The Unsorted BBS Collection/thegreatunsorted.tar/thegreatunsorted/texts/txtfiles_misc/emg-pwr.txt

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Date: 06-23-95 (09:20)
Subj: WAR AND EMERGENCY POWERS -- READ THIS BOOK NOW.
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Subject: WAR AND EMERGENCY POWERS -- READ THIS BOOK NOW.

We are living in a DICTATORSHIP -- the Constitution was suspended
over 60 years ago. If you don't believe it, read this report.
This report is not based on opinion, but the fact of written law.
The Report itself starts at about line # 370 of this file.

    "...without the knowledge contained in this report, how long to
    you think the blindness of the American people to this situation
    would have continued, and with it, the abolishment of the
    Constitution?"

This is an ascii transcription of War and Emergency Powers.
It includes the report, but not the exhibits. If you want to
verify the passages cited against the exhibits, buy the book.
The editor states that the Book is NOT copyrighted, and encourages
distribution (see within page 1, below).

Formatting:
My comments are in [BRACKETS].
Paper page-breaks are represented by a row of 70 hyphen characters.
Linefeeds ("wrapping") is NOT maintained: I let it wrap <= column 70.
/I/ italics /i/
/B/ bold /b/
/U/ underline /u/
/BI/ combinations /bi/

This version of this file will be WEP-TXT.TXT within WEP-TXT.ZIP on
The Conservative BBS - [phone].
You are encouraged to convert this to various word processor and
printer-output files and distribute them as widely as possible.
Please send only errors and corrections, noted against
the printed book, to [e-mail].
Send content comments to the authors.

--Harold Melton, 10/08/94

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                               WAR AND
                           EMERGENCY POWERS


                           A SPECIAL REPORT
                      ON THE NATIONAL EMERGENCY
                   IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

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                       THIS REPORT IS DEDICATED
                     TO ALL OF THE MEN AND WOMEN
                     WHO HAVE FOUGHT TO PRESERVE
                   OUR AMERICAN RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS

              AND TO THOSE WHO CONTINUE THE FIGHT TODAY

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WAR AND EMERGENCY POWERS

RESEARCHED AND WRITTEN BY:
  Gene Schroder
  Alvin Jenkins
  Jerry Russell
  Ed Petrowsky
  Russell Grieder
  Darrell Schroder
  Walter Marston
  Lynn Bitner
  Billy Schroder
  Van Stafford
  Fred Peters
  Tinker Spain
  Paul Baily

AMERICAN AGRICULTURE MOVEMENT
Box 130
Campo, Colo 81029

"Study the Constitution. Let it be preached from the pulpit,
proclaimed in legislatures, and enforced in courts of justice."
--Abraham Lincoln

"You have rights antecedent to all earthly governments; rights that
cannot be replaced or restrained by human laws; rights derived from
the Great Legislator of the Universe."  --John Adams

"I believe there are more instances of abridgement of freedom of the
people by gradual and silent encroachments of those in power than by
violent and sudden usurpations..."  --James Madison


           You may obtain a copy of this report for $ 20.00
            A two-hour video of the same report is $ 25.00
                Prices include Shipping and Handling.
                    Send check or money order to:

                       WAR AND EMERGENCY POWERS
                           4656 Alta Vista
                         Dallas, Texas 75229

                      (ORDER FORMS ON LAST PAGE)

                               OR CALL
                             214-750-5932

A word from the Editor:

We must give a special thanks to the men who have spent years of their
lives bringing this information to the public; and we must not forget
the women who are not always in the foreground but without whose
undying support and endurance this effort would be impossible. These
men and women are true Patriots; they not only need your support but
deserve it. Let us remember that the word Patriot as defined by
Webster's Dictionary as "fellow countryman; a person who loves and
loyally or zealously supports his own country." Not everyone can
afford to give the long hours of those on the front lines; many others
fear their government. Isn't it an outrage that the actions of our own
government leaders causes many to not trust them? Where have we gone?
How much is your freedom worth? If you cannot give your time, please
give your support. The American Agriculture Movement and many other
organizations need your help to continue their efforts to bring about
the restoration of this Nation. A few dollars a month, in the form of
purchasing information to pass on to others, is not too much to ask.
Wouldn't it be a tragedy to loose their efforts, from which we will
all gain so much, because they were twenty dollars short, and we
failed to do our part? Please, become involved; this movement is too
important not to do so. We need this Report in the hands of all
Americans, so we are not going to copyright it; therefore, permission
is hereby granted to reproduce this Report in its entirety. We do ask,
however, that you lend your support, if possible, by purchasing an
original Report to make copies from so that quality will be
maintained.  Thank You.        --Paul Bailey

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                               CONTENTS

  2  INTRODUCTION
  5  REPORT
 34  CONCLUSION
 38  LETTERS
 39  Letter to the President
 40  Letter to Representatives
 41  Letter to Senators
 42  EXHIBITS  [NOT INCLUDED IN THIS TRANSCRIPTION]
 43   1  - Emergency Power Statutes
 44   2  - National Emergency Hearings
 45   3  - United States Code
 46   4  - National Emergency Hearings
 47   5  - Public Papers of Herbert Hoover
 48   6  - Statutes of the United States
 49   7  - United States Code
 50   8  - Constitutional Development  By: Swisher
 51   9  - Constitutional Development  By: Swisher
 52  10  - Foreword from 1973 Senate Report 93-549
 53  11  - Introduction to 1973 Senate Report 93-549
 54  12  - United States Constitution
 55  13  - United States Constitution
 56  14  - 1973 Senate Report 93-549
 57  15  - Title 12 U.S.C.
 58  16  - F.D.R. Papers
 59  17  - 48 Stat. 1
 60  18  - Trading With the Enemy Act
 61  19  - Trading With the Enemy Act
 62  20  - 1973 Senate Report 93-549
 63  21  - STOEHR v. WALLACE, 1921
 64  22  - Memorandum of American Cases
 65  23  - Trading With the Enemy Act
 66  24  - Trading With the Enemy Act
 67  25  - Trading With the Enemy Act
 68  26  - Trading With the Enemy Act
 69  27  - Trading With the Enemy Act
 70  28  - H.J.R. - 192, Contracts Payable in Gold, 1933
 71  29  - 1917, War Powers Under the Constitution
 72  30  - Public Papers of Herbert Hoover
 73  31  - Public Papers of Herbert Hoover
 74  32  - Proclamations 2038 and 2039
 75  33  - Proclamation 2039
 76  33a - Proclamations 2039 and 2040
 77  34  - F.D.R. Papers
 78  35  - 48 Stat. 1
 79  36  - F.D.R. Papers
 80  37  - 48 Stat. 1
 81  38  - Congressional Record March 9, 1933
 82  39  - Congressional Record March 9, 1933
 83  40  - Congressional Record March 9, 1933
 84  41  - 48 Stat. 1
 85  42  - F.D.R. Papers
 86  42a - Black's Law
 87  43  - Agricultural Adjustment Act
 88  44  - H.J.R. - 192
 89  45  - F.D.R. Papers
 90  46  - Agricultural Adjustment Act
 91  47  - Agricultural Adjustment Act
 92  48  - Senate Report 93-549
 93  49  - Senate Report 93-549
 94  50  - Senate Report 93-549
 95  51  - Senate Report 93-549
 96  52  - Emergency Farm Mortgage Act of 1933
 97  53  - Agricultural Adjustment Act
 98  54  - Agricultural Adjustment Act
 99  55  - Senate Report 93-549
100  56  - Senate Report 93-549
101  57  - Senate Report 93-549
102  58  - Senate Report 93-549
103  59  - United States v. Butler
104  60  - United States v. Butler
105  61  - United States v. Butler
106  62  - Constitutional Sources of the Laws of War
107  63  - Constitutional Sources of the Laws of War
108  64  - Senate Report 93-549
109  65  - Bouvier's Law
110  66  - The Law of Civil Government...
111  67  - Trading With the Enemy Act, Sec. 17
112  67a - 73rd Congress Sess. II, 1934
113  67b - Letter of Submittal
114  68  - Executive Order 11677
115  69  - Executive Order 11677
116  70  - Public Law 94-412
117  71  - Public Law 94-412
118  72  - Declaration of Rights
119  APPENDIX
120  Public Papers of Herbert Hoover
128  Statutes at Large Part I
137  Statutes at Large Part II
148  Statutes at Large, 1976 Part I

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                              INTRODUCTION
                        ------------------------

To be able to call oneself "American" has long been a source of pride
for those fortunate enough to life in this great land. The word
"America" had always been synonymous with the strength in the defense
of our highest ideals of liberty, justice, and opportunity, not only
for ourselves, but for those throughout the world less fortunate than
we.

America's greatest strength has always been her people, individuals
laying their differences aside to work in partnership to achieve
common goals. In our greatest moments, it has been our willingness to
join together and work as long and as hard as it takes to get the job
done, regardless of the cost, and that has been the lifeblood of our
great land.

From America's inception, we have been a nation of innovators
unfettered by hidebound convention, a safe harbor for captains
unafraid to boldly chart a new course through untried waters. This
courage to dare greatly to achieve great things has made our nation
strong and proud, a leader of men and of nations from the very first
days of her birth. And since the days of her birth, millions of men
and women whose young hearts yearn for freedom and the opportunity to
make a better life for themselves and their families have journeyed,
often enduring terrible hardship, to our shores to add their skills
and their dreams to the great storehouse of hope known as America.

The Pilgrims, the Founding Fathers, the Pioneers - the brave men and
women who have fought and endured to the end in wars both civil and
international - this history of heroism and dedication in defense of
ideals both personal and national has long been a treasured legacy of
bravery and determination against all odds which we have handed down
like family heirlooms from generation to generation.

For we are like family, we Americans, often quarrelling among
ourselves but banding together in times of adversity to support one
another and fight side by side against a common foe threatening our
way of life. The bold and brash, brave young land has long given its
best and brightest to lead our country to its lofty position in the
world as a bastion of freedom and a beacon of hope for all the peoples
of the earth.

For many, the dreams they had for America were dreams they never lived
to see fulfilled, but it mattered not to them, for their vision for
this nation was meant to last longer and loom larger than a mere
mortal lifespan. Our national vision of integrity and responsibility,
of concerns for one's fellow man, the flame inside that demands of us
that we shall not rest until there is peace and justice for all --
these are the fundamental stones which form the strong foundation of
our national purpose and identity.

And on this foundation rests, not only the hopes of those blessed to
live in this great land, but the hopes of millions throughout the
world who believe in, and strive for, a better way of life for
themselves and their children. For hundreds of years, the knowledge
that America was there -- proud, generous, steadfast, courageous --
willing to be able to enter the fray whenever human rights were
threatened or denied, has given many who may never see her shores the
will to endure despite the the pain, to continue trying against sometimes
insurmountable odds.

Yet without vigilance and constant tender care, even the strongest
foundation shows the effects of stress and erosion. Even the most
imposing edifice can eventually crumble and fall. So it is with
nations, and with a nation's spirit.

We have seen in this second half of the twentieth century great
advances in technology which have impacted every aspect of modern
life. Ironically, though we are living in the "age of communication,"
it often seems as if we have less time now to talk or listen. For
most, modern conveniences haven't gotten them off the treadmill; they
have only made the treadmill go faster.

Quietly, yet rapidly, the small town values of community and common
purpose are vanishing. Instead of strength in numbers, we as a nation
are increasingly being split into smaller and smaller competing
factions, with the cry of "every man for himself" ringing through
the land. It seems the phrase of "divide and conquer" has taken the
place of "One nation under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice
for all." Americans are retreating behind locked doors in their
individual homes, afraid to enjoy the sunset for fear of the darkness
it brings.

