Multimedia Mania/abacus-multimedia-mania.iso/dp/0071/00714.txt

Text File | 1993-07-27 | 29KB | 455 lines

$Unique_ID{bob00714}
$Pretitle{}
$Title{History Of The Conquest Of Peru
Chapter III: Part I}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{Prescott, William H.}
$Affiliation{}
$Subject{de
footnote
panama
peru
que
luque
almagro
instrument
del
enterprise}
$Date{1864}
$Log{}
Title:       History Of The Conquest Of Peru
Book:        Book II: Discovery Of Peru
Author:      Prescott, William H.
Date:        1864

Chapter III: Part I

The Famous Contract. - Second Expedition. - Ruiz Explores The Coast. -
Pizarro's Sufferings In The Forests. - Arrival Of New Recruits. - Fresh
Discoveries And Disasters. - Pizarro On The Isle Of Gallo.

     1526-1527.

     On his arrival at Panama, Almagro found that events had taken a turn less
favorable to his views than he had anticipated.  Pedrarias, the governor, was
preparing to lead an expedition in person against a rebellious officer in
Nicaragua; and his temper, naturally not the most amiable, was still further
soured by this defection of his lieutenant, and the necessity it imposed on
him of a long and perilous march.  When, therefore, Almagro appeared before
him with the request that he might be permitted to raise further levies to
prosecute his enterprise, the governor received him with obvious
dissatisfaction, listened coldly to the narrative of his losses, turned an
incredulous ear to his magnificent promises for the future, and bluntly
demanded an account of the lives, which had been sacrificed by Pizarro's
obstinacy, but which, had they been spared, might have stood him in good stead
in his present expedition to Nicaragua.  He positively declined to countenance
the rash schemes of the two adventurers any longer, and the conquest of Peru
would have been crushed in the bud, but for the efficient interposition of the
remaining associate, Fernando de Luque.

     This sagacious ecclesiastic had received a very different impression from
Almagro's narrative, from that which had been made on the mind of the
irritable governor.  The actual results of the enterprise in gold and silver,
thus far, indeed, had been small, - forming a mortifying contrast to the
magnitude of their expectations.  But, in another point of view, they were of
the last importance; since the intelligence which the adventurers had gained
in every successive stage of their progress confirmed, in the strongest
manner, the previous accounts, received from Andagoya and others, of a rich
Indian empire at the south, which might repay the trouble of conquering it as
well as Mexico had repaid the enterprise of Cortes.  Fully entering,
therefore, into the feelings of his military associates, he used all his
influence with the governor to incline him to a more favorable view of
Almagro's petition; and no one in the little community of Panama exercised
greater influence over the councils of the executive than Father Luque, for
which he was indebted no less to his discretion and acknowledged sagacity than
to his professional station.

     But while Pedrarias, overcome by the arguments or importunity of the
churchman, yielded a reluctant assent to the application, he took care to
testify his displeasure with Pizarro, on whom he particularly charged the loss
of his followers, by naming Almagro as his equal in command in the proposed
expedition.  This mortification sunk deep into Pizarro's mind.  He suspected
his comrade, with what reason does not appear, of soliciting this boon from
the governor.  A temporary coldness arose between them, which subsided, in
outward show, at least, on Pizarro's reflecting that it was better to have
this authority conferred on a friend than on a stranger, perhaps an enemy.
But the seeds of permanent distrust were left in his bosom, and lay waiting
for the due season to ripen into a fruitful harvest of discord. ^1

[Footnote 1: Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 180. -
Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1526. - Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3 lib. 8,
cap. 12.]

     Pedrarias had been originally interested in the enterprise, at least,
so far as to stipulate for a share of the gains, though he had not
contributed, as it appears, a single ducat towards the expenses.  He was at
length, however, induced to relinquish all right to a share of the contingent
profits.  But, in his manner of doing so, he showed a mercenary spirit,
better becoming a petty trader than a high officer of the Crown.  He
stipulated that the associates should secure to him the sum of one thousand
pesos de oro in requital of his goodwill, and they eagerly closed with his
proposal, rather than be encumbered with his pretensions.  For so paltry a
consideration did he resign his portion of the rich spoil of the Incas! ^2 But
the governor was not gifted with the eye of a prophet.  His avarice was of
that short-sighted kind which defeats itself.  He had sacrificed the
chivalrous Balboa just as that officer was opening to him the conquest of
Peru, and he would now have quenched the spirit of enterprise, that was
taking the same direction, in Pizarro and his associates.

