque venia vestido con una camiseta de Yndios por no ser
conocido, i no quiso Dios porque pagase quantos males por su causa se
havian hecho." Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia. Ms.]

     His person, however, was soon recognized by one of Pizarro's
followers, who, not improbably, had once followed the viceroy's banner.
The soldier immediately pointed him out to the Licentiate Carbajal.  This
person was the brother of the cavalier whom, as the reader may remember,
Blasco Nunez had so rashly put to death in his palace at Lima.  The
licentiate had afterwards taken service under Pizarro, and, with several
of his kindred, was pledged to take vengeance on the viceroy.  Instantly
riding up, he taunted the fallen commander with the murder of his brother,
and was in the act of dismounting to despatch him with his own hand, when
Puelles remonstrating on this, as an act of degradation, commanded one of
his attendants, a black slave, to cut off the viceroy's head.  This the
fellow executed with a single stroke of his sabre, while the wretched man,
perhaps then dying of his wounds, uttered no word, but with eyes
imploringly turned up towards heaven, received the fatal blow. ^26 The head
was then borne aloft on a pike, and some were brutal enough to pluck out
the grey hairs from the beard and set them in their caps, as grisly
trophies of their victory. ^27 The fate of the day was now decided.  Yet
still the infantry made a brave stand, keeping Pizarro's horse at bay with
their bristling array of pikes.  But their numbers were thinned by the
arquebusiers; and, thrown into disorder, they could no longer resist the
onset of the horse, who broke into their column, and soon scattered and
drove them off the ground.  The pursuit was neither long nor bloody; for
darkness came on, and Pizarro bade his trumpets sound, to call his men
together under their banners.

[Footnote 26: Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 54. -
Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 35.

     "Mando a un Negro que traia, que le cortase la Cabeca, i en todo esto
no se conocio flaqueca en el Visorrei, ni hablo palabra, ni hico mas
movimiento, que alcar los ojos al Cielo, dando muestras de mucha
Christiandad, i constancia." Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 1, cap.
3.]

[Footnote 27: "Aviendo algunos capitanes y personas arrancado y pelado
algunas de sus blancas y leales baruas, para traer por empresa, y Jua de
la Torre las traxo despues publicamente en la gorra por la ciudad de los
Reyes." Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 54.]

     Though the action lasted but a short time, nearly one third of the
viceroy's troops had perished.  The loss of their opponents was
inconsiderable. ^28 Several of the vanquished cavaliers took refuge in the
churches of Quito.  But they were dragged from the sanctuary, and some -
probably those who had once espoused the cause of Pizarro - were led to
execution, and others banished to Chili.  The greater part were pardoned
by the conqueror.  Benalcazar, who recovered from his wounds, was
permitted to return to his government, on condition of no more bearing
arms against Pizarro.  His troops were invited to take service under the
banner of the victor, who, however, never treated them with the confidence
shown to his ancient partisans.  He was greatly displeased at the
indignities offered to the viceroy; whose mangled remains he caused to be
buried with the honors due to his rank in the cathedral of Quito.  Gonzalo
Pizarro, attired in black, walked as chief mourner in the procession. - It
was usual with the Pizarros, as we have seen, to pay these obituary honors
to their victims. ^29

[Footnote 28: The estimates of killed and wounded in this action are as
discordant as usual.  Some carry the viceroy's loss to two hundred, while
Gonzalo Pizarro rates his own at only seven killed and but a few wounded.
But how rarely is that a faithful bulletin is issued by the parties
engaged in the action!]

[Footnote 29: For the accounts of the battle of Anaquito, rather summarily
despatched by most writers, see Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms. -
Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 170. - Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8,
lib. 1, cap. 1 - 3. - Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Zarate, Conq.
del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 35. - Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1546. -
Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 33-35. - Fernandez, Hist.
del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 53, 54.

     Gonzalo Pizarro seems to regard the battle as a sort of judicial
trial by combat, in which Heaven, by the result, plainly indicated the
right.  His remarks are edifying.  "Por donde parecera claramente que
Nuestro Senor fue servido este se viniese a meter en las manos para
quitarnos de tantos cuidados, i que pagase quantos males havia fecho en la
tierra, la qual quedo tan asosegada i tan en paz i servicio de S. M. como
lo estuvo en tiempo del Marques mi hermano." Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a
Valdivia, Ms.]

     Such was the sad end of Blasco Nunez Vela, first viceroy of Peru.  It
was less than two years since he had set foot in the country, a period of
unmitigated disaster and disgrace.  His misfortunes may be imputed partly
to circumstances, and partly to his own character.  The minister of an
odious and oppressive law, he was intrusted with no discretionary power in
the execution of it. ^30 Yet every man may, to a certain extent, claim the
right to such a power; since, to execute a commission, which circumstances
show must certainly defeat the object for which it was designed, would be
absurd.  But it requires sagacity to determine the existence of such a
contingency, and moral courage to assume the responsibility of acting on
it.  Such a crisis is the severest test of character.  To dare to disobey
from a paramount sense of duty, is a paradox that a little soul can hardly
comprehend.  Unfortunately, Blasco Nunez was a pedantic martinet, a man of
narrow views, who could not feel himself authorized under any
circumstances to swerve from the letter of the law.  Puffed up by his
brief authority, moreover, he considered opposition to the ordinances as
treason to himself; and thus, identifying himself with his commission, he
was prompted by personal feelings, quite as much as by those of a public
and patriotic nature.

