Multimedia Mania/abacus-multimedia-mania.iso/dp/0020/00209.txt

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$Unique_ID{bob00209}
$Pretitle{}
$Title{Indonesia
Chapter 2B.   Population}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{Riga Adiwoso-Suprapto}
$Affiliation{HQ, Department of the Army}
$Subject{javanese
family
java
social
population
sundanese
government
planning
village
children}
$Date{1982}
$Log{}
Title:       Indonesia
Book:        Indonesia, A Country Study
Author:      Riga Adiwoso-Suprapto
Affiliation: HQ, Department of the Army
Date:        1982

Chapter 2B.   Population

     According to the 1980 census the total population was about 147.5
million, making Indonesia the fifth most populous country in the world.
Java had the highest population, about 91 million. Population is unevenly
distributed. Density is under 50 persons per square kilometer for nearly
all the islands, but Java has a density of about 700 persons per square
kilometer, and Bali has a density of about 444 persons per square kilometer.
The density on these two islands, which together comprise 7 percent of the
total land area, compare to that of the most densely populated regions of the
world.

     Population growth has become one of the major concerns of the government.
Between 1961 and 1966 the average annual growth rate was 2.1 percent; between
1971 and 1976 it was lowered to 2.0 percent, in large measure as a result of
government family planning efforts.

     Behind Indonesia's overall declining growth rate lay wide variations
between Java and the other islands. Java's growth rate was 1.7 percent per
year, that of the others, 2.6 percent. In 1980 life expectancy was 53 years.
At that rate, by the end of the century the population of all the islands,
except Java, would account for 42 percent of total population, possibly
exceeding that of Java in absolute numbers.

     By age-group, the largest number fell in the 25 to 49-year age-group (40
million) followed by the 15 to 24-year age-group (24 million). In the early
1980s the government, therefore, was facing the problem of creating employment
opportunities for this youthful population. Manpower is one of Indonesia's
abundant resources; the labor force grew at an annual rate of 2.9 percent
during the 1971-80 period. It included an estimated total of 52 million
persons between the ages of 15 and 64. In the early 1980s it was growing at 3
percent per year. Participation was declining among the 10 to 14- and 15 to
19-year age-groups, especially for males, because of the expansion of
educational opportunities, but female participation over age 20 had increased.

     The essence of Indonesia's employment problem is the lack of full-time
employment. Many persons work very long hours with little reward, and others
accept any part-time work available. In late 1982 unemployment in the urban
areas was the most serious problem. Population growth, the limited amount
of arable land, and the declining interest in agricultural work among the
educated rural youth increased pressures on the job market. The highest
growth rate of employment was in construction and in social and personal
services, including government employment, while agricultural employment
was declining (see Employment and Income, ch. 3).

     In what was considered a radical departure from previous government
action, the government in 1968 adopted family planning programs as its
national policy, with the ultimate objective of reducing the population growth
rate. Supported by the United Nations and the World Bank (see Glossary), the
government implemented a five-year family planning program in 1969. The
success of the program, still in force in the early 1980s, was attributable in
part to its decentralized organization, enabling it to reach almost all levels
of the population. In Java and Bali the family planning services have reached
even the lowest socioeconomic group. The program offered information and
education in family planning and medical services at family planning clinics.
There were about 5,000 family planning clinics, of which some 3,000 were in
Java and Bali. Fieldworkers canvassed door-to-door to educate eligible
couples. The responsibility of promoting family planning was transferred from
the government to the communities in 1978. This has proved effective
particularly on Bali, where village communities are closely knit socially and
economically. There, family planning matters are considered along with other
community concerns at the monthly meeting of household heads. In Java,
villages are provided with locally staffed contraceptive distribution centers.
In the Outer Islands (see Glossary), the subdistrict head has the
responsibility for the family planning program of his administrative region.

     The strong commitment and dedication of government leaders have helped
create a sense of urgency to slow the population growth. The government views
population pressure as a problem affecting the community's economic
development. The program's effectiveness has been reinforced through
consideration of existing cultural and social patterns. Nevertheless, while
Bali has achieved a relatively low fertility figure, in western Java, where
the population is highly mobile and early marriages are preferred, fertility
is relatively high. Jakarta, unlike other cosmopolitan cities in Southeast
Asia, has a very low contraceptive user rate. The family planning program is
less developed there than in other areas owing to difficulties in attracting
fieldworkers.