[Footnote 2: Such is Oviedo's account, who was present at the interview
between the governor and Almagro, when the terms of compensation were
discussed.  The dialogue, which is amusing enough, and well told by the old
Chronicler, may be found translated in Appendix, No. 5.  Another version of
the affair is given in the Relacion, often quoted by me, of one of the
Peruvian conquerors, in which Pedrarias is said to have gone out of the
partnership voluntarily, from his disgust at the unpromising state of
affairs.  "Vueltos con la dicha gente a Panama, destrozados y gastados que
ya no tenian haciendas para tornar con provisiones y gentes que todo lo
habian gastado, el dicho Pedrarias de Avila les dijo, que ya el no queria mas
hacer compania con ellos en los gastos de la armada, que si ellos querian
volver a su costa, que lo hiciesen; y ansi como gente que habia perdido todo
lo que tenia y tanto habia trabajado, acordaron de tornar a proseguir su
jornada y dar fin a las vidas y haciendas que les quedaba, o descubrir
aquella tierra, y ciertamente ellos tubieron grande constancia y animo."
Relacion del Primer.  Descub., Ms.]

     Not long after this, in the following year, he was succeeded in his
government by Don Pedro de los Rios, a cavalier of Cordova.  It was the
policy of the Castilian Crown to allow no one of the great colonial officers
to occupy the same station so long as to render himself formidable by his
authority. ^3 It had, moreover, many particular causes of disgust with
Pedrarias.  The functionary they sent out to succeed him was fortified with
ample instructions for the good of the colony, and especially of the natives,
whose religious conversion was urged as a capital object, and whose personal
freedom was unequivocally asserted, as loyal vassals of the Crown.  It is but
justice to the Spanish government to admit that its provisions were generally
guided by a humane and considerate policy, which was as regularly frustrated
by the cupidity of the colonist, and the capricious cruelty of the conqueror.
The few remaining years of Pedrarias were spent in petty squabbles, both of
a personal and official nature; for he was still continued in office, though
in one of less consideration than that which he had hitherto filled.  He
survived but a few years, leaving behind him a reputation not to be envied,
of one who united a pusillanimous spirit with uncontrollable passions; who
displayed, notwithstanding, a certain energy of character, or, to speak more
correctly, an impetuosity of purpose, which might have led to good results
had it taken a right direction.  Unfortunately, his lack of discretion was
such, that the direction he took was rarely of service to his country or to
himself.

[Footnote 3: This policy is noticed by the sagacious Martyr.  "De mutandis
namque plaerisque gubernatoribus, ne longa nimis imperii assuetudine
insolescant, cogitatur, qui praecipue non fuerint prouinciarum domitores. de
hisce ducibus namque alia ratio ponderatur." (De Orbe Novo, (Parisiis, 1587,)
p. 498.) One cannot but regret that the philosopher, who took so keen an
interest in the successive revelations of the different portions of the New
World, should have died before the empire of the Incas was disclosed to
Europeans.  He lived to learn and to record the wonders of

     "Rich Mexico, the seat of Montezuma
     Not Cuzco in Peru, the richer seat of
     Atabalipa."]