[the book says "truth and justice for all."]

When and here did it all begin to crumble? How and why has America,
which as once a nation whose strength united was so much more than
they sum of it total parts, begin to break apart into bitterly
opposing special interest groups? What will this frightening pattern
of disintegration mean to America and those who live within her
shores? Let it be remembered, and remembered well, the words of the
Holy Bible: "a house divided against itself cannot stand." And let us
not flinch from facing the truth that we have become a nation
desperately divided.

With the long legacy of pride, determination, and strength in unity,
how has it now come to this, that we are fighting ourselves? Finally,
and most vitally important of all, what can we do to turn the tide
before the values and opportunities which others before us have fought
and died to preserve are washed away in the floods to come?

What you are about to see is the result of years of years of
painstaking research and menticulous research on the part of dedicated
Americans gravely concerned for this nation's future. Please listen
closely and give your undivided attention to this presentation, for
our future as individuals and free citizens of this mighty land
depends upon it.

We are not here to showcase personalities -- the speakers could be any
of you here today. We are, first and last, concerned Americans, like
yourselves, taking our stand in defense of the nation we love. Much
effort has been expended, and great hardships endured, by the American
Agricultural Movement and many other organizations and individuals to
bring this information to the public forum.

There is a wealth of information about many of the problems we face as
a nation today, written from a variety of viewpoints. But as with a
deadly illness, there is usually a point of origin, from which the
threat was first given life. So it is with the threat we as Americans
face today -- an illness which could prove fatal if we do not act
quickly and in concert to cure the body politic before it dies from
the disease within.

Almost all the problems we are facing today can be traced back to a
single point of origin, in time of national trouble and despair. It
was at this point, when our nation struggled for its survival, that
the Constitution of the United States was effectively cancelled.

                    We are in a State of Emergency!

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                              R E P O R T

We are going to begin with a series of documents which are
representative (Exhibits 1 through 7), of the documents contained in
this report. We will be quoting from in many cases, reports, Senate
and Congressional reports, hearings before National Emergency
Committees, Presidential Papers, Statutes at Large, and the United
States Code.

Exhibit 8 is taken from a book written by Swisher called
Constitutional Development. Let's read the first paragraph. It says,

    "We may well wonder in view of the precedents now established,"
    said Charles E. Hughes, (Supreme Court Justice) in 1920, "whether
    constitutional government as heretofore maintained in this
    Republic could survive another great war even if victoriously
    waged."

How could that happen? Surely, if we go out and fight a war and win
it, we'd have to end up stronger than the day we started, wouldn't we?
Justice Hughes goes on to say,

    "The conflict known as the World War had ended as far as military
    hostilities were concerned, but was not yet officially terminated.
    Most of the war statutes were still in effect, many of the
    emergency operations were still in operation."

What is this man talking about when he speaks of "war statutes still
in effect and emergency operations still in operation"?

In 1933 (Exhibit 9), Congressman Beck, speaking from the Congressional
Record, states,

    "I think of all the damnable heresies that have ever been
    suggested in connection with the Constitution, the doctrine of
    emergency is the worst. It means that when Congress declared an
    emergency, there is no Constitution. This means its death. It is
    the very doctrine that the German chancellor is invoking today in
    the dying hours of the parliamentary body of the German republic,
    namely, that because of an emergency, it should grant to the
    German chancellor absolute power to pass any law, even though the
    law contradicts the Constitution of the German republic.
    Chancellor Hitler is at least frank about it. We pay the
    Constitution lip-service, but the result is the same."

Congressman Beck is saying that, of all the damnable heresies that
ever existed, this doctrine of emergency has got to be the worst,
because once Congress declares an emergency, there is no Constitution.
He goes on to say,

    "But the Constitution of the United States, as a restraining
    influence, in keeping the federal government within the carefully
    prescribed channels of power, is moribund, if not dead. We are
    witnessing its death-agonies, for when this bill becomes law, if
    unhappily it becomes a law, there is no longer any workable
    Constitution to keep Congress within the limits of its
    Constitutional powers."

What is Congressman Beck taking about? In 1933, "the House passed the
Farm Bill by a vote of more than three to one." Again, we see the
doctrine of emergency. Once an emergency is declared, there is no
Constitution.

The cause and effect of the doctrine of emergency is the subject of
this report.

In 1973, in Senate Report 93-549 (Exhibit 10), the first sentence
reads:

    "Since March the 9th, 1933, the United States has been in a
    state of declared national emergency."

Let's go back to Exhibit 9 just before this. What did it say? It says
that if a national emergency is declared, there is no Constitution.

Now, let us return to Exhibit 10. Since March the 9th of 1933, the
United States has been, in fact, in a state of declared national
emergency.

Referring to the middle of this Exhibit [10]:

    "This vast range of powers, taken together, confer enough
    authority to rule the country without reference to normal
    constitutional processes. Under the powers delegated by these
    statutes, the President may: seize property; organize and control
    the means of production; seize commodities; assign military forces
    abroad; institute martial law; seize and control all
    transportation and communication; regulate the operation of
    private enterprise; restrict travel; and, in a plethora of
    particular ways, control the lives of all American citizens."

and this situation has continued uninterrupted since March the 9th of
1933.

In the introduction the Senate Report 93-549 (Exhibit 11):

    "A majority of people of the United States have spent all their
    lives under emergency rule."

Remember, this report was produced in 1973. The introduction goes on
to say:

    "For 40 years, freedoms and governmental procedures guaranteed by
    the Constitution have, in varying degrees, been abridged by laws
    brought into force by states of national emergency."

The introduction continues:

    "And, in the United States, actions taken by the government in
    times of great crisis have -- from, at least, the Civil War -- in
    important ways shaped the present phenomenon of a permanent state
    of national emergency."

How many people were taught that in school? How could it possibly be
that something which could suspend our Constitution would not be
taught in school? Amazing, isn't it?

Where does this (Exhibit 12) come from? Is it possible that, in our
Constitution, there could be some section which could contemplate what
these previous documents are referring to? In Article 1, Section 9 of
the Constitution of the United States of America, we find the
following words:

    "The privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended,
    unless when in Cases of Rebellion of Invasion, the public Safety
    may require it."

Habeas Corpus -- the Great Writ of Liberty. This is the writ which
guarantees that the government cannot charge us and hold us with any
crime, unless they follow the procedure of due process of law.  This
writ also says, in effect, that the privilege of due process of law
cannot be suspended, and that the government cannot operate its
arbitrary prerogative powers against We the People. But we see that the
Great Writ of Liberty can, in fact, under the Constitution, be
suspended when an invasion or rebellion necessitates it.

In the 5th Amendment to the Constitution, it says,

    "No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise
    infamous crime, unless upon a presentment or indictment of a Grand
    Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in
    the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public
    danger..."

We reserved the charging powers for ourselves, didn't we? We didn't
give that power to the government. And we also said that the
government would be powerless to charge one of the citizens or one of
the peoples of the United States with a crime unless We, the People,
through our Grand Jury, orders it to do so through an indictment or
presentment. And if We, the People, don't order it, the government
cannot do it. If it tried to do it, we would simply follow the Writ of
Habeas Corpus, and they would have to release us, wouldn't they? They
could not hold us.

But let us recall that, in Exhibit 13, it says,

    "...except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the
    Militia, when in actual service in times of War or public danger..."

We can see here that the framers of the Constitution were already
contemplating times when there would be conditions under which it
might be necessary to suspend the guarantees of the Constitution.

Also from Senate Report 93-549 (Exhibit 14), and remember that our
congressmen wrote these reports and these documents and they're
talking about these emergency powers, and they say:

    "They are quite careful and restrictive on the power, but the
    power to suspend is specifically contemplated by the Constitution
    in the Writ of Habeas Corpus."

Now, this is well known. This is not a concept that was not known to
rulers for many, many years. The concepts of constitutional
dictatorship went clear back to the Roman Republic. And there, it was
determined that, in times of dire emergencies, yes, the constitution
and the rights of the people could be suspended, temporarily, until
the crisis, whatever its nature, could be resolved.

But once it was done, the Constitution was to be returned to its
peacetime position of authority. In France, the situation under which
the Constitution could be suspended is called the State of Siege. In
Great Britain, it's called the Defense of the Realm Acts. In Germany, in
which Hitler became dictator, it was simply called Article 48. In the
United States, it's called the War Powers.

If that was, in fact, the case, and we are under a war emergency in
this country, then there should be evidence of that war emergency in
the current law that exists today. That means that we should be able
to go to the federal code known as the USC or the United Stated Code,
and find that statute, that law, in existence. And if we went to the
library today and picked up a copy of 12 USC and went to section 95
(b) (Exhibit 15), we will find a law which states:

    "The actions, regulations, rules, licenses, orders and
    proclamations heretofore or hereafter taken, promulgated, made,
    or issued by the President of the United States or the Secretary
    of the Treasury since March the 4th, 1933, pursuant to the
    authority conferred by Subsection (b) of Section 5 of the Act of
    October 6th, 1917, as amended [12 USCS Sec. 95a], are hereby
    approved and confirmed. (Mar, 9, 1933, c.1, Title I, Sec. 1, 48
    Stat 1.)"

[Congress just made the President a dictator.
 The word "hereafter" is pivotal.  --hm ]

Now, what does this mean? It means that everything that the President
or the Secretary of the Treasury has done since March the 4th of 1933,
or anything that the President or the Secretary of the Treasury is
hereafter going to do, is automatically approved and confirmed.
Referring back to Exhibit 10, let us remember that, according to the
Congressional Record of 1973, the United States has been in a state of
national emergency since 1933. Then we realize that 12 USC, Section
95 (b) is the current law. This is the law that exists over this
United States right this moment, today 1994.

If that be the case, let us see if we can understand what is being
said here. As every action, rule, or law put into effect by the
President or the Secretary of the Treasury since March the 9th of 1933
has or will be confirmed and approved, let us determine the
significance of that date in history. What happened on March the 4th
of 1933?

On March the 4th of 1933, Franklin Delano Roosevelt was inaugurated as
President of the United States. Referring to his inaugural address,
which was given at a time when the country was in the throes of the
Great Depression, we read (Exhibit 16):

    "I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the
    measures that a stricken nation in the midst of s stricken world
    may require. These measures, or such other measures as the
    Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek,
    within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
    But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these
    two courses, and in the event that the national emergency is still
    critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will
    then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining
    instrument to meet this crisis -- broad Executive power to wage
    war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be
    given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe."

On March the 4th of 1933, at his inaugural, President Roosevelt was
saying that he was going to ask Congress for the extraordinary authority
available to him under the War Powers Act. Let's see if he got it.

On March the 5th, President Roosevelt asked for a special and
extraordinary session of Congress in Proclamation 2038. He called for
the special session of Congress to meet on March the 9th at noon. And
at that Congress, he presented a bill, an Act, to provide for relief
in the existing national emergency in banking and other purposes.

In the enabling portion of the Act (Exhibit 17), it states:

    "Be it enacted by the Senate and the House of Representatives
    of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That
    the Congress hereby declares that a serious emergency exists and
    that it is imperatively necessary speedily to put into effect
    remedies of uniform national application."

What is the concept of the rule of necessity, referred to in the
enabling portion of the Act as "imperatively necessary speedily"? The
rule of necessity is a rule of law which states that necessity knows
no law. A good example of the rule of necessity would be the concept
of self-defense. The law says, "Thou shalt not kill." But know also
that, if you are in dire danger, in danger of losing your life, you
have the absolute right of self-defense. You have the right to kill to
protect your own life. That is the ultimate rule of necessity.