     Usually, women seek information on family planning only after having
several children; outside of Java and Bali, four is often a preferred number.
Children are considered to be insurance for old age and as help in the fields
and around the house. Religious conviction has proved to be only a minor
impediment to acceptance of contraceptive measures.

Ethnic Groups

     Indonesian society has always been a heterogeneous society, composed of
numerous ethnic groups scattered over the archipelago. Approximately 300
groups consider themselves ethnically and linguistically distinct. The groups
have their own customs, system of values, religious beliefs, and different
ways of adapting to the various ecological environments. The sea has played an
important role in maintaining ethnic diversity, but at the same time it has
been the most feasible means for interisland communication and for spreading
cultural tradition (see table 2, Appendix).

     A little more than half of the Indonesian population is ethnically
Javanese, living mostly in the islands of Java, Madura, and part of Sumatra.
Javanese dominance, particularly in government administration, has created
resentments and conflict with other ethnic groups. The early postindependence
uprising in Sumatra and Sulawesi were against the centralized nature of the
government in Java, the insurgents demanding a federation of Indonesian states
instead. These uprisings were further colored with religious conflicts (see
Parliamentary and Guided Democracy, 1950-65, ch. 1).

     Ethnic awareness is more salient where interethnic contact is most
frequent, such as in the coastal areas and in the cities, highlighting further
the heterogeneity of such centers. To outsiders the people will identify
themselves first as Indonesians and second as members of a particular ethnic
group. But among themselves ethnic identity is the main basis for maintaining
solidarity and interpersonal relationships. In encounters between Indonesians,
ethnic identities dictate the conventions, etiquette, and discourse strategies
to be used. Almost every ethnic group has its own system of social
stratification and religious and economic orientation.

Java

The Javanese

     The Javanese, whose cultural centers are the royal courts of Yogyakarta
and Surakarta in central Java, use mostly their own Javanese language among
themselves in daily interactions. The language reflects the hierarchical
nature of Javanese society. The choice between using high language (krama) or
low language (ngoko) is based on many factors, such as age, social status, and
setting of both speaker and addressee. There are differences in lexicon and
grammar between the two language variables.

     Most Javanese are poor, sedentary, lowland wet-rice cultivators, living
in villages. The village is a cohesive entity, characterized by strong ties
among the members. Lands are mostly owned by the wealthy families in the
village. Distribution of labor and wealth is based on the traditional bawon
and gogol systems. In the bawon system, those who participate in mutual labor
exchange are given a share of the harvest in excess of that needed by the
landowner. In the gogol system, land is corporately owned, usually by the
village. A set of households has the exclusive hereditary rights for the use
of a particular piece of land. Landless peasants engage in sharecropping,
receiving one-third to one-half the harvest, depending on the amount of
man-hours contributed. Because most landholdings in Java are small, the
economic gap between the landholders and landless peasants is relatively
narrow. There is little occupational differentiation in the villages. Most
villagers view themselves as an undifferentiated mass of small people (wong
cilik), in opposition to the aristocrats (priyayi), who are descended from
royalty, and the nobles (ndara) of the royal courts.

     In the early 1980s most Javanese were civil servants still enjoying great
social prestige, particularly in the rural communities. Man claimed descent
from one of the royal courts in central Java. Those closer to the royal court
constituted an upper priyayi in contrast to the lower priyayi-those with
minimal linkage to the royal court. The upper priyayi had earned academic
degrees and filled the upper echelons of Indonesian society, whereas the lower
priyayi were still living in the rural areas and occupied administrative posts
in the villages. Wong cilik could achieve higher status in the lower priyayi
after obtaining academic degrees and becoming village administrators.

     Those who could trace their descent, through either the father or the
mother, to any one of the four courts in central Java-Yogyakarta, Surakarta,
Mangkunergaran, or Palu Alaman-were considered ndara. This group was
internally stratified according to the degree of blood relation to the
princely families, symbolized by the use of distinct titles. Yet, since
independence many who were closest to the princely families had set aside
their titles in favor of academic degree titles to indicate their belief in a
republic and democratic country. The courts had been able to maintain their
own highly artistic and literary traditions with complex customs and
ceremonies, despite the rapid changes in Java and elsewhere in Indonesia.
Except in the court of Yogyakarta, the prestige of the royal courts had
receded somewhat after independence. The Javanese still regarded the sultan
of Yogyakarta as a model of behavior, possessing magical powers, whose
guidance was revered.

