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- From: irish-faq@pobox.com (Irish FAQ Maintainer)
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- Newsgroups: soc.culture.irish,soc.answers,news.answers
- Subject: Irish FAQ: The Famine [6/10]
- Summary: an gorta m≤r
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- Archive-name: cultures/irish-faq/part06
- Last-modified: 7 Oct 99
- Posting-Frequency: monthly
- URL: http://www.enteract.com/~cpm/irish-faq/
-
- Part six of ten.
-
-
- Frequently Asked Questions on soc.culture.irish with answers.
- Send corrections, suggestions, additions, and other feedback
- to <irish-faq@pobox.com>
-
- The Famine
-
- 1) Why is it important?
- 2) Why is it controversial?
- 3) What happened?
- 4) Why did so many people die?
- 5) Was the Famine genocide?
- 6) Any references?
- 7) Where can I find other points of view?
-
-
- ----------------------------------------------------------------------
-
- Subject: 1) Why is it important?
-
- More Irish died in the Famine of 1845 to 1849 than in any war
- before or since. The best estimates (based on census data
- from 1841 and 1851, as well as other figures) are that around
- one million people died, or one out of every nine inhabitants.
- About one and a half million emigrated in the decade after 1845
- (the peak was in 1851, when a quarter of a million people left
- the island). The population continued to decline in Ireland
- through emigration until well into the second half of this century
- (it nearly halved between 1840 and 1910). Many say that the
- west of the country never recovered.
-
- The Famine hit one of the richest kingdoms of western Europe in
- a time of peace. There have been food shortages since and even
- starvation, but western Europe has not seen a large scale famine
- since.
-
-
- ------------------------------
-
- Subject: 2) Why is it controversial?
-
- Most of the controversy is over the question of blame. Those who
- look for a simple answer usually settle on one of two targets:
- the British government of the time or the Irish themselves.
- The government is accused of genocide and even of instigating an
- "Irish holocaust". The Irish are accused of marrying too early
- and having too many children, making a Malthusian catastrophe
- inevitable.
-
- However the Famine is too complicated to allow a simple
- apportionment of blame. There were a number of social and
- political forces at work, not to mention the seed of the calamity,
- the potato blight that robbed people of their food.
-
-
- ------------------------------
-
- Subject: 3) What happened?
-
- The potato crop failed two years in a row, 1845 and 1846.
- There was a partial harvest in 1847 but there were failures again
- in 1848 and 1849. The cause of the failures was potato blight
- (phytophthora infestans) a fungus that attacked potatoes, making
- them rotten and inedible.
-
- There was hardship after the blight struck in 1845 but the true
- famine did not come until the following year. More potatoes
- than ever were planted that spring because people did not expect
- the blight to strike again. It did. During the winter of 1846
- the worst started to happen. People died of starvation in their
- houses (or what passed for houses), in the fields, on the roads.
- Dysentery and typhus became epidemic. Each took their toll,
- especially among the very young and the old. Cholera hit in
- 1849 and killed many of the survivors. More people died of
- disease than of starvation.
-
- The hardest hit were the landless labourers who rented small plots
- of land to feed themselves and their families. When their own
- crops failed, they had to buy food with money they did not have.
- The price of a hundredweight (112 lb or 50 kg) of potatoes in
- Dublin more than doubled in eight months (from around 16d in
- September 1845 to 3 shillings in April 1846, rising to more than
- 6 shillings by October). Wages did not keep pace. Some landlords
- treated their tenants well, but most did not. Evictions were not
- uncommon and tenants who were evicted were left without means to
- support themselves.
-
- The poor did not just accept their fate. There were food riots
- and an upsurge in activity among secret societies. These were
- dealt with as a threat to law and order by the usual method,
- repression with violence if necessary. There was an epidemic
- in crime as people stole to survive.
-
- The prime minister, Peel, had ú100 000 worth of Indian corn
- imported from America for food relief in November 1845. This
- was food not unfamiliar to the Irish, but it was unpopular.
- A programme of public works was started in March 1846 to
- employ the neediest. The works were to be paid for locally.
- The harbour at Dun Laoghaire (then Kingstown) is a good example
- of the type of scheme that was approved: it did not benefit any
- particular private interest but was supposed to be of social
- value. Unfortunately most of the schemes were of little value to
- anyone and, although three quarters of a million were employed
- on them by March 1847, they were paid a wage (about 12d a day)
- too low to feed a family.
-
- A traditional policy of Peel's party, the Tories, was support for
- the Corn Laws, which restricted imports of grain. The failure
- of the potato crop in Ireland helped convince Peel that this
- protectionist policy was wrong. He moved to have them repealed.