Thus we see that the rule of necessity overrides all other law, and,
in fact, allows one to do that which would normally be against the
law. So it is reasonable to assume that the wording of the enabling
portion of the Act of March 9, 1933, is an indication that what
follows is something which would probably be against the Constitution
of the United States, or it would not require that the rule of
necessity be invoked to enact it.

In the Act of March 9, 1933 (Exhibit 17), it further states in
Title 1, Section 1:

    "The actions, regulations, rules, licenses, orders and
    proclamations heretofore or hereafter taken, promulgated, made,
    or issued by the President of the United States or the Secretary
    of the Treasury since March the 4th, 1933, pursuant to the
    authority conferred by Subsection (b) of Section 5 of the Act of
    October 6th, 1917, as amended, are hereby approved and confirmed."

Where have we read those words before?

This is the exact same wording as is found (Exhibit 15) today in Title
12, USC 95 (b). The language in Title 12, USC 95 (b) is exactly the
same as that found in the act of March 9, 1933, Chapter 1, Title 1,
Section 48, Statute 1. The Act of March 9, 1933, is still in full
force and effect today. We are still under the Rule of Necessity. We
are still in a declared state of national emergency, a state of
emergency which has existed, uninterrupted, since 1933, for over
sixty years.

As you may remember, the authority to do this is conferred by Subsection
(b) of Section 5 of the act of October 6, 1917, as amended. What was the
authority which was used to declare and enact the emergency in this Act?
If we look at the Act of October 6, 1917 (Exhibit 18), we see at the top
right-hand part of the page, it states that this was:

    "An Act To define, regulate, and punish trading with the enemy,
    and other purposes."

By the year 1917, the United States was involved in World War I; at
that point it was recognized that there were probably enemies of the
United States, or allies of enemies of the United States, living
within the continental borders of our nation in a time of war.

Therefore, Congress passed this Act, which identified who could be
declared enemies of the United States, and, in this Act, we gave the
government total authority over these enemies to do with as it saw
fit. We also see, however, in Section 2, Subdivision (c) in the
middle, and again at the bottom of the page:

    "other than citizens of the United States."

The Act specifically excluded citizens of the United States, because
we realized that in 1917 that the citizens of the United States were
not enemies. Thus, we were excluded from the War Powers over enemies in
this Act.

 Section 5 (b) of the same Act (Exhibit 19), states:

    "That the President may investigate, regulate, or prohibit, under
    such rules and regulations as he may prescribe, by means of
    license or otherwise, any transactions in foreign exchange, export
    or earmarkings of gold or silver coin or bullion or currency,
    transfers of credit in any form (other than credits relating
    solely to transactions to be executed wholly within the United
    States)."

Again, we see here that citizens, and transactions of citizens made
wholly within the United States, were specifically excluded from the
war powers of this Act. We, the People, were not enemies of our
country; therefore, the government did not have total authority over
us as they were given over our enemies.

It is important to draw attention again to the fact that citizens of
the United States in October, 1917, were not called enemies.
Consequently, the government, under the war powers of this Act, did
not have authority over us; we were still protected by the
Constitution. Granted, over enemies of this nation, the government was
empowered to do anything it deemed necessary, but not over us. The
distinction made between enemies of the United States and citizens of
the United States will become crucial later on.

In section 2 of the Act of March 9, 1933 (Exhibit 17),

    "Subdivision (b) of Section 5 of the Act of October 6, 1917 (40
    Stat. L. 411), as amended, is hereby amended to read as follows;"

So we see that they are now going to amend Section 5 (b). Now let's see
how it reads after it's been amended. The amended version of Section 5
(b) reads (emphasis is ours [the authors]):

    "During a time of war or during any other period of national
    emergency declared by the President, The President may,
    through any agency that he may designate, or otherwise,
    investigate, regulate, or prohibit, under such rules and
    regulations as he may prescribe, by means of license or otherwise,
    any transactions in foreign exchange, transfers of credit between
    or payments by banking institutions as defined by the President
    and export, hoarding, melting, or earmarkings of gold or silver
    coin or bullion or currency, by any person within the United
    States or anyplace subject to the jurisdiction thereof."

What just happened?  As far as commercial, monetary or business
transactions were concerned, the people of the United States were no
longer differentiated from any other enemy of the United States. We
had lost that crucial distinction. Comparing Exhibit 17 with Exhibit
19, we can see that the phrase which excluded transactions executed
wholly within the United States has been removed from the amended
version of Section 5 (b) of the Act of March 9, 1933, Section 2, and
replaced with "by any person within the United States or anyplace
subject to the jurisdiction thereof." All monetary transactions,
whether domestic or international in scope, were now placed at the
whim of the President of the United States through the authority given
to him by the Trading With the Enemy Act.

To summarize this critical point: On October the 6th of 1917, at the
beginning of America's involvement in World War I, Congress passed a
Trading with the Enemy Act empowering the government to take control
over any and all commercial, monetary or business transactions
conducted by enemies or allies of enemies within our continental
borders. That Act [1917] also defined the term "enemy" and excluded
from that definition citizens of the United States.

In Section 5 (b) of this Act, we see that the President was given
unlimited authority to control the commercial transactions of defined
enemies, but we see that credits relating solely to transactions
executed wholly within the United States were excluded from that
controlling authority. As transactions wholly domestic in nature were
excluded from authority, the government had no extraordinary control
over the daily business conducted by the citizens of the United
States, because we were certainly not enemies.

Citizens of the United States were not enemies of their country in
1917, and the transactions conducted by citizens within this country
were not considered to be enemy transactions. But in looking again at
Section 2 of the Act of March 9, 1933, (Exhibit 17), we can see that
the phrase excluding wholly domestic transactions has been removed
from the amended version and replaced with "by any person within the
United States or anyplace subject to the jurisdiction thereof."

The people of the United States were now subject to the power of the
Trading with the enemy Act of October 6, 1917, as amended. For the
purpose of all commercial, monetary and, in effect, all business
transactions, We, the People became the same as the enemy, and were
treated no differently. There was no longer any distinction.

It is important here to note that, in the Acts of October 6, 1917 and
March 9, 1933, it states: "during times of war or during any other
national emergency declared by the President..". So we now see that
the war powers not only included a period of war, but also a period of
"national emergency" as defined by the President of the United States.
When either of these two situations occur, the President may (Exhibit
17):

    "through any agency that he may designate, or otherwise,
    investigate, regulate, or prohibit, under such rules and
    regulations as he may prescribe, by means of license or otherwise,
    any transactions in foreign exchange, transfers of credit between
    or payments by banking institutions as defined by the President
    and export, hoarding, melting, or earmarkings of gold or silver
    coin or bullion or currency, by any person within the United
    States or anyplace subject to the jurisdiction thereof."

What can the President not do to We, the People, under this section?
He can do anything he wants to. It's purely at his discretion, and he
can use any agency or any license that he desires to do it. This is
called a constitutional dictatorship.

In Senate Document 93-549 (Exhibit 20), Congress declared that serious
emergency exists, at:

    "48 Stat. 1  The exclusion of domestic transactions, formerly
    found in the Act [1917], was deleted from Sect. 5 (b) at this
    time." [1933]

Our Congress wrote that in the year 1973.

Now let's find out about the Trading with the Enemy Act of October 6,
1917. Quoting from a Supreme Court decision (Exhibit 21), Stoehr v.
Wallace, 1921:

    "The Trading with the Enemy Act, originally and as amended, is
    strictly a war measure, and finds its sanction in the provision
    empowering Congress `to declare war, grant letters of marque and
    reprisal, and make rules concerning capture on land and water'
    Const. Art I, Sect. 8, cl. 11. p.241."

Remember your constitution? "Congress shall have the power to declare
war, grant letters of marque and reprisal and make rules concerning
capture on land and water of the enemies," all rules.

If that be the case, let us look at the memorandum of law that now
covers trading with the enemy, the "Memorandum of American Cases and
recent English Cases on the Law of Trading with the Enemy" (Exhibit
22), remembering that we are now in the same state as the enemy. In
this memorandum, we read:

    "Every species of intercourse with the enemy is illegal. This
    prohibition is not limited to mere commercial intercourse."

This is the case of The Rapid (1814).  Additionally,

    "No contract is considered as valid between enemies, at least so
    far as to give them a remedy in the courts of either government,
    and they have, in the language of the civil law, no ability to
    sustain a persona standi in judicio."

In other words, they have no personal rights at law in court. This is
the case of The Julia (1813).

In the next case, the case of The Sally (1814) (Exhibit 23),
we read the words:

    "By the general law of prize, property engaged in an illegal
    intercourse with the enemy is deemed enemy property. It is of no
    consequence whether it belong to an ally or a citizen; the illegal
    traffic stamps it with a hostile character, and attaches to it all
    the penal consequences of enemy ownership."

Reading further in the memorandum, again from the case of
The Rapid:

    "The law of prize is part of the law of nations. In it, a hostile
    character is attached to trade, independently of the character of
    the trader who pursues or directs it. Condemnation to the use of
    the captor is equally the fate of the property of the belligerent
    and of the property found engaged in anti-neutral trade, and
    thereby involve his property in the fate of those in whose cause
    he embarks."

Again from the memorandum (Exhibit 24):

    "The produce of the soil of the hostile territory, as well as
    other property engaged in the commerce of the hostile power, as
    the source of its wealth and strength, are always regarded as
    legitimate prize, without regard to the domicile of the owner."

From the case (Exhibit 25) of The William Bagaley (1866):

    "In general, during war, contracts with, or powers of attorney or
    agency from, the enemy executed after the outbreak of war are
    illegal and void; contracts entered into with the enemy prior to
    the war are either suspended or are absolutely terminated;
    partnerships with an enemy are dissolved; powers of attorney from
    the enemy, with certain exceptions, lapse; payments to the enemy
    (except to agents in the United States appointed prior to the war
    and confirmed since the war) are illegal and void; all rights of
    an enemy to sue in the courts are suspended."

From Senate Report No. 113 (Exhibit 26), in which we find An Act to
Define, Regulate, and Punish Trading with the Enemy, and For Other
Purposes, we read:

    "The trade or commerce regulated or prohibited is defined in
    subsections (a), (b), (c), (d), and (e), page 4. This trade covers
    almost every imaginable transaction, and is forbidden and made
    unlawful except when allowed under the form of licenses issued by
    the Secretary of Commerce (p. 4, sec. 3, line 18). This
    authorization of trading under licenses constitutes the principal
    modification of the rule in international law forbidding trade
    between the citizens of belligerents, for the power to grant such
    licenses, and therefore exemption from the operation of law, is
    given by the bill."

It says no trade can be conducted or no intercourse can be conducted
without a license, because, by mere definition of the enemy, and under
the prize law, all intercourse is illegal.

That was the first case we looked at, Exhibit 22, wasn't it? So once
we were declared enemies, all intercourse became illegal for us. The
only way we could now do business, or any type of legal intercourse
was to obtain permission from our government by means of a license.
[READ THAT AGAIN!] We are certainly required to have a Social Security
Card, which is a license to work, and a Driver's License, which gives
the government the ability to restrict travel; all business in which
we engage ourselves requires us to have a license, does it not?

Returning once again to the Memorandum of Law (Exhibit 27):

    "But it is necessary always to bear in mind that a war cannot be
    carried on without hurting somebody, even, at times, our own
    citizens. The public good, however, must prevail over private
    gain. As we said in Bishop v. Jones (28 Texas 294), there cannot
    be `a war for arms and a peace for commerce.' One of the most
    important features of the bill is that which provides for the
    temporary taking over of the enemy property."