     Besides the vertical stratification of social classes, the Javanese are
horizontally stratified according to the degree of participation in Islam.
Anthropologist Clifford Geertz has termed the nominal Muslim abangan, one who
did not fully adhere to Islamic doctrine, and the devout Muslim, santri, who
considered Islam not merely as a religious doctrine but as a social doctrine
as well (see Religion and World View, this ch.). Most Javanese are abangan,
but there are some santri in all the social strata. Santri are highly regarded
in their own realm and usually are invited to give blessings and prayers on
every sacred occasion. Within the royal courts they were considered higher in
status than the average wong cilik but still inferior to abangan priyayi, who
participated fully in traditional ceremonies. Many santri originally came from
merchant families oriented toward commerce and entrepreneurship, which was not
considered in harmony with the values of the Javanese culture. Javanese
traditional culture was basically a court culture emphasizing hierarchy. There
was little interest in economic gain and a dislike for commerce, which was
associated with the livelihoods of the Chinese and Arabs. Income level is not
a crucial differentiating criterion. Nonetheless, in rural areas the santri,
who dominate the small-scale trades and have the financial means to improve
themselves, enjoy greater prestige than most of the abangan.

     The Javanese divide themselves further by differentiating between those
having fine (halus) manners and those having rough (kasar) manners. An
individual is perceived as having halus manners if he is able to maintain
proper and appropriate etiquette in every interaction. The highest degree of
halus manners can only be achieved through proper acculturation and upbringing
in the right environment. Such manners are reflected in daily behavior toward
others, the degree of eloquence in speech, style of clothing, color
preference, maintenance of hygiene and physical fitness and, most important
of all, preoccupation with cultural heritage.

     To be considered for the position of village headman, a person must
maintain halus manners. He occupies the position until death, unless the
villagers petition him to resign. His relationship with the other village
members can be compared to that of a father and his children. His family
enjoys certain privileges and prestige. Such privileges usually are extended
to all members of his bilateral extended family, forming the upper social rank
in the village. The family usually gains a certain religiomagical status
through genealogies and mythical stories, relating them to heroic figures in
the Javanese epics or folk history. The sacred graves of the heroic figures
are located in the vicinity of the village.

     The Javanese kinship system is basically bilateral. Kinship terminologies
reflect the social importance of the nuclear family and are classified
according to generation differences. The patterns of behavior toward kin are
reflected in a general feeling of goodwill. To those who are older and
superior in rank there is an ideal attitude of respect. The nuclear family is
the central unit in the Javanese kinship system. The members are required to
conform to its rule and in return can expect maximum support from them.
Neglect of obligations toward members of the nuclear family is always
condemned.

     There are reciprocal obligations between children and parents. Parents
are expected to care for their children with unconditional love, and in their
old age their children's care for them is obligatory; yet, displays of
affection or emotion are discouraged. Affection is channeled through care for
each other's property and help in solving problems. Grandparents, while having
less authority over the children, are usually their caretakers. Often strong
bonds between children and grandparents are established.

     The kinship relation is further extended to a certain degree to all
members of the ethnic group. The Javanese identify others with reference to
four categories: Javanese, like themselves; non-Javanese Indonesian;
nonnative, non-Malay Indonesians, such as the Chinese and Arabs; and
foreigners, including Eurasians. Kinship terms are extended only to the first
two categories.

     Ancestry is an important factor in the Javanese social system. The
members have the collective responsibility for tending and repairing the
graves of their common ancestors. Descent is also involved in the rules of
inheritance, in obtaining employment, and in marital arrangements.

     Although most Javanese profess Islam as their religion, the ritual sacred
feast (slametan) is central to their life and is performed at various points
within a life cycle. A slametan is designed to promote a state of emotional
calm and a belief that events will smoothly run their fixed course; nothing
unwanted or unexpected will happen. Basic to this religious belief is the
concept of cosmic and social order. An individual is believed to play only a
very small part in the structural whole; principal points in life are fixed,
and fate is foreordained. The individual must patiently bear the hardships of
life but may seek guidance and support from the supernatural beings for
security. Emotional and disturbing experiences, such as accidents, sickness,
and death, expose the family to supernatural dangers that can be alleviated by
observing the spiritual state of prihatin, that is, making oneself aware of
the possibility of disturbing events and adapting one's behavior accordingly.