     Having settled their difficulties with the governor, and obtained his
sanction to their enterprise, the confederates lost no time in making the
requisite preparations for it.  Their first step was to execute the memorable
contract which served as the basis of their future arrangements; and, as
Pizarro's name appears in this, it seems probable that that chief had crossed
over to Panama so soon as the favorable disposition of Pedrarias had been
secured. ^4 The instrument, after invoking in the most solemn manner the names
of the Holy Trinity and Our Lady the Blessed Virgin, sets forth, that,
whereas the parties have full authority to discover and subdue the countries
and provinces lying south of the Gulf, belonging to the empire of Peru, and
as Fernando de Luque had advanced the funds for the enterprise in bars of
gold of the value of twenty thousand pesos, they mutually bind themselves to
divide equally among them the whole of the conquered territory.  This
stipulation is reiterated over and over again, particularly with reference
to Luque, who, it is declared, is to be entitled to one third of all lands,
repartimientos, treasures of every kind, gold, silver, and precious stones,
- to one third even of all vassals, rents, and emoluments arising from such
grants as may be conferred by the Crown on either of his military associates,
to be held for his own use, or for that of his heirs, assigns, or legal
representative.

[Footnote 4: In opposition to most authorities, - but not to the judicious
Quintana, - I have conformed to Montesinos, in placing the execution of the
contract at the commencement of the second, instead of the first, expedition.
This arrangement coincides with the date of the instrument itself, which,
moreover, is reported in extenso by no ancient writer whom I have consulted
except Montesinos.]

     The two captains solemnly engage to devote themselves exclusively to the
present undertaking until it is accomplished; and, in case of failure in their
part of the covenant, they pledge themselves to reimburse Luque for his
advances, for which all the property they possess shall be held responsible,
and this declaration is to be a sufficient warrant for the execution of
judgment against them, in the same manner as if it had proceeded from the
decree of a court of justice.

     The commanders, Pizarro and Almagro, made oath, in the name of God and
the Holy Evangelists, sacredly to keep this covenant, swearing it on the
missal, on which they traced with their own hands the sacred emblem of the
cross.  To give still greater efficacy to the compact, Father Luque
administered the sacrament to the parties, dividing the consecrated wafer into
three portions, of which each one of them partook; while the by-standers, says
an historian, were affected to tears by this spectacle of the solemn
ceremonial with which these men voluntarily devoted themselves to a sacrifice
that seemed little short of insanity. ^5

[Footnote 5: This singular instrument is given at length by Montesinos.
(Annales, Ms., ano 1526.) It may be found in the original in Appendix, No.
6.]

     The instrument, which was dated March 10, 1526, was subscribed by Luque,
and attested by three respectable citizens of Panama, one of whom signed on
behalf of Pizarro, and the other for Almagro; since neither of these parties,
according to the avowal of the instrument, was able to subscribe his own
name. ^6

[Footnote 6: For some investigation of the fact, which has been disputed by
more than one, of Pizarro's ignorance of the art of writing, see Book 4,
chap. 5, of this History.]

     Such was the singular compact by which three obscure individuals coolly
carved out and partitioned among themselves, an empire of whose extent,
power, and resources, of whose situation, of whose existence, even, they had
no sure or precise knowledge.  The positive and unhesitating manner in which
they speak of the grandeur of this empire, of its stores of wealth, so
conformable to the event, but of which they could have really known so
little, forms a striking contrast with the general skepticism and
indifference manifested by nearly every other person, high and low, in the
community of Panama. ^7

[Footnote 7: The epithet of loco or "madman" was punningly bestowed on Father
Luque, for his spirited exertions in behalf of the enterprise; Padre Luque
o loco, says Oviedo of him, as if it were synonymous.  Historia de las Indias
Islas e Tierra Firme del Mar Oceano, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8 cap. 1.]