This point of law is important to keep in mind, for it authorizes the
temporary take-over of enemy property. The question is:  Once
the war terminates, the property must be returned -- mustn't it?

The property that is confiscated, and the belligerent right of the
government during the period of war, must be terminated when the war
terminates. Let us take the case of a ship in harbor; war breaks out,
and the Admiral says, "I'm seizing your ship." Can you stop him? No.
But when the war is over, the Admiral must return your ship to you.
This point is important to bear in mind for when we return to, and
expound upon, it later in this report.

Reading from (Exhibit 28) Senate Document No. 43, "Contracts Payable
in Gold" written in 1933:

    "The ultimate ownership of all property is in the state;
    individual so-called `ownership' is only by virtue of government,
    i.e., law, amounting to a mere user; and use must be in accordance
    with law and subordinate to the necessities of the State."

Who owns all the property? Who owns the property you call "yours"? Who
has the authority to mortgage property? Let us continue with a Supreme
Court decision, (Exhibit 29) United States v. Russell:

    "Private property, the Constitution provides, shall not be taken
    for public use without just compensation .... "

This is a peacetime clause, isn't it? Further (emphasis is ours),

    "Extraordinary and unforeseen occasions arise, however, beyond all
    doubt, in cases of extreme necessity in time of war or of
    immediate and impending public danger, in which private property
    may be impressed into public service, or may be seized or
    appropriated to public use, or may even be destroyed without
    the consent of the owner.... "

This quote, and indeed this case, provides a vivid illustration of the
potential power of the government.

Now let us return to the period of time after March 4, 1933, and
take a close look at what really occurred. On March 4, 1933, in his
inaugural address, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt asked for the
authority of the war powers, and called a special session of Congress
for the purpose of having those powers conferred to him.

On March the 2nd, 1933, however, we find that Herbert Hoover had
written a letter to the Federal Reserve Board of New York, asking them
for recommendations for action based on the over-all situation at the
time. The Federal Reserve Board responded with a resolution (Exhibit
30) which they had adopted, an excerpt from which follows:

    "Resolution Adopted By The Federal Reserve Board Of New York.
    Whereas, in the opinion of the Board of Directors of the Federal
    Reserve Board of New York, the continued and increasing withdrawal
    of currency and gold from the banks of the country has now created
    a national emergency..."

In order to fully appreciate the significance of this last quote, we
must recall that, in 1913, the Federal Reserve Act was passed,
authorizing the creation of a central bank, the thought of which had
already been noted in the Constitution. The basic idea of the central
bank was, among other things, for it to act as a secure repository for
the gold of the people. We, the People, would bring our gold to the
huge, strong vaults of the Federal Reserve, and we would be issued a
note which said, in effect, that, at any time we desired, we could
bring that note back to the bank and be given our gold which we had
deposited.

Until 1933, that agreement, that contract between the Federal Reserve
and its depositors was honored. Federal Reserve Notes, prior to 1933,
were indeed redeemable in gold. After 1933, the situation changed
drastically. In 1933, during the depths of the Depression, at a time
when We, The People, were struggling to stay alive and keep our
families fed, the bankers began to say, "People are coming in now
wanting their gold, wanting us to honor this contract we have made
with them to give them their gold on demand, and this contractual
obligation is creating a national emergency."

How could this happen? Reading from the public papers of Herbert
Hoover (Exhibit 31):

    "Now, Therefore, Be It Resolved, that, in this emergency, the
    Federal Reserve Board is hereby requested to urge the President of
    the United States to declare a bank holiday, Saturday, March 4,
    and Monday, March 6..."

In other words, President Roosevelt was urged to close down the
banking system and make it unavailable for a short period of time.
What was to happen during that period of time?

Reading again from the Federal Reserve Board resolution (Exhibit 31),
we find a proposal for an executive order, to be worded as follows:

    "Whereas, it is provided in Section 5 (b) of the Act of October 6,
    1917, as amended, that "the President may investigate, regulate,
    or prohibit, under such rules and regulations as he may prescribe,
    by means of license or otherwise, any transactions in foreign
    exchange and the export, hoarding, melting, or earmarkings of gold
    or silver coin or bullion or currency, * * *"

Now, in any normal usage of the American language, the standard
accepted meaning of a series of three asterisks after a quotation
means that what follows must also be quoted exactly, doesn't it? If
it's not, that's a fraudulent use of the American language. At that
point where that * * * began, what did the [remainder of] the original
Act of October 6, 1917, say?

Referring back to Exhibit 19, we find that the remainder of Section 5
(b) of the Act of October 6, 1917, says:

    "(other than credits relating solely to transactions to be
    executed wholly within the United States)."

This portion of Section 5 (b) specifically prohibited the government
from taking control of We, the People's money and transactions, didn't
it?

However, let us read the remainder of Section 5 (b) of the Act of
October 6, 1917, as amended on March 9, 1933 (Exhibit 17):

    "by any person within the United States or any place subject to
    the jurisdiction thereof."

Comparing the original with the amended version of Section 5 (b), we
can see the full significance of the amended version, wherein the
exclusion of domestic transactions from the powers of the Act was
deleted, and "any person" became subject to the extraordinary powers
conferred by the Act. Further, we can now see that the usage of * * *
was, in all likelihood, meant to be deliberately misleading, if not
fraudulent in nature.

Further, in the next section of the Federal Reserve Board's proposal,
we find that anyone violating any provision of this Act will be fined
not more than $10,000.00, or imprisoned for not more than ten years,
or both. A severe enough penalty at any time, but one made all the
more harsh by the economic conditions in which most Americans found
themselves at the time. And where were these alterations and
amendments to be found? Not from the government itself, initially, no;
they are first to be found in a proposal from the Federal Reserve
Board of New York, a banking institution.

Let us recall the chronology of events: Herbert Hoover, in his last days
as President of the United States, asked for a recommendation from the
Federal Reserve Board of New York, and they responded with their
proposals. We see that President Hoover did not act on the
recommendation, and believed their actions were "neither justified nor
necessary" (Appendix, Public Papers of Herbert Hoover, p. 1088). Let us
see what happened; remember on March 4, 1933, Franklin Delano Roosevelt
was inaugurated as President of the United States. On March 5, 1933,
President Roosevelt called for an extraordinary session of Congress to
be held on March 9, 1933, as can be seen in Exhibit 32:

    "Whereas, public interests require that the Congress of the United
    States should be convened in extra session at twelve o'clock,
    noon, on the Ninth day of March, 1933, to receive such
    communication as may be made by the Executive."

On the next day, March 6th, 1933, President Roosevelt issued
Proclamation 2039, which has been included in this report, starting at
the bottom of Exhibit 32. In Exhibit 32, we find the following:

    "Whereas there may have been heavy and unwarranted withdrawals of
    gold and currency from our banking institutions for the purpose of
    hoarding"

Right from the beginning, we have a problem. And the problem rests in
the question of who should be the judge of whether or not my gold, on
deposit at the Federal Reserve, with which I have a contract which
says, in effect, that I may withdraw my gold at my discretion, is
being withdrawn by me in an "unwarranted" manner. Remember, the people
of the United States were in dire economic straits at this point. If I
had gold at the Federal Reserve, I would consider withdrawing as much
of my gold as I needed for myself and my family a "warranted" action.
But the decision was not left up to We, the People.

It is also important to note that it is stated that the gold is being
withdrawn for the "purpose of hoarding." The significance of this
phrase becomes clearer when we reach Proclamation 2039, wherein the
term "hoarding" is inserted into the amended version of Section 5 (b).
The term "hoarding" was not to be found in the original version of
Section 5 (b) of the Act of October 6, 1917. It was a term which was
used by President Roosevelt to help support his contention that the
United States was in the middle of a national emergency, and his
assertion that the extraordinary powers conferred to him by the War
Powers Act were needed to deal with that emergency.

Let us now go on to the middle of Proclamation 2039, at the top of the
next page, Exhibit 33. In Exhibit 33, we find the following:

    "Whereas, it is provided in Section 5 (b) of the Act of October 6,
    1917, as amended, that "the President may investigate, regulate,
    or prohibit, under such rules and regulations as he may prescribe,
    by means of license or otherwise, any transactions in foreign
    exchange and the export, hoarding, melting, or earmarkings of gold
    or silver coin or bullion or currency, * * *"

Exactly as proposed by the Federal Reserve Board of New York (Exhibit
31).

If we return to 48 Statute 1 (Exhibit 17), Title 1, Section 1, we find
that the amended section 5 (b) with it's added phrase:

    "by any person within the United States or anyplace subject to the
    jurisdiction thereof."

Is this becoming clearer as to exactly what happened? On March 5,
1933, President Roosevelt called for an extra session of Congress, and
on March 6, 1933, issued Proclamation 2039 (Exhibits 32-33). On March
9th, Roosevelt issued Proclamation 2040. We looked at Proclamation
2039 in Exhibits 32 and 33, and now, in Exhibit 33a, let's see what
Roosevelt is talking about in Proclamation 2040:

    "Whereas, on March 6th, 1933, I, Franklin D. Roosevelt, President
    of the United States of America, by Proclamation declared the
    existence of a national emergency and proclaimed a bank
    holiday..."

We see that Roosevelt declared a national emergency and a bank
holiday. Let's read on:

    "Whereas, under the Act of March 9, 1933, all Proclamations
    heretofore or hereafter issued by the President pursuant to the
    authority conferred by Section 5 (b) of the Act of October 6,
    1917, as amended, are approved and confirmed;"

This section of the Proclamation clearly states that all proclamations
heretofore or hereafter issued by the President are approved and
confirmed, citing the authority of Section 5 (b). The key words here
being "all" and "approved". Further:

    "Whereas, said national emergency still continues, and it is
    necessary to take further measures extending beyond March 9, 1933,
    in order to accomplish such purposes"

We again clearly see that there is more to come, evidenced by the
phrase, "further measures extending beyond March 9, 1933..." Could
this be the beginning of a new deal? Possibly a one-sided deal. How
long can this type of action continue? Let's find out:

    "Now, therefore, I, Franklin D. Roosevelt, President of the United
    States of America, in view of such continuing national emergency
    and by virtue of the authority vested in me by Section 5 (b) of
    the Act of October 6, 1917 (40 Stat. L. 411) as amended by the Act
    of March 9, 1933, do hereby proclaim, order, direct, and declare
    that all the terms and provisions of said Proclamation on March 6,
    1933, and the regulations and orders issued thereunder are hereby
    continued in full force and effect until further proclamation by
    the President."

Now we understand that the Proclamation 2039, of March 6, 1933, and
Proclamation 2040 of March 9, 1933, will continue until such time as
another proclamation is made by "the President." Note that the term
"the President" is not specific to President Roosevelt; it is a
generic term which can equally apply to any President from Roosevelt
to the present, and beyond.

So here we have President Roosevelt declaring a national emergency (we
are now beginning to realize the full significance of those words) and
closing the national banks for two days, by Executive Order. Further, he
states that the Proclamations bringing about those actions will continue
"in full force and effect" until such time as the President, and only
the President, changes the situation.

It is important to note the fact that these Proclamations were made on
March 6th, 1933, three days before Congress was due to convene its
extra session. Yet references are made to such things as the amended
Section 5 (b), which had not yet even been confirmed by Congress.
President Roosevelt must have been supremely confident of Congress'
confirmations of his actions. And, indeed, we find that confidence was
justified. For on March 9, 1933, without individual Congressmen even
having the opportunity to read for themselves the bill they were to
confirm, Congress did indeed approve the amendment of Section 5 (b) of
the Act of October 6, 1917. Referring to the Public Papers of Herbert
Hoover (Exhibit 34):

    "That those speculators and insiders were right was plain enough
    later on. The first contract of the 'moneychangers' with the New
    Deal netted those who removed their money from the country a
    profit of up to 60 percent when the dollar was debased."