     During and after birth a child must be guarded from any disturbances
cause by the supernatural spirits. A child is acculturated to adjust to social
realities-exercising self-control and becoming a true Javanese by knowing the
appropriate manners. Children are not exposed to sexual education; sexual
knowledge is acquired indirectly, through overhearing adult conversations.
Premarital sex is prohibited, and sexual segregation is enforced during
adolescence.

     The Javanese firmly believe that a marriage without parental blessing
will be unhappy. Marriages between consanguinal relatives, between a
younger man and an older woman, and between certain cousins are prohibited.
A series of slametan is held in conjunction with marriage arrangements.
The childhood name is usually dropped after an individual is married, and an
adult name is adopted; usually the groom's adult name becomes the surname
for his new family. Although there is no fixed rule of residence, it is
quite common for the young couple to live with the bride's family during
the first year of marriage, until they can establish their own household.
Although officially the husband is considered the head of the household
(in accordance with Islamic tradition), the wife is not inferior in status;
both are expected to cooperate in maintaining their household and family.

     The children inherit parents' property at the moment of their death.
According to traditional law the property is divided equally among the
children regardless of sex, while under Islamic law the male receives
two-thirds of the property. Which law is applied varies from family to family.
The property of husband and wife is divided into personal property brought
into the household at the time they marry and joint property accumulated
during their married life. In case of a divorce the personal properties
are retained while joint property is divided, based on the ratio of
two-thirds to the husband and one-third to the wife.

     In late 1982 Javanese society was undergoing social changes. The
power of the older generation was being constantly challenged by the
younger generation. Many of the younger ones were oriented toward Western
values inherent in the secular education given in the schools. The speed
of the social change within the Javanese community could not be predicted,
because many Javanese still maintained a firm footing in their religiomystical
beliefs. Often superficial changes belied the actual state of the Javanese
system of values.

The Sundanese

     The Sundanese refer to their homeland in western Java as the "Land of the
Sundanese" (Tanah Pasundan). Although the Javanese and the Sundanese share
many cultural similarities, their languages are mutually unintelligible.
Cianjur is the most prestigious of Sundanese dialects. Sundanese has its
own literacy tradition, and although the people have no cultural center
like the Javanese royal court, they view Bandung as their cultural focal
point.

     Most Sundanese are wet-rice cultivators, having as a secondary
activity vegetable gardening. In many aspects a Sundanese community resembles
a Javanese one but is more religiously oriented. The village headman is
usually a deeply devout Muslim, chosen by the villagers on the basis of his
respected position and his knowledge of the customary law (adat). Most of the
lands are individually inherited, but the village, as a corporate entity, also
holds some land, the use of which is determined by the headman. Those in
charge of the village's sacred graves usually have a lifelong right to till
the corporate land and reap its harvest.

     Social stratification is less complex than among the Javanese. At the
apex is an elite descended from the Sundanese nobles (menak): those who had
worked in the former Dutch colonial government as bureaucrats and those who
had relatively large properties or wealth. Most of the landless peasants work
for the menak, receiving either wages or a share of the crops. Earning the
honorific of hajji by making a trip to Mecca is considered prestigious,
particularly in the villages. Being a hajji connotes a special degree of piety
and suggests wealth.

     The Sundanese kinship system is based on bilateral descent, having
kinship terminologies classified according to generation differences.
Relationships by marriage up to the seventh generation are emphasized among
kin, for it is important to know to which kin group an individual belongs. A
Sundanese can rely on assistance from kin up to three generations above and
two generations below. Beyond these generations they acknowledge the
individual only as being a member of the same kin group.

     Although the Sundanese are Muslim, the Hindu-Buddhist tradition
significantly influences their religious behavior. Sacred graves around the
village are carefully tended, and visits are made to the ancestral graves,
especially before new ventures and after special successes. Slametan are held
to mark each rite of passage and the beginning of new agricultural activity.

     The Sundanese are relatively more religious than the Javanese. Praying
five times a day and having the ability to recite from the Quran is a way
of acquiring prestige and enhanced social status. Parents prefer to send their
children to religious schools to study, regarding secular schooling as harmful
to their religious practices. Religion also dictates much about married life;
a husband is considered superior to his wife, and polygamy is still practiced.

     Although the Javanese and Sundanese share a similar world view and norms
of behavior, there exists some rivalry between them. They are conscious of
their differences and emphasize their separate identities, particularly
through folktales and stereotypings.