[Footnote 30: Garcilasso's reflections on this point are commendably
tolerant.  "Assi acabo este buen cauallero, por querer porfiar tanto en la
execucion de lo que ni a su Rey ni a aquel Reyno conuenia: donde se
causaron tantas muertes y danos de Espanoles, y de Yndios: aunque no tuuo
tanta culpa como se la atribuye, porque lleuo preciso mandato de lo
que hizo." Com. Rean Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 34.]

     Neither was the viceroy's character of a kind that tended to mitigate
the odium of his measures, and reconcile the people to their execution.
It afforded a strong contrast to that of his rival, Pizarro, whose frank,
chivalrous bearing, and generous confidence in his followers, made him
universally popular, blinding their judgments, and giving to the worse the
semblance of the better cause.  Blasco Nunez, on the contrary, irritable
and suspicious, placed himself in a false position with all whom he
approached; for a suspicious temper creates an atmosphere of distrust
around it that kills every kindly affection.  His first step was to
alienate the members of the Audience who were sent to act in concert with
him.  But this was their fault as well as his, since they were as much too
lax, as he was too severe, in the interpretation of the law. ^31 He next
alienated and outraged the people whom he was appointed to govern.  And,
lastly, he disgusted his own friends, and too often turned them into
enemies; so that, in his final struggle for power and for existence, he
was obliged to rely on the arm of the stranger.  Yet in the catalogue of
his qualities we must not pass in silence over his virtues.  There are two
to the credit of which he is undeniably entitled, - a loyalty, which shone
the brighter amidst the general defection around him, and a constancy
under misfortune, which might challenge the respect even of his enemies.
But with the most liberal allowance for his merits, it can scarcely be
doubted that a person more incompetent to the task assigned him could not
have been found in Castile. ^32

[Footnote 31: Blasco Nunez characterized the four judges of the Audience
in a manner more concise than complimentary, - a boy, a madman, a booby,
and a dunce!  "Decia muchas veces Blasco Nunez, que le havian dado el
Emperador, i su Consejo de Indias vn Moco, un Loco, un Necio, vn Tonto por
Oidores, que asi lo havian hecho como ellos eran.  Moco era Cepeda, i
llamaba Loco a Juan Alvarez, i Necio a Tejada, que no sabia Latin."
Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 171.]

[Footnote 32: The account of Blasco Nunez Vela rests chiefly on the
authority of loyal writers, some of whom wrote after their return to
Castile.  They would, therefore, more naturally lean to the side of the
true representative of the Crown, than to that of the rebel.  Indeed, the
only voice raised decidedly in favor of Pizarro is his own, - a very
suspicious authority.  Yet, with all the prestiges in his favor, the
administration of Blasco Nunez, from universal testimony, was a total
failure.  And there is little to interest us in the story of the man,
except his unparalleled misfortunes and the firmness with which he bore
them.]

     The victory of Anaquito was received with general joy in the
neighbouring capital; all the cities of Peru looked on it as sealing the
downfall of the detested ordinances, and the name of Gonzalo Pizarro was
sounded from one end of the country to the other as that of its deliverer.
That chief continued to prolong his stay in Quito during the wet season,
dividing his time between the licentious pleasures of the reckless
adventurer and the cares of business that now pressed on him as ruler of
the state.  His administration was stained with fewer acts of violence
than might have been expected from the circumstances of his situation.  So
long as Carbajal, the counsellor in whom he unfortunately placed greatest
reliance, was absent, Gonzalo sanctioned no execution, it was observed,
but according to the forms of law. ^33 He rewarded his followers by new
grants of land, and detached several on expeditions, to no greater
distance, however, than would leave it in his power readily to recall
them.  He made various provisions for the welfare of the natives, and
some, in particular, for instructing them in the Christian faith.  He paid
attention to the faithful collection of the royal dues, urging on the
colonists that they should deport themselves so as to conciliate the
good-will of the Crown, and induce a revocation of the ordinances.  His
administration in short, was so conducted, that even the austere Gasca,
his successor, allowed "it was a good government, - for a tyrant." ^34

[Footnote 33: "Nunca Picarro, en ausencia de Francisco de Carvajal, su
Maestre de Campo, mato, ni consintio matar Espanol, sin que todos, los mas
de su Consejo, lo aprobasen: i entonces con Proceso en forma de Derecho, i
confesados primero." Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap. 172.]

[Footnote 34: Ibid., ubi supra. - Fernandez gives a less favorable picture
of Gonzalo's administration.  (Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 54;
lib. 2, cap. 13.) Fernandez wrote at the instance of the Court; Gomara,
though present at court, wrote to please himself.  The praise of Gomara is
less suspicious than the censure of Fernandez.]