     The religious tone of the instrument is not the least remarkable feature
in it, especially when we contrast this with the relentless policy, pursued
by the very men who were parties to it, in their conquest of the country.
"In the name of the Prince of Peace," says the illustrious historian of
America, "they ratified a contract of which plunder and bloodshed were the
objects." ^8 The reflection seems reasonable.  Yet, in criticizing what is
done, as well as what is written, we must take into account the spirit of the
times. ^9 The invocation of Heaven was natural, where the object of the
undertaking was, in part, a religious one.  Religion entered, more or less,
into the theory, at least, of the Spanish conquests in the New World.  That
motives of a baser sort mingled largely with these higher ones, and in
different proportions according to the character of the individual, no one
will deny.  And few are they that have proposed to themselves a long career
of action without the intermixture of some vulgar personal motive, - fame,
honors, or emolument.  Yet that religion furnishes a key to the American
crusades, however rudely they may have been conducted, is evident from the
history of their origin; from the sanction openly given to them by the Head
of the Church; from the throng of self-devoted missionaries, who followed in
the track of the conquerors to garner up the rich harvest of souls; from the
reiterated instructions of the Crown, the great object of which was the
conversion of the natives; from those superstitious acts of the iron-hearted
soldiery themselves, which, however they may be set down to fanaticism, were
clearly too much in earnest to leave any ground for the charge of hypocrisy.
It was indeed a fiery cross that was borne over the devoted land, scathing
and consuming it in its terrible progress; but it was still the cross, the
sign of man's salvation, the only sign by which generations and generations
yet unborn were to be rescued from eternal perdition.

[Footnote 8: Robertson, America, vol. III. p. 5.]

[Footnote 9: "A perfect judge will read each work of wit
          With the same spirit that its author writ,"

says the great bard of Reason.  A fair criticism will apply the same rule to
action as to writing, and, in the moral estimate of conduct, will take largely
into account the spirit of the age which prompted it.]

     It is a remarkable fact, which has hitherto escaped the notice of the
historian, that Luque was not the real party to this contract.  He
represented another, who placed in his hands the funds required for the
undertaking.  This appears from an instrument signed by Luque himself and
certified before the same notary that prepared the original contract.  The
instrument declares that the whole sum of twenty thousand pesos advanced for
the expedition was furnished by the Licentiate Gaspar de Espinosa, then at
Panama; that the vicar acted only as his agent and by his authority; and
that, in consequence, the said Espinosa and no other was entitled to a third
of all the profits and acquisitions resulting from the conquest of Peru.
This instrument, attested by three persons, one of them the same who had
witnessed the original contract, was dated on the 6th of August, 1531. ^10 The
Licentiate Espinosa was a respectable functionary, who had filled the office
of principal alcalde in Darien, and since taken a conspicuous part in the
conquest and settlement of Tierra Firme.  He enjoyed much consideration for
his personal character and station; and it is remarkable that so little
should be known of the manner in which the covenant, so solemnly made, was
executed in reference to him.  As in the case of Columbus, it is probable
that the unexpected magnitude of the results was such as to prevent a
faithful adherence to the original stipulation; and yet, from the same
consideration, one can hardly doubt that the twenty thousand pesos of the
bold speculator must have brought him a magnificent return.  Nor did the
worthy vicar of Panama, as the history will show hereafter, go without his
reward.

[Footnote 10: The instrument making this extraordinary disclosure is cited
at length in a manuscript entitled Noticia General del Peru, Tierra Firme y
Chili, by Francisco Lopez de Caravantes, a fiscal officer in these colonies.
The Ms., formerly preserved in the library of the great college of Cuenca at
Salamanca, is now to be found in her Majesty's library at Madrid.  The
passage is extracted by Quintana, Espanoles Celebres, tom. II. Apend. No. 2,
nota.]

     Having completed these preliminary arrangements, the three associates
lost no time in making preparations for the voyage.  Two vessels were
purchased, larger and every way better than those employed on the former
occasion.  Stores were laid in, as experience dictated, on a larger scale
than before, and proclamation was made of "an expedition to Peru." But the
call was not readily answered by the skeptical citizens of Panama.  Of nearly
two hundred men who had embarked on the former cruise, not more than three
fourths now remained. ^11 This dismal mortality, and the emaciated,
poverty-stricken aspect of the survivors, spoke more eloquently than the
braggart promises and magnificent prospects held out by the adventurers.
Still there were men in the community of such desperate circumstances, that
any change seemed like a chance of bettering their condition.  Most of the
former company also, strange to say, felt more pleased to follow up the
adventure to the end than to abandon it, as they saw the light of a better
day dawning upon them.  From these sources the two captains succeeded in
mustering about one hundred and sixty men, making altogether a very
inadequate force for the conquest of an empire.  A few horses were also
purchased, and a better supply of ammunition and military stores than before,
though still on a very limited scale.  Considering their funds, the only way
of accounting for this must be by the difficulty of obtaining supplies at
Panama, which, recently founded, and on the remote coast of the Pacific,
could be approached only by crossing the rugged barrier of mountains, which
made the transportation of bulky articles extremely difficult.  Even such
scanty stock of materials as it possessed was probably laid under heavy
contribution, at the present juncture, by the governor's preparations for his
own expedition to the north.