Where had OUR gold gone? Our gold had already been moved offshore. The
gold was not in the banks, and when We, the People, lined up at the
door attempting to have our contracts honored, the deception was
exposed. What happened then? The laws were changed to prevent us from
asking again, and the military was brought in to protect the Federal
Reserve. We, the People, were declared to be the same as public
enemies and placed under military authority.

Going not to another section of 48 Statute 1 (Exhibit 35):

    "Whenever in the judgement of the Secretary of the Treasury such
    action is necessary to protect the currency system of the United
    States, the Secretary of the Treasury, in his discretion, may
    require any or all individuals, partnerships, associations and
    corporations, to pay and deliver to the Treasurer of the United
    States any or all gold coin, gold bullion, and gold certificates
    owned by such individuals, partnerships, associations and
    corporations."

By this statute, everyone was required to turn in their gold. Failure
to do so would constitute a violation of this provision, such
violation to be punishable by a fine of not more than $10,000.00 and
imprisonment for not more than ten years. It was a seizure. Whose
property may be seized without due process of law under the Trading
with the Enemy Act? The enemy's. Whose gold was seized? Ours -- the
gold of the people of the United States.

From the Roosevelt Papers (Exhibit 36):

    "During this banking holiday it was at first believed that some
    form of scrip or emergency currency would be necessary for the
    conduct of ordinary business. We knew that it would be essential
    when the banks reopened to have an adequate supply of currency to
    meet all possible demands of depositors. Consideration was
    given by government officials and various local agencies to the
    advisability of issuing clearing-house certificates or some
    similar form of local emergency currency. On March 7, 1933, the
    Secretary of the Treasury issued a regulation authorizing clearing
    houses to issue demand certificates against sound assets of the
    banking institutions, but this authority was not to become
    effective until March 10th. In many cities, the printing of these
    certificates was actually begun, but after the passage of the
    Emergency Banking Act of March 9, 1933 (48 Stat. 1), it became
    evident that they would not be needed, because the Act made
    possible the issue of the necessary amount of emergency currency
    in the form of Federal Reserve bank-notes which could be based on
    any sound assets owned by the banks."

Roosevelt could now issue emergency currency under the Act of March 9,
1933 and this currency was to be called Federal Reserve bank notes.
From Title 4 of the Act of March 9, 1933 (Exhibit 37):

    "Upon deposit with the Treasurer of the United States, (a) of any
    direct obligations of the United States or (b) of any notes,
    drafts, bills of exchange, or bankers' acceptances acquired under
    the provisions of this Act, any Federal reserve bank making such
    deposit in the manner prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury
    shall be entitled to receive from the Comptroller of the currency
    circulating notes in blank, duly registered and countersigned."

What is this saying? It says, (emphasis is ours): "Upon the deposit with
the Treasurer of the United States, (a) any direct obligation of the
United States..." What is a direct obligation of the United States? It's
a treasury note, which is an obligation upon whom? Upon We, the People,
to perform. It's a taxpayer obligation, isn't it?

Title 4 goes on:  "or (b) of any notes, drafts, bills of exchange or
bankers' acceptances..."  What's a note? If you go to the bank and
sign a note on your home, that's a note, isn't it? A note is a private
obligation upon We, the People. And if the Federal Reserve Bank
deposits either (a) public and/or (b) private obligation of We, the
People, with the treasury, the Comptroller of the currency will issue
this circulating note endorsed in blank, duly registered and
countersigned -- an emergency currency based on the (a) public and/or
(b) private obligations of the people of the United States.

In the Congressional Record of March 9, 1933 (Exhibit 38), we find
evidence that our congressmen didn't even have individual copies of
the bill to read, on which they were about to vote. A [single] copy of
the bill was passed around for approximately 40 minutes.

Congressman McFadden made the comment,

    "Mr. Speaker, I regret that the membership of the House has had no
    opportunity to consider or even read this bill. The first
    opportunity I had to know what this legislation is, was when it
    was read from the clerk's desk. It is an important banking bill.
    It is a DICTATORSHIP over finance in the United States. [emphasis
    mine] It is complete control over the banking system in the United
    States . . . It is difficult under the circumstances to discuss
    this bill. The first section of the bill, as I grasped it, is
    practically the war powers that were given back in 1917."

Congressman McFadden later says,

    "I would like to ask the chairman of the committee if this is a
    plan to change the holding of the security back of the Federal
    Reserve notes to the Treasury of the United States rather than the
    Federal Reserve agent."

Keep in mind here, that prior to 1933, the Federal Reserve bank held
our gold as security, in return for Federal Reserve gold notes which
we could redeem at any time we wanted. Now, however, Congressman
McFadden is asking if this proposed bill is a plan to change whose
going to hold the security, from the Federal Reserve to the Treasury.

Chairman Steagall's response to Congressman McFadden's question, again
from the Congressional Record:

    "This provision is for the issuance of Federal Reserve bank notes,
    and not for Federal Reserve notes; and the security back of it is
    the obligations, notes, drafts, bills of exchange, bank
    acceptances, outlined in the section to which the gentleman has
    referred."

We were backed by gold, and our gold was seized, wasn't it? We were
penniless, and now our money would be secured not by gold, but by
notes and obligations on which We, the People were the collateral
security.

[Generally speaking, they (a) made us all wartime enemies (under the
1933 revision of the 1917 enemy trading act); (b) stole our gold and
shipped it out of the country (under international war-prize laws);
and (c) appropriated us, all our mortgages, property, etc, to use as
backing for our money. Pssst!  Get out of debt, people! ]

Congressman McFadden then questioned,

    "Then the new circulation is to be Federal Reserve bank notes and
    not Federal Reserve notes. Is that true?"

Mr. Steagall replied,

    "Insofar as the provisions of this section are concerned, yes."

Does that sound familiar?

Next we hear from Congressman Britten, as noted in the Congressional
Record (Exhibit 39):

    "From my observations of the bill as it was read to the House, it
    would appear that the amount of bank notes that might be issued by
    the Federal Reserve System is not limited. That will depend
    entirely upon the amount of collateral that is presented from time
    to time in exchange for bank notes. Is that not correct?"

Who is collateral? We are -- we are chattel, aren't we? We have no
rights. Our rights were suspended along with the Constitution. We
became chattel property to the corporate government, our transactions
and obligations the collateral for the issuance of Federal Reserve
bank notes.

Congressman Patman, speaking from the Congressional Record (Exhibit
40):

     "The money will be worth 100 cents on the dollar because it is
     backed by the credit of the Nation. It will represent a mortgage
     of all the homes and other property of all the people of the
     Nation."

It is not no wonder that credit became so available after the
Depression. It was needed to back our monetary system. Our debts, our
obligations, our jobs -- we were now slaves for the system.

From Statutes at Large, in the Congressional Record (Exhibit 41):

    "When required to do so by the Secretary of the Treasury, each
    Federal Reserve agent shall act as an agent of the Treasurer of
    the United States or the Comptroller of the currency, or both, for
    the performance of any functions which the Treasurer or the
    Comptroller may be called upon to perform in carrying out the
    provisions of this paragraph."

The Federal Reserve was taken over by the Treasury. The Treasury holds
the assets. We are the collateral -- ourselves and our property.

To summarize briefly:  On March 9, 1933 the American people in all
their domestic, daily, and commercial transactions became the same as
the enemy. The President of the United States, through licenses or any
other form, was given the power to regulate and control the actions of
enemies. He made WE, the People, chattel property; he seized our gold,
our property and our rights; and he suspended the Constitution. And we
know that current law, to this day, says that all proclamations issued
heretofore or hereafter by the President or the Secretary of the
Treasury are approved and confirmed by Congress. Pretty broad,
sweeping approval to be automatic, wouldn't you agree?

On March 11, 1933, President Roosevelt, in his first radio "Fireside
Chat" (Exhibit 42), makes the following statement:

    "The Secretary of the Treasury will issue licenses to banks which
    are members of the Federal Reserve system, whether national bank
    or state, located in each of the 12 Federal Reserve bank cities,
    to open Monday morning."

Black's Law Dictionary defines the Bank Holiday of 1933 (Exhibit 42a)
in the following words:

    "Presidential Proclamations No. 2039, issued March 6, 1933, and
    No. 2040, issued March 9, 1933, temporarily suspended banking
    transactions by member banks of the Federal Reserve System. Normal
    banking functions were resumed on March 13, subject to certain
    restrictions. The first proclamation, it was held, had no
    authority in law until the passage on March 9, 1933, of a
    ratifying act (12 USCA Sect. 95b). Anthony v. Bank of Wiggins, 183
    Miss. 883, 184 So. 626. The present law forbids member banks of
    the Federal Reserve System to transact banking business, except
    under regulations of the Secretary of the Treasury, during an
    emergency proclaimed by the President. 12 U. S. C. A. Sect 95."

Take special note of the last sentence in this definition, especially
the phrase, "present law." The fact that banks are under the
regulation of the Treasury today is evidence that the state of
emergency still exists, by virtue of the definition. Not that, at this
point, we need any more evidence to prove we are still in a declared
state of national emergency.

From the Agricultural Adjustment Act of May 12, 1933 (Exhibit 43):

    "To issue licenses permitting processors, associations of
    producers and others to engage in the handling, in the current of
    interstate or foreign commerce, of any agricultural commodity or
    product thereof."

This is the seizure of the agricultural industry by means of
licensing authority.

In the first hundred days of the reign of Franklin Delano Roosevelt,
similar seizures by licensing authority were successfully completed by
the government over a plethora of other industries, among them
transportation, communications, public utilities, securities, oil ,
labor, and all natural resources. The first 100 days of FDR saw the
nationalization of the United States, its people and its assets. What
was Bill Clinton talking about during his campaign and early
presidency? His first 100 days.

Now, we know that they took over all contracts, for we have already
read in Exhibit 22:

    "No contract is considered as valid as between enemies, at least
    so far as to give them a remedy in the courts of law of either
    government, and they have, in the language of the civil law, no
    ability to sustain a persona standi in judicio."

They have no personal rights at law. Therefore, we should expect that
we would see in the statute a time when the contract between the
Federal Reserve and We, the People, in which the Federal Reserve had to
give us our gold on demand was made null and void.

Referring to House Joint Resolution 192 (June 5, 1933)(Exhibit 44):

    "That (a) every provision contained in or made with respect to any
    obligation which purports to give the obligee a right to require
    payment in gold or a particular kind of coin or currency, or in an
    amount of money of the United States measured thereby is declared
    to be against public policy; and no such policy shall be contained
    in or made with respect to any obligation hereafter incurred."

Indeed, our contract with the Federal Reserve was invalidated at the
end of Roosevelt's hundred days. We lost our right to require our gold
back from the bank in which we had deposited it.

Returning once again to the Roosevelt Papers (Exhibit 45):

    "This conference of fifty farm leaders met on March 10, 1933. They
    agreed on recommendations for a bill, which were presented to me
    at the White House on March the 11th by a committee of the
    conference, who requested me to call upon the Congress for the
    same broad powers to meet the emergency in agriculture as I had
    requested for solving the banking crisis."

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[PAGE 24]

What were the "broad powers"? That was the WAR POWERS, wasn't
it? And now we see the farm leaders asking President Roosevelt to use
the same War Powers to take control of the agricultural industry.
Well, needless to say, he did. We should wonder about all that took
place at this conference, for it to result in the eventual
acquiescence of farm leadership to governmental take-over of their
livelihoods.