- In this he was successful. The Laws were repealed in June 1846
- but Peel lost power immediately afterwards, having alienated
- a large portion of his own party. The next prime minister was
- Russell, leading a Whig minority government.
-
- In March 1847 the government abandoned public works and started
- a new scheme. Soup kitchens were opened, paid for by charity,
- local rates and government aid. By July three million people were
- being fed a day. It was probably the most successful (in terms
- of lives saved) that was tried, but it was abandoned in September.
-
- Instead, the Irish Poor Law System was supposed to cater for
- the destitute. This System had been established in 1838 as an
- extension of the English system in Ireland. The harsh conditions
- in Poor Law houses were supposed to encourage self-reliance,
- thrift and hard work. 200 000 were housed in July 1849 and
- "outdoor relief" was given to a further 800 000. The system had
- been built to house 100 000 and before the famine it rarely
- housed more than 40 000. As a solution to the plight of the
- famine-stricken, it was not only woefully inadequate; it was
- horrific. The infamous "Gregory clause" denied even this much
- relief to anyone who owned more than a quarter of an acre of land.
-
- The blight struck again in 1850, but not to the same extent.
- Hundreds of thousands of smallholdings had disappeared with the
- people who lived on them. Many of the marginal plots that had
- been in use were never cultivated again.
-
-
- ------------------------------
-
- Subject: 4) Why did so many people die?
-
- Ireland was uniquely vulnerable to a failure of the potato crop
- in the 1840s. Potatoes had been imported to Ireland in the late
- sixteenth century (they were brought to Europe from the Spanish
- empire in America). By the nineteenth century, varieties adapted
- to the Irish climate were developed and they became a staple,
- particularly for the poor, who often lived off little else.
-
- An adult male would eat 12 to 14 pounds (5 to 6 kg) a day.
- If the amount seems large, it must be remembered that growing
- potatoes was back-breaking work. Fields were dug with a spade;
- planting and fertilisation were done by hand. An acre (about
- 0.4 hectare) could support four people, about twice as many
- as the equivalent area of grain. With a supplement of milk or
- buttermilk a diet like this did not lack any essential nutrients.
-
- The population of Ireland was growing at around 1.6% a year in the
- early nineteenth century (a rate that would cause it to double
- every 44 years). This was one of the highest rates in Europe.
- The rate fell drastically in the fifteen years before the Famine
- to something like 0.6%. Population growth was highest in the
- West, where small plots of intensively cultivated potatoes were
- the most common. The population of Ireland reached its peak
- just before the Famine.
-
- Although the Irish poor may have been relatively healthy (there
- was a notable lack of scurvy), they were still appallingly
- poor. It was common for labourers to hunger in the late summer
- before harvest. In 1841 there were more than a million of them.
- Housing and clothing were poor: mud huts and rags were the norm
- for the majority. Men lived to an average around 37 years of age,
- (actually not a short lifespan by European standards of the time).
- But most importantly, the Irish economy was ailing since the
- end of the Napoleonic wars and the poor were getting poorer.
-
- The Industrial Revolution never reached Ireland in the nineteenth
- century (with the exception of eastern parts of Ulster).
- Irish cottage industries could not compete against the new
- mills of England. There was little opportunity for employment
- outside of agriculture and agriculture did not pay well.
-
- The potato blight was misunderstood or not understood at all.
- People could see that it thrived in damp weather, but the
- scientific committee of inquiry set up by Peel considered it a
- type of wet rot. A fungicide for blight was not discovered until
- 1882, when it was found that spraying a solution of "bluestone"
- (copper sulphate) prevented the disease from taking hold. At
- the time of the famine there was nothing a farmer could do.
-
- Medical science could do no better. There was no cure for
- the common relapsing fevers, never mind typhus and cholera,
- especially when these struck people already weak from hunger.
-
- It would have taken massive government intervention to feed
- everyone during the famine, probably more than any government
- of the time was capable of. As it happened, the efforts of
- the government were wholly inadequate, even by the standards
- of the time. The Treasury spent ú8 million, mostly in the form
- of loans that were never repaid. This amounts to around two to
- three percent of government spending during the period, or 0.3%
- of GNP. It was easy for critics at the time to find more money
- spent on other things, including ú20 million to "compensate"
- slave owners in the West Indies when their slaves were freed.
-
-
- ------------------------------
-
- Subject: 5) Was the Famine genocide?
-
- No. "Genocide" is defined in the Shorter Oxford as " the
- (attempted) deliberate and systematic extermination of an ethnic
- or national group".
-
- British policy was anything but deliberate and systematic.
- The government did not prevent extra food from being imported
- (indeed the repeal of the Corn Laws had the opposite effect).
- The government did not force exports to continue: Irish farmers
- chose to export their produce. Of course, armed guards were
- used to protect such private property.