[Footnote 11: "Con ciento i diez Hombres salio de Panama, i fue donde estaba
el Capitan Picarro con otros cinquenta de los primeros ciento; diez, que con
el salieron, i de los setenta, que el Capitan Almagro llevo, quando le fue
a buscar, que los ciento i treinta ia eran muertos.  Xerez, Conq. del Peru,
ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 180.]

     Thus indifferently provided, the two captains, each in his own vessel,
again took their departure from Panama, under the direction of Bartholomew
Ruiz, a sagacious and resolute pilot, well experienced in the navigation of
the Southern Ocean.  He was a native of Moguer, in Andalusia, that little
nursery of nautical enterprise, which furnished so many seamen for the first
voyages of Columbus.  Without touching at the intervening points of the
coast, which offered no attraction to the voyagers, they stood farther out
to sea, steering direct for the Rio de San Juan, the utmost limit reached by
Almagro.  The season was better selected than on the former occasion, and
they were borne along by favorable breezes to the place of their destination,
which they reached without accident in a few days.  Entering the mouth of the
river, they saw the banks well lined with Indian habitations; and Pizarro,
disembarking, at the head of a party of soldiers, succeeded in surprising a
small village and carrying off a considerable booty of gold ornaments found
in the dwellings, together with a few of the natives. ^12

[Footnote 12: Ibid., pp. 180, 181. - Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. - Zarate,
Conq. del Peru, lib 1, cap. 1. - Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 3, lib. 8, cap.
13.]

     Flushed with their success, the two chiefs were confident that the sight
of the rich spoil so speedily obtained could not fail to draw adventurers to
their standard in Panama; and, as they felt more than ever the necessity of
a stronger force to cope with the thickening population of the country which
they were now to penetrate, it was decided that Almagro should return with
the treasure and beat up for reinforcements, while the pilot Ruiz, in the
other vessel, should reconnoitre the country towards the south, and obtain
such information as might determine their future movements.  Pizarro, with
the rest of the force, would remain in the neighbourhood of the river, as he
was assured by the Indian prisoners, that not far in the interior was an open
reach of country, where he and his men could find comfortable quarters.  This
arrangement was instantly put in execution.  We will first accompany the
intrepid pilot in his cruise towards the south.

     Coasting along the great continent, with his canvas still spread to
favorable winds, the first place at which Ruiz cast anchor was off the little
island of Gallo, about two degrees north.  The inhabitants, who were not
numerous, were prepared to give him a hostile reception, - for tidings of the
invaders had preceded them along the country, and even reached this insulated
spot.  As the object of Ruiz was to explore, not to conquer, he did not care
to entangle himself in hostilities with the natives; so, changing his purpose
of landing, he weighed anchor, and ran down the coast as far as what is now
called the Bay of St. Matthew.  The country, which, as he advanced, continued
to exhibit evidence of a better culture as well as of a more dense population
than the parts hitherto seen, was crowded, along the shores, with spectators,
who gave no signs of fear or hostility.  They stood gazing on the vessel of
the white men as it glided smoothly into the crystal waters of the bay,
fancying it, says an old writer, some mysterious being descended from the
skies.