Reading from the Agricultural Adjustment Act, May the 12th,
Declaration of Emergency (Exhibit 46):

    "That the present acute economic emergency being in part the
    consequence of a severe and increasing disparity between the
    prices of agriculture and other commodities, which disparity has
    largely destroyed the purchasing power of farmers for industrial
    products, has broken down the orderly exchange of commodities, and
    has seriously impaired the agricultural assets supporting the
    national credit structure, it is hereby declared that these
    conditions in the basic industry of agriculture have affected
    transactions in agricultural commodities with a national public
    interest, have burdened and obstructed the normal currents of
    commerce in such commodities and rendered imperative the immediate
    enactment of Title 1 of this Act."

Now here we see that the is saying that the agricultural assets
support the national credit structure. Did he take the titles of all
the land? Remember contracts payable in gold? President Roosevelt
needed the support, and agriculture was critical, because of all the
millions of acres of farmland at that time, and the value of that
farmland. The mortgage on that farmland was what supported the
emergency credit. So President Roosevelt had to do something to
stabilize the price of land and Federal Reserve bank notes to create
money, didn't he?  So he impressed agriculture into the public
interest. The farming industry was nationalized.

Continuing with the Agricultural Adjustment Act, Declaration of
Emergency (Exhibit 24):

    "It is hereby declared to be the public policy of Congress..."

Referring now back to Prize Cases (1862)(2 Black, 674)(Exhibit 24):

    "But in defining the meaning of the term `enemies' property,' we
    will be led into error if we refer to Fleta or Lord Coke for their
    definition of the word `enemy.' It is a technical phrase peculiar
    to prize courts, and depends upon principles of public policy as
    distinguished from the common law."

Once the emergency is declared, the common law is abolished, the
Constitution is abolished, and we fall under the absolute will of
Government, public policy.

All the government needs to continue is to have public opinion on
their side. If public opinion cannot be kept, in sufficient degree, on
the side of the government, statutes, laws and bills can continue to
be passed. The Constitution has no meaning. The Constitution is
suspended. It has been for over 60 years. We are not under law. Law
had been abolished.

We are under a system of public policy, (War Powers).

So when you go into that courtroom with the Constitution and the common
law in your hand, what does that judge tell you? He tells you that you
have no persona standi in judicio. You have no personal standing at law.
He tells you not to bother bringing that Constitution into his court,
because it is not a Constitutional court, but an executive tribunal
operating under a totally different jurisdiction.

From Section 93-549 (Exhibit 48)(emphasis is ours):

    "Under this procedure we retain Government by law -- special,
    temporary law, but law nonetheless. The public may know the extent
    and the limitations of the powers that can be asserted, /B/ and
    the persons affected may be informed by the statute of their
    rights and duties. /b/ "

If you have any rights, the only reason you have them is because they
have been statutorily declared, and your duties well spelled out, and
if you violate the orders of those statutes, you will be charged, not
with a crime, but with an offense.

Again from 93-549, from the words of Mr. Katzenbach (Exhibit 49):

    "My recollection is that almost every executive order ever issued
    straddles on several grounds, but it almost always includes the
    Trading with the Enemy Act because the language of that Act is so
    broad, it would justify almost anything."

Speaking on the subject of a challenge to the Act by the people,
Justice Clark then says,

    "Most difficult from a standpoint of standing to sue. The Court,
    you might say, has enlarged the standing rule in favor of the
    litigant. But I don't think it has reached the point, presently,
    that would permit many such cases to be litigated to the merits."

Senator Church then made the comment:

    "What you are saying, then, is that if Congress doesn't act to
    standardize, restrict, or eliminate the emergency powers, that no
    one else is likely to get a standing in court to contest."

No persona standi in judicio - no personal standing in the courts.

Continuing with Senate Report 93-549 (Exhibit 50):

    "The interesting aspect of the legislation lies in the fact that
    it created a permanent agency designed to eradicate an
    emergency condition in the sphere of agriculture."

These agencies, of which there are now thousands, and which now
control every aspect of our lives, were ostensibly created as
temporary agencies meant to last only as long as the national
emergency. They have become, in fact, permanent agencies, as has the
state of national emergency itself. As Franklin Delano Roosevelt said:
"We will never go back to the old order."

That quote takes on a different meaning in the light of what we have
seen so far.

In Exhibit 51, Senate Report 93-549, we find a quote from Senator
Church:

    "If the President can create crimes by fiat and without
    congressional approval, our system is not much different from that
    of the Communists, which allegedly threatens our existence."

We see on this same document, at the bottom right-hand side of the
page, as a Title, the words,

    "Enormous Scope of Powers...A Time Bomb."

Remember, this is Congress' own document, from the year 1973.

Most people might not look to agriculture to provide them with this
type of information. But let us look at Title III of the Agricultural
Adjustment Act of 1933 (Exhibit 52):

    "Title III - Financing - And exercising Power Conferred by Section
    8 of Article I of the Constitution: To Coin Money And To Regulate
    the Value Thereof."

From Section 43 of Exhibit 52:

    "Whenever the President finds upon investigation that the foreign
    commerce of the United States is adversely affected . . . and an
    expansion of credit is necessary to secure by international
    agreement a stabilization at proper levels of the currencies of
    various governments, the President is authorized, in his
    discretion . . . To direct the Secretary of the Treasury to enter
    into agreements with the several Federal Reserve banks . . . "

Remember that in the Constitution it states that Congress has the
power to coin all money and regulate the value thereof. How can it be
then that the Executive branch is issuing an emergency currency, and
quoting the Constitution as its authority to do so?

Under Section 1 of the same Act (Exhibit 53) we find the following:

    "To direct the Secretary of the Treasury to cause to be issued in
    such amount or amounts as he may from time to time order, United
    States notes, as provided in the Act entitled `An Act to authorize
    the issue of United States notes and for the redemption of funding
    thereof and for funding the floating debt of the United States,
    approved February 25, 1862, and Acts supplementary thereto and
    amendatory thereof'"

What is the Act of February 25, 1862? It is the Greenback Act of
President Abraham Lincoln. Let us remember that, when Abraham Lincoln
was elected and inaugurated, he didn't even have a Congress for the
first six weeks. He did not, however, call an extra session of Congress.
He issued money, he declared war, he suspended habeas corpus, it was an
absolute constitutional dictatorship. There was not even a Congress in
session for six weeks.

When Lincoln's Congress came into session six weeks later, they
entered the following statement into the Congressional Record:

     "The actions, rules, regulations, licenses, heretofore or
     hereafter taken, are hereby approved and confirmed..."

This is the exact language of March 9, 1933, and Title 12 USC, Section
95(b) today.

We now come to the question of how to terminate these extraordinary
powers granted under a declaration of national emergency. We have
learned that, in order for the extraordinary powers to be terminated,
the national emergency itself must be cancelled. Reading from the
Agricultural Act, Section 13 (Exhibit 54):

    "This title shall cease to be in effect whenever the President
    finds and proclaims that the national economic emergency in
    relation to agriculture has been ended."

Whenever the President finds by proclamation that the proclamation
issued in March 6, 1933 has terminated, it has to terminate through
presidential proclamation just as it came into effect. Congress had
already delegated all of that authority, and therefore was in no
position to take it back.

In Senate Report 93-549, we find the following statement from
Congress (Exhibit 55):

    "Furthermore, it would be a largely futile task unless we have the
    President's active collaboration. Having delegated this authority
    to the President - in ways that permit him to determine how long
    it shall continue, simply through the device of keeping emergency
    declarations alive - we now find ourselves in a position where we
    cannot reclaim the power without the President's acquiescence. We
    are unable to terminate these declarations without the President's
    signature, so we need a large measure of Presidential
    cooperation."

It appears that no President has been willing to give up this
extraordinary power, and, if they will not sign the termination
proclamation, the access to, and usage of, extraordinary powers does
not terminate. At least, it has not been terminated for over 60 years.

Now, there's no indication that a president, from Bill Clinton on,
might not eventually sign the termination proclamation, but 60 years
of experience would lead one to doubt that day will ever come by
itself. But the question to ask now it this:  How many times have We,
the People, asked the President to terminate his access to
extraordinary powers, or the situation on which it is based, the
declared national emergency? Who has ever demanded that this be done?
How many of even know that it had been done? And, without the
knowledge contained in this report, how long to you think the
blindness of the American people to this situation would have
continued, and with it, the abolishment of the Constitution? But we
are not quite as in the dark as we were, are we?

In Senate Report 93-549 (Exhibit 56), we find the following statement
from Senator Church:

    "These powers, if exercised, would confer upon the President total
    authority to do anything he pleased."

Elsewhere in Senate Report 93-549, Senator Church makes the remarkable
statement (Exhibit 57):

    "Like a loaded gun laying around the house, the plethora of
    delegated authority and institutions to meet almost every kind of
    conceivable crisis stand ready for use for purposes other than
    their original intention . . . Machiavelli, in his `Discourses of
    Livy,' acknowledged that great power may be given to the
    executive if the State is to survive, but warned of great dangers
    in doing so. He cautioned, "Nor is it sufficient if this power be
    conferred upon good men; for men are frail, and easily corrupted,
    and then in a short time, he that is absolute may easily corrupt
    the people.""

Now, a quote from an exclusive reply (Exhibit 58) written on May 21,
1973, by the Attorney General of the United States regarding studies
undertaken by the Justice Department on the question of termination of
the standing national emergency:

    "As a consequence, a `national emergency' is now a practical
    necessity in order to carry out what has become the regular and
    normal method of governmental actions. What were intended by
    Congress as delegations of power to be used in only the most
    extreme situations, and for the most limited durations, have
    become everyday powers, and a state of `emergency' has become a
    permanent condition."

From United States v. Butler  (Supreme Court, 1935) (Exhibit 59):

    "A tax, in the general understanding and in the strict
    Constitutional sense, is an extraction for the support of
    government; the term does not connote the expropriation of
    money from one group to be expended for another, as a necessary
    means in a plan of regulation, such as the plan for regulating
    agricultural production set up in the Agricultural Adjustment
    Act."

What is being said here is that a tax can only be an
extraction for the support of government, not for an expropriation
from one group for the use of another. That would be socialism,
wouldn't it?

Quoting further from from United States v. Butler Exhibit 60):

    "The regulation of farmer's activities under the statute, though
    in form subject to his own will, is in fact coercion through
    economic pressure; his right of choice is illusory. Even if a
    farmer's consent were purely voluntary, the Act would stand no
    better. At best it is a scheme for purchasing with federal funds
    submission to federal regulation of a subject reserved to the
    states."

Speaking of contracts, those contracts are coercion contracts. They
are adhesion contracts made by a superior over an inferior. They are
under the belligerent capacity of government over enemies. They are
not valid contracts.

Again from United States v. Butler (Exhibit 61):

    "If the novel view of the General Welfare Clause now advanced in
    support of the tax were accepted, this clause would not only
    enable Congress to supplant the states in the regulation of
    agriculture and all other industries as well, but would furnish
    the means whereby all of the other provisions of the Constitution,
    sedulously framed to define and limit the powers of the United
    States and preserve the powers of the states, could be broken
    down, the independence of the individual states obliterated, and
    the United States converted in to a central government exercising
    uncontrolled police power throughout the union superseding local
    control over local concerns."

Please, read the above paragraph again. The understanding of its
meaning is vital.