-
- Imports to Ireland rose and exports fell dramatically as a
- result of a famine (see the table below, from ╙ Grßda's book).
-
- -------------------------------------------------------
-
- Grain exports and imports 1844-48 (in thousands of tons)
-
- Exports Imports Net Export
- ------- ------- ----------
- 1844 424 30 +394
- 1845 513 28 +485
- 1846 284 197 +87
- 1847 146 889 -743
- 1848 314 439 -125
-
- -------------------------------------------------------
-
-
- Quakers and other charitable societies were not prevented
- from feeding the poor. On the contrary, private charities
- were expected to provide most of the relief, as they had in
- 1822 and 1831, when subsistence crises had threatened to turn
- into famine. One of the charities, the "British Association",
- raised over ú450 000 in Britain, including ú2000 from Queen
- Victoria, not the five pounds of legend. (Around one sixth
- of the money raised was used to relieve famine in Scotland.)
-
- (There is real doubt whether enough food was produced in
- Ireland during the Famine to feed everyone [even assuming
- perfect distribution]. A rough calculation shows that three
- million extra acres of grain would have been needed to make
- up the shortfall of potatoes. Theoretically, there was enough
- acreage of grain to feed everyone if shared equally, but this
- assumes, for example, that none of the grain would be needed
- to feed the animals that would transport it.)
-
- However, there is no doubt that the governments of the day
- bear much of the blame for the number of deaths. There were
- ideological reasons for refusing to intervene, but these had
- little to do with anti-Irish animus (though that certainly
- existed, as a look at some of the Punch cartoons at the time
- proves) and much to with laissez-faire carried to its logical
- extreme.
-
- The Whigs were strong believers in free trade and small
- government. Adam Smith, the greatest economist of the last
- century had written "the free exercise [of trade] is not only
- the best palliative of the inconveniences of a dearth, but the
- best preventative of that calamity". In a mixture of fatalism
- and complacency, they trusted the free market to supply food to
- the needy, or at least the most efficient distribution of what
- food was available. Notoriously, Trevelyan, Assistant Secretary
- to the Treasury and most responsible for British relief policy,
- believed that the Famine was ordained by God as a Malthusian
- measure to control population growth.
-
- Russell's government can be justly accused of callousness,
- miserliness, negligence, ignorance, slowness, fickleness,
- complacency and fatalism. Unlike genocide, this does not amount
- to murder.
-
-
- ------------------------------
-
- Subject: 6) Any references?
-
- This part of the FAQ is mostly based on two books. The
- first is a slim volume, a fairly impartial summary of recent
- work on the subject. It's very strong on the economics but
- does not neglect the social and political aspects.
-
- Title: The Great Irish Famine
- Author: Cormac ╙ Grßda
- Publisher: MacMillan
- ISBN: 0-333-39883-1
-
- The second is Roy Foster's book Modern Ireland (see part 6 of
- the FAQ for publishing details) which contains a chapter on
- the Famine.
-
- Another book (recommended by Patrick Denny <denny@GFZ-Potsdam.DE>
- in this newsgroup) with a more contemporary slant is
-
- Title: The Great Irish Famine
- Author: Canon John O'Rourke
- Publisher: (Abridged reprint) Veritas Publications
- ISBN: 1 85390 130 X (Hardback 1 85390 049 4)
-
-
- Cecil Woodham-Smith's book remains one of the most comprehensive
- accounts available, though later research casts doubt on some
- of her conclusions.
-
- Title: The Great Hunger
- Author: Cecil Woodham-Smith
- Publisher: Penguin
- ISBN: 0 14 014515 X
-
-
-
-
- ------------------------------
-
- Subject: 7) Where can I find other points of view?
-
- There are various pages on the web which contend that the Famine was
- genocide.
-
- Chris Fogarty has a comprehensive web site at
- http://www.irishholocaust.org/
-
- Whitewolf has some material from Chris Fogarty on his site at
- http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/7652/index.html#holocaust
-
- Nancy Monaghan has a web site with a similar theme at
- http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/Lobby/6705/hunger.html
-
- An organisation called the Irish Famine/Genocide Committee
- has a web site at http://www.ifgc.org/ .
-
- Gareth Davis has written a paper about the causes of the Famine and the
- lessons that can be drawn from it. A draft is available at
- http://members.tripod.com/~gdavis2/fam.txt
-
- Richard Lough has some statistical research and commentary at
- http://dnausers.d-n-a.net/dnetnLDQ/famine/index.htm
-
- Various links (including some primary sources) relating to the Famine can
- be found at
- http://avery.med.virginia.edu/~eas5e/Irish/biblio.html
-
- ------------------------------
-
- End of Irish FAQ part 6
- ***********************
-