     Without staying long enough on this friendly coast to undeceive the
simple people, Ruiz, standing off shore, struck out into the deep sea; but
he had not sailed far in that direction, when he was surprised by the sight
of a vessel, seeming in the distance like a caravel of considerable size,
traversed by a large sail that carried it sluggishly over the waters.  The
old navigator was not a little perplexed by this phenomenon, as he was
confident no European bark could have been before him in these latitudes, and
no Indian nation, yet discovered, not even the civilized Mexican, was
acquainted with the use of sails in navigation.  As he drew near, he found
it was a large vessel, or rather raft, called balsa by the natives,
consisting of a number of huge timbers of a light, porous wood, tightly
lashed together, with a frail flooring of reeds raised on them by way of
deck.  Two masts or sturdy poles, erected in the middle of the vessel,
sustained a large square-sail of cotton, while a rude kind of rudder and a
movable keel, made of plank inserted between the logs, enabled the mariner
to give a direction to the floating fabric, which held on its course without
the aid of oar or paddle. ^13 The simple architecture of this craft was
sufficient for the purposes of the natives, and indeed has continued to
answer them to the present day; for the balsa, surmounted by small thatched
huts or cabins, still supplies the most commodious means for the
transportation of passengers and luggage on the streams and along the shores
of this part of the South American continent.

[Footnote 13: "Traia sus manteles y antenas de muy fina madera y velas de
algodon del mismo talle de manera que los nuestros navios." Relacion de los
Primeros Descubrimientos de F. Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, sacada del Codice,
No. 120 de la Biblioteca Imperial de Vienna, Ms]

     On coming alongside, Ruiz found several Indians, both men and women, on
board, some with rich ornaments on their persons, besides several articles
wrought with considerable skill in gold and silver, which they were carrying
for purposes of traffic to the different places along the coast.  But what
most attracted his attention was the woollen cloth of which some of their
dresses were made.  It was of a fine texture, delicately embroidered with
figures of birds and flowers, and dyed in brilliant colors.  He also observed
in the boat a pair of balances made to weigh the precious metals. ^14 His
astonishment at these proofs of ingenuity and civilization, so much higher
than any thing he had ever seen in the country, was heightened by the
intelligence which he collected from some of these Indians.  Two of them had
come from Tumbez, a Peruvian port, some degrees to the south; and they gave
him to understand, that in their neighbourhood the fields were covered with
large flocks of the animals from which the wool was obtained, and that gold
and silver were almost as common as wood in the palaces of their monarch.
The Spaniards listened greedily to reports which harmonized so well with
their fond desires.  Though half distrusting the exaggeration, Ruiz resolved
to detain some of the Indians, including the natives of Tumbez, that they
might repeat the wondrous tale to his commander, and at the same time, by
learning the Castilian, might hereafter serve as interpreters with their
countrymen.  The rest of the party he suffered to proceed without further
interruption on their voyage.  Then holding on his course, the prudent pilot,
without touching at any other point of the coast, advanced as far as the
Punta de Pasado, about half a degree south, having the glory of being the
first European who, sailing in this direction on the Pacific, had crossed the
equinoctial line.  This was the limit of his discoveries; on reaching which
he tacked about, and standing away to the north, succeeded, after an absence
of several weeks, in regaining the spot where he had left Pizarro and his
comrades. ^15

[Footnote 14: In a short notice of this expedition, written apparently at the
time of it, or soon after, a minute specification is given of the several
articles found in the balsa; among them are mentioned vases and mirrors of
burnished silver, and curious fabrics both cotton and woollen.  "Espejos
guarnecidos de la dicha plata, y tasas y otras vasijas para beber, trahian
muchas mantas de lana y de algodon, y camisas y aljubas y alcaceres y
alaremes, y otras muchas ropas, todo lo mas de ello muy labrado de labores
muy ricas de colores de grana y carmisi y azul y amarillo, y de todas otras
colores de diversas maneras de labores y figuras de aves y animales, y
Pescados, y arbolesas y trahian unos pesos chiquitos de pesar oro como
hechura de Romana, y otras muchas cosas.' Relacion sacada de la Biblioteca
Imperial de Vienna, Ms.]

[Footnote 15: Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 181. - Relacion
sacada de la Biblioteca Imperial de Vienna, Ms. - Herrera, Hist. General, dec.
3, lib. 8, cap. 13.