The United States Supreme Court ruled the New Deal, the
nationalization, unconstitutional in the Agricultural Adjustment Act
and they turned it down flat. The Supreme Court declared it to be
unconstitutional. They said, in effect, "You're turning the federal
government into an uncontrolled police state, exercising uncontrolled
police power." What did Roosevelt do next? He stacked the Supreme
Court, didn't he. And in 1937, United States v. Butler was overturned.

From the 65th Congress, 1st Session Doc. 87, under the section
entitled Constitutional Sources of Laws at War, Page 7, Clause II, we
find (Exhibit 62):

    "The existence of war and the restoration of peace are to be
    determined by the political department of the government, and such
    determination is binding and conclusive upon the courts, and
    deprives the courts of the power of hearing proof and determining
    as a question of fact either that war exists or has ceased to
    exist."

The courts will tell you that is a political question, for they (the
courts) do not have jurisdiction of the common law.

The courts were deprived of the Constitution. They were deprived of
the common law. There are now courts of prize over the enemies, and we
have no persona standi in judicio.  We have no personal
standing under the law.

Also, from the 65th Congress, under the section entitled
Constitutional Sources of Law at War, we find (Exhibit 64):

    "When the sovereign authority shall choose to bring it into
    operation, the judicial department must give effect to its will.
    But until that shall be expressed, no power of condemnation can
    exist in the court."

From Senate Report 93-549 (Exhibit 64):

    "Just how effective a limitation on crisis action this makes the
    court is hard to say. In light of the recent war, the court today
    would seem to be a fairly harmless observer of the emergency
    activities of the President and Congress. It is highly unlikely
    that the separation of powers and the 10th amendment will be
    called upon again to hamstring the efforts of the government to deal
    resolutely with a serious national emergency."

So much for our Constitutional system of checks and balances. And from
that same Senate Report, in the section entitled "Emergency
Administration" a continuation of Exhibit 64:

    "Organizationally, in dealing with the depression, it was
    Roosevelt's general policy to assign new, emergency functions to
    newly created agencies, rather than to already existing
    departments."

Thus, thousands of "temporary" emergency agencies are now sitting out
there with emergency functions to rule us in all cases whatsoever.

Finally, let us look briefly at the courts, specifically with regard
to the question of "booty." The following definition of the term
"prize" is found in Bouvier's Law Dictionary (Exhibit 65):

    "Goods taken on land from a public enemy are called booty; and the
    distinction between a prize and a booty consists of this, that
    the former is taken at sea and the latter on land."

This significance of the distinction between these two terms is
critical, a fact which will become quite clear shortly.

Let us now remember that "Congress shall have the power to make rules
on all captures on the land and the water." To reinterate, captures on
the land are booty, and captures on the water are prize.

Now, the Constitution says that Congress shall have the power to
provide and maintain a navy, even during peacetime. It also says that
Congress shall have the power to raise and support an army, but no
appropriations of money for that purpose shall be for greater than two
years. We can see that an army is not a permanent standing body,
because, in times of peace, armies were held by the sovereign states
as militia. So the United States had a navy during peacetime, but no
standing army; we had instead the individual state militias.

Consequently, the federal government had a standing prize court,
due to the fact that it had a standing navy, whether in times of peace
or war. But in times of peace, there could be no federal police power
over the continental United States, because there was to be no army.

From the report "the Law of Civil Government in Territory Subject to
Military Occupation by Military Forces of the United States,"
published by order of the Secretary of War in 1902, under the heading
entitled The Confiscation of Private Property of Enemies in War
(Exhibit 66), comes the following quote:

    "4. Should the President desire to use the services of the Federal
    courts of the United States in promoting this purpose or military
    undertaking, since the courts derive their jurisdiction from
    Congress and do not constitute a part of the military
    establishment, they must secure from Congress the necessary action
    to confer such jurisdiction upon said courts."

This means that, if the government is going to confiscate property
within the continental United States on the land (booty), it must
obtain statutory authority.

In the same section (Exhibit 66), we find the following words:

    "5. The laws and usages of war make a distinction between
    enemies' property captured on the sea and property captured on
    land. The jurisdiction of the courts of the United States over
    property captured at sea is held not to attach property captured
    on land in the absence of Congressional action."

So we see that our government can operate in two capacities:  (a) in
its sovereign peacetime capacity, with the limitations placed upon it
by the Constitution and restrictions placed upon it by We, the People,
or (b) in a wartime capacity, where it may operate in its belligerent
capacity governed not by the Constitution, but only by the laws of
war.

In Section 17 of the Act of October 6, 1917, the Trading with the
Enemy Act (Exhibit 67):

    "That the district courts of the United States are hereby given
    jurisdiction to make and enter all such rules as to notice and
    otherwise; and all such orders and decrees; and to issue such
    process as may be necessary and proper in the premises to enforce
    the provisions of this Act."

Here we have Congress conferring upon the district courts of the
United States the booty jurisdiction, the jurisdiction over enemy
property within the continental United States. And at the time of the
original, unamended, Trading With the Enemy Act, we were indeed at War,
a World war, and so booty jurisdiction over enemies' property in the
courts was appropriate. At that time, remember, we were not yet declared
the enemy. We were excluded from the provisions of the original act.

In 1934 Congress passed an Act merging equity and law and abolishing
common law. This Act, known as the Federal Rules of Procedures Act, was
not to come into effect until 6 months after the letter of transmittal
from the Supreme Court to Congress. The Supreme Court refused
transmittal and the transmittal did not occur until Franklin D.
Roosevelt stacked the Supreme Court in 1938 (Exhibits 67(a) and (b)).

But on March the 9th of 1933, the American people were declared to be
the public enemy under the amended version of the Trading With
the Enemy Act. What jurisdiction were We, the People, then placed
under? We were now [under] the booty jurisdiction given to the
district courts by Congress. It was no longer necessary, or of any
value at all, to bring the Constitution of the United States with us
upon entering a courtroom, for that court was no longer a court of
common law, but a tribunal under booty jurisdiction. Take a look at
the American flag in most courtrooms. The gold fringe around our flag
designates Admiralty jurisdiction.

Executive Order No. 11677 issued by President Richard M. Nixon, August
1, 1972 (Exhibit 68) states:

    "Continuing the regulation of Exports; By virtue of the authority
    vested in the President by the Constitution and statutes of the
    United States, including Section 5 (b) of the Act of October 6,
    1917, as amended (12 USC 95a)..."

Section 5 (b) certainly seem to be an oft-cited support for
Presidential authority, doesn't it? Surely the reason for this can be
found by referring back to Exhibit 49, the words of Senator Katzenbach
in Senate Report 93-549:

    "My recollection is that almost every executive order ever issued
    straddles on several grounds, but almost always includes the
    Trading With the Enemy Act because the language of that act is so
    broad, it would justify almost anything."

The question here, and it should be a question of grave concern to
every American, is what type of acts can "almost anything" cover? What
has been, and is being, done under the cloak of authority conferred by
Section 5 (b)? By now, I think we are beginning to know.

Has the Termination of the national emergency ever been considered?
In Public Law 94-412, September 14, 1976 (Exhibit 70), we find that
Congress had finally finished their exhaustive study on the national
emergencies, and the words of their finding were that they would
terminate the existing national emergencies. We should be able to
heave a sigh of relief at this decision, for with the termination of
the national emergencies will come the corresponding termination of
extraordinary Presidential power, won't it? But yet we have learned two
difficult lessons: that we are still in the national emergency, and that
power, once grasped, is difficult to let go. And so now it should come
as no surprise when we read, in the last section of the Act, Section 502
(Exhibit 71), the following words:

    " (a): The provisions of this Act shall not apply to the following
    provisions of law, the powers and authorities conferred thereby
    and the actions taken thereunder (1) Section 5 (b) of the Act of
    October 6, 1917, as amended (12 USC 95a; 50 USC App. 5b)"

The bleak reality is, the situation has not changed at all.

The alarming situation in which We, the People, find ourselves today
causes us to think back to a time over two hundred years ago in our
nation's history when our forefathers were also laboring under the
burden of governmental usurpation of individual rights. Their
response, written in 1774, two years before the signing of the
Declaration of Independence, to the attempts of Great Britain to
retain extraordinary powers it had held during a time of war became
known as the "Declaration of Rights" (Exhibit 72). And in that
document, we find these words:

    "Whereas, since the close of the last war, the British Parliament,
    claiming a power of right to bind the people of America, by
    statute, in all cases whatsoever, hath in some acts expressly
    imposed taxes on them, and in others, under various pretenses, but
    in fact for the purpose of raising a revenue, hath imposed rates
    and duties payable in these colonies established a board of
    commissioners, with unconstitutional powers, and extended the
    jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty, not only for collecting
    the said duties, but for the trail of causes merely arising within
    the body of a country."

We can see now that we have come full circle to the situation which
existed in 1774, but with one crucial difference. In 1774, Americans
were protesting against a colonial power which sought to bind and
control its colony by wartime powers in a time of peace. In 1994, it
is our own government which has sought, successfully to date, to bind
its own people by the same subtle, insidious method.

Article 3, Section 3, of our Constitution states:

    "Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying
    war against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them aid
    and comfort. No person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the
    Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on confession
    in open court."

Is the Act of March 9, 1933 treason? That would be for the common law
courts to decide. At this point in our nation's history, the point is
moot, for common law, and indeed the Constitution itself, do not
operate or exist at present. Whether governmental acts of theft of the
nation's money, the citizens' property, and American liberty as an
ideal and a reality, which have occurred since 1933 is treason against
the People of the United States, as the term is defined by the
Constitution of the United States cannot even be determined or argued
in a legal sense until the Constitution itself is re-established. For
our part, however, we believe that, "by their fruits ye shall know
them," and on that authority we rest our case.

                               CONCLUSION

As you have just witnessed, the United States of America continues to
exist in a governmentally ordained state of national emergency. Under
such a state of emergency, our Constitution has been set aside,
ostensibly for the public good, until the emergency is cancelled.

But, as experience painfully shows, it has not been to the public's
good that our government has used its unrestricted power, unhampered
by the Constitution's restraining force. The governmental edict and
actions over the last six decades have led us to the desperate state
in which we find ourselves today. Besieged on every side, corroding
from within, frightened and in despair, we as a nation are being torn
asunder.

There IS a national emergency today - one that is of life and death
proportions - but it is NOT the emergency used by our government to
continue its abuse of power. It IS this very abuse, this unbridled
rape of the American spirit, that is the crux of the emergency that we
are in today. But this true emergency cannot be cured by setting aside
the Constitution; no, it can only be controlled by returning to the
laws of God and Country which have been stolen from us by those in
whom we placed our trust to protect the national interest.

We are a nation whose government is based upon those immortal words,
"a government of the people, by the people, for the people." One has
only to walk down the highways and byways of this great land to know
all too well that this is not a government of the people or for the
people. Actions speak louder than words, and the actions taken over
the past decades have resulted in an unparalleled decline of American
economic and political power, and a weakening of American values and
spirit.

This is NOT a crisis in which taking up arms is the answer. No, this
is a situation in which we firmly believe that a pen will be mightier
than they sword. That a state of emergency exists cannot be disputed.
That the emergency is one which should concern every American alive
cannot be denied. That we must stand together, laying aside our
individual differences, to fight the common foe, is of vital
importance, for the time to act is now. But this is not a battle of
swords, but of knowledge, for only when the deception is exposed to
the light of day can the healing process begin.

Truth stands tall in the light of day, and it is the truth be bring to
you today. Let it be known and understood that it is our intention to
make this information available to every concerned American who
desires to know the true State of the Union. This is an undertaking of
immense proportions, but we have dedicated ourselves to bringing this
information to the light of day, and with the help of "We, the
People," we will be successful in our efforts.

Every American who is thankful for the opportunity to call themselves
American must also accept the responsibility that comes with that
title. We, the People have not only a right, but a responsibility to
each other and to those who have gone before us to learn what our
government is doing, and to judge whether actions taken will benefit
the people who bear the costs. We have been in the dark long enough,
content to rest on our past glories and let the government take its
course. In a way, we have been like children, trusting in our parents
to act in our best interest. But as we have too frequently seen in the
nightly news, not all parents have their children's best interest at
heart.

The time has come for us to take off our blinders and accept reality,
for the time of national reckoning has arrived. The majority of our
elected and appointed officials are no more responsible for the
current state of affairs than are we. The strings are being
manipulated at far higher levels than the positions most officials
occupy. They are working with little knowledge or authority, trying to
control problems far bigger then even they realize. Their programs and
actions may seek to cure the symptoms, but the time has now come to
attack the disease. They are no more guilty than are we, nor will they
be any more protected when the nation collapses on us all.

If we blame them for this national emergency, we must also truly
blame ourselves, for it is "We, The People" to whom this nation was
given and whose duty it was to keep a watchful eye on those who direct
the sails of the ship of state. We have, however, fallen asleep, and
while we were dreaming the American dream, a band of pirates stole the
Constitution and put our people into slavery.

And since that terrible day when our Constitution was cast aside, not
one President or Congress, nor one Supreme Court justice has been able
or willing to return it to its rightful owners. Given the current state
of the union, there is no reason to expect this situation to change -
unless we ourselves cause it to do so.

Let us put the childish emotions of pity and self-deception away,
stand up, stand together and fight back. Now is the time to stop
dreaming, and start the long work before us. Now is the time to turn
back to the principles and ideals on which this nation was founded,
the strong foundation from which our national identity springs.

When does tolerance become anarchy? When does protection become
slavery? When is enough enough?  NOW is when, here and now.

Now is the time to return to the laws set forth by God, and throw off
these chains of ignorance and bondage which grasp our nation to the
point of death. Let us return to the source, the standard of
excellence set for us long ago. Our message to the Congress and all
elected and appointed officials must be, "Let my people go!", for we
are all laboring under a system which will eventually crush us,
regardless of our religion, sex, or the color of our skin.

We must let those at all levels of governmental authority know that we
have learned of this deception which lies at the core of our national
malaise. We must tell them in no uncertain terms that we will tolerate
this great lie no longer, and we must put them on notice that we
expect them to resign if they have not the courage and the resolve to
help this nation in its hour of need.

We have been fools long enough. Beginning April 1st, 1994, no
matter how long after that date you see this report, start each and
every week without fail to give a copy of this information to at least
one person you know. We also ask you to write a letter to Congress
telling them to "Let our people go!", or you can use the form letter
you will find enclosed in the report.

We must let our elected officials know that we expect them as servants
of the people to help us re-establish law and order and restore our
national pride. They must repeal Proclamation 2039, 2040, and Title 12
USC 95(a) and (b), thereby cancelling the national emergency, and
re-establish the Constitution of this nation.

Now is the time for excellence of action. We demand it and we will
accept nothing less. This is our country, to protect and defend, no
matter the cost. To do nothing out of fear or apathy is exactly what
those in power are hoping for, for it is ignorance and apathy that
darkness likes the best. We must not be a party to the darkness
enveloping our nation any longer. We must come into the light, and
give our every drop of blood, sweat, and tears to bring our nation
back with us.

We must acknowledge that if we do nothing, if we are not willing to
act now and act boldly, without fear but with faith and a firm
resolve, our freedom to act at all may soon be taken away altogether.
New bills, new laws, are being presented daily which will effective
serve to tighten the chains of bondage already encircling this nation.

My friends, we are not going into slavery -- we are already there.
Make no mistake - those in power are already tightening the chains,
but they are doing so slowly, quietly, and with great caution, for
fear of awakening the slumbering lion which is the voice of the
American people. There is yet still time for us to slip loose the
chains which bind us, and for us to bring about the restoration of
this nation.

If we act, if we make our concerns known and shout out our refusal to
accept the future which has been planned for us by those who hold no
allegiance to this great land of ours, we can yet demand and see come
to pass the day when the state of emergency is cancelled and the
Constitution is restored to her rightful place as the watchdog of those
for whom absolute power corrupts absolutely. If we repent of our
ignorance and our apathy and return to the God-given laws on which
this nation was founded, we may yet be free.

We will continue to hold meetings and offer this information until
everyone in America has had the opportunity to hear it and we have set
our nation free. We will not tolerate less. We are Americans and that
means far more than most of us realize.

If at first it seems you are working alone, do not give up, for as
this information spreads across the land to the great cities and small
towns, you will find yourself in excellent company. You already are as
only one, for behind you stand all the heroes of our history who fought
and died to keep this nation free.

Again, we must stress that we are not asking you to pick up guns; in
fact, we implore you not to, no matter how angry the news of this
deception has made you. Turn your anger into a steely resolve, a
fierce determination not to give up until this battle has been won. We
are not asking you for lots of money; that's their game, the "almighty
dollar." It is the substitution of wealth and possessions for
integrity and honor that helped us get into this true state of
emergency in which we find ourselves now. We are not asking you for
more time than you can give, although we do ask that you give what
time you can to get this information out.

What we ask from you is your commitment to stand with those around
you to help us restore this nation to her rightful place in history,
both that already written, and that yet to be told. Abraham Lincoln
once said, "We the People are the rightful masters of both Congress
and the Courts - not to overthrow the Constitution, but to overthrow
the men who pervert the Constitution." We must stand together now in
this, our national hour of need. As the United States Supreme Court
once said, "It is not the function of our government to keep the
citizens from falling into error; it is the function of the citizens
to keep the government from falling into error."

Each individual, their attitudes and actions, forges their own special
link in the great chain of history. Now is the time to add that
precious inheritance of honor and duty which has kept America alive,
because the choices we make and the actions we take today are a part
of history, too -- history not yet written.

The vision for America has not died; the "land of the free and the
home of the brave" still exists. There is still time to turn the tide
for this great land, but we must join together to make it happen. We
have a debt of honor to the past and to the future, a call to glory
to rescue our homeland from the hands of those who would see her fall.
We cannot, WE MUST NOT, fail.

---------------------------------------------------------------------
                                LETTERS
---------------------------------------------------------------------
[LETTERS - LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT]

Please hand write or type a copy of this letter, or one like it, each
week to the President of the United States and mail to the address
given.

                         EXAMPLE LETTER ONLY
                [Best to use your own hand and words]

Date: __________

Your Name
Address
City, State, Zip

President Clinton
1600 Pennsylvania Ave.
Washington, D.C. 20510

Sir:

I am an American Citizen who is aware of the extraordinary powers
conferred upon you by the declared state of "national emergency" under
which America has labored for over sixty years. These powers,
available to the Executive Branch since March 9, 1933 have effectively
placed the American people in slavery, by nationalizing the vital
industries of this nation and removing the common law from our court
system.

I understand that, because because of this on-going "national
emergency", the Constitution of the United States has been effectively
set aside. I remind you now of the oath of office you took upon
entering the office you now occupy by permission of the American
people. When you took your oath of office, you swore that you would
uphold the Constitution of the United States.

I charge you now to carry out the duties and actions of your oath of
office, and return the Constitution to its rightful place in our
government by cancelling the state of national emergency. I strongly
urge you to repeal Proclamations 2039 and 2040, and the amended
version of the Trading With the Enemy Act of October 6, 1917,
specially Section 5(b), under which so many actions injurious to the
spirit and the livelihood of the American people have been taken. If
you are unwilling or unable to take these steps toward restoring
America to the Constitutional Republic she was meant to be, I urge you
to resign from your position as servant of the American people.

I will continue to urge our government to correct this situation until
such time as you have cancelled the state of national emergency, and
returned the Constitution of the United States to its rightful owners
- We, the People.

Sincerely,


---------------------------------------------------------------------
[LETTER TO REPRESENTATIVES]

Date:___________

Your Name
Address
City, State, Zip

The Honorable ________________________
United States House of Representatives
2449 Rayburn Building
Washington, D.C. 20510


Dear Sir (or Madam):

I am taking advantage of my American freedom, while I still have it,
to urge you to stand up for the American people, and make it your
position that the declared state of national emergency, which has
operated in this nation for over 60 years, be cancelled immediately.

I have been apprised of the amendment to Section 5 (b) of the Trading
with the Enemy Act of October 6, 1917, and understand the
extraordinary powers it has conferred upon the Executive branch. These
excessive powers have been used to sell our nation into slavery by
effective nationalizing our vital industries and separating the
American Citizen from their rights under common law.

I know that the Constitution of the United States has been set aside
under this "national emergency." I urge you now, as a servant of the
American people, to commit yourself to working for its immediate
return to its rightful owners - We, the People. If you are unwilling
or unable to take this stand in defense of your country, I request
that you tender your resignation so that another may take your place
who is willing and/or able to do that you are not.

The Supreme Court once said, "It is not the function of our
government to keep the citizens from falling into error; it is the
function of the citizens to keep the government from falling into
error." As such, I hereby charge you to repeal Proclamations 2039 and
2040, and 12 USC 95 (a) and (b), re-establish the Constitution of the
United States to its rightful position in our government, and Let Our
People Go.

Sincerely,

---------------------------------------------------------------------
[LETTER TO SENATORS]

Date:___________

Your Name
Address
City, State, Zip

The Honorable ________________________
United States Senate
703 Hart, Senate Building
Washington, D.C. 20510

Dear Sir (or Madam):

I am taking advantage of my American freedom, while I still have it,
to urge you to stand up for the American people, and make it your
position that the declared state of national emergency, which has
operated in this nation for over 60 years, be cancelled immediately.

I have been apprised of the amendment to Section 5 (b) of the Trading
with the Enemy Act of October 6, 1917, and understand the
extraordinary powers it has conferred upon the Executive branch. These
excessive powers have been used to sell our nation into slavery by
effective nationalizing our vital industries and separating the
American Citizen from their rights under common law.

I know that the Constitution of the United States has been set aside
under this "national emergency." I urge you now, as a servant of the
American people, to commit yourself to working for its immediate
return to its rightful owners - We, the People. If you are unwilling
or unable to take this stand in defense of your country, I request
that you tender your resignation so that another may take your place
who is willing and/or able to do that you are not.

The Supreme Court once said, "It is not the function of our
government to keep the citizens from falling into error; it is the
function of the citizens to keep the government from falling into
error." As such, I hereby charge you to repeal Proclamations 2039 and
2040, and 12 USC 95 (a) and (b), re-establish the Constitution of the
United States to its rightful position in our government, and Let Our
People Go.

Sincerely,

--------------------[END OF TRANSCRIPTION]---------------------------

That's all I'm gonna type, folks. The remainder of the book contains
over 100 pages of certified copies of pages from the various documents
and laws cited in this report. Since the book contains certified
copies, duly dated and signed, it would be pointless to transcribe
them to ascii. If you have enough snap to realize the grave
significance of the information contained in this report, I'm sure you
will want to order the printed book, so you can show it to others,
complete with all certified exhibits, and make copies to spread
around.

As for sending letters to various officials, agencies, and the media,
I suggest you visit one of the many BBSes, such as mine, that carry
large lists of addresses, phone numbers, and fax numbers, and perhaps
even internet e-mail addresses for congress, organizations, and etc.

Let this be our symbol of unity and purpose:

The little face with mouth open wide, saying, "Let My People Go!"