Countries of the World/COUNTRYS.BIN/dp/0368/03680.txt

Text File | 1991-06-25 | 35KB | 564 lines

$Unique_ID{COW03680}
$Pretitle{253}
$Title{Thailand
Chapter 4A.   Politics and Government}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{Rinn-Sup Shinn}
$Affiliation{HQ, Department of the Army}
$Subject{government
minister
prime
political
national
district
house
members
assembly
king}
$Date{1987}
$Log{Queen Sirikit*0368002.scf
National Assembly*0368005.scf
}
Country:     Thailand
Book:        Thailand, A Country Study
Author:      Rinn-Sup Shinn
Affiliation: HQ, Department of the Army
Date:        1987

Chapter 4A.   Politics and Government

[See Queen Sirikit: Courtesy of Royal Thai Embassy, Washington DC.]

     The relative stability of the Thai political system in the 1980s may
prove to be a political watershed in modern Thai history. This stability,
which resulted after several decades of spasmodic experimentation with
democracy, could be attributed to the growing support of the monarchy and the
traditionally dominant military-bureaucratic elite for parliamentary
democracy. Evidently an increasing number of educated Thai had come to believe
that a "Thai-style democracy" headed by the king and a parliament representing
the people through political parties was preferable to excessively
authoritarian rule under military strongmen. The future of parliamentary
democracy was not a certainty, however, as many Thai continued to believe that
democratic rule was not the most effective option in times of incompetent
national leadership, prolonged civil and political disorder, or external
threat to independence.

     Under the Constitution of 1978, Thailand has a British-style cabinet form
of government with King Bhumibol Adulyadej (Rama IX, 1946- ) reigning as
constitutional monarch and Prime Minister Prem Tinsulanonda heading the
government. Unlike the British prime minister, however, Prem was not a leader
of or even a member of any political party in the nation's parliament, the
National Assembly, nor did he run for election in the July 1986 election that
led to the formation of his four-party coalition government. This was his
fifth cabinet and seventh year in office--no mean accomplishment in a country
that had witnessed numerous coups, countercoups, and attempted coups during
its sporadic experiments with parliamentary government since 1932.

     Unlike many of his predecessors, Prem became prime minister in March 1980
not by a coup, the traditional route to power, but by consensus among key
politicians. At that time he was the commander in chief of the Royal Thai
Army, a post that was long considered to be the most powerful in the country.
With little dissent from any quarter, he succeeded Kriangsak Chomanand, who
had resigned as prime minister amid mounting economic and political tensions.
A group of disgruntled officers, popularly known as "the Young Turks,"
attempted coups against Prem in 1981 and 1985. These attempts, however, had no
disruptive effect on political stability.

     Despite these failed coups, in 1987 the military as a whole continued to
play a major role in Thai politics. Increasingly, this role was tempered as
so-called "enlightened" officers realized that a coup was no longer acceptable
to the public and that the military could bring its influence to bear
politically by working within the constitutional system. The military
continued to believe, nonetheless, that politics and government were too
important to be left entirely in the hands of civilian politicians, whom they
tended to disdain as corrupt, divisive, and inefficient.

     Barring early dissolution or resignation of his cabinet, Prem's mandate
was scheduled to lapse in July 1990. Who would succeed him and, more
important, how it would happen were the key questions because of their
far-reaching implications for parliamentary democracy in Thailand. A related
question concerned the future role of the monarchy and whether or not it would
continue to command the reverence and loyalty of all segments of society and
maintain its powerful symbolism as the sole conferrer of political legitimacy.

     In the 1980s, a growing number of Thai favored a constitutional amendment
requiring that only an elected member commanding a parliamentary majority
could become prime minister. Citing Prem as an example, others argued that,
even in the absence of a constitutional amendment, orderly succession was
possible if a nationally reputable figure were acceptable to a majority of the
country's political leaders. In any case, many observers agreed that, rather
than imitating a foreign political model, Thailand should develop the
political system best suited to the kingdom's particular needs and
circumstances. The quest for a so- called "Thai-style democracy" was still
under way in 1987, although the form and process of such a democracy remained
largely undefined.

     During the 1980s, Thailand pursued three major foreign policy objectives:
safeguarding national security, diversifying and expanding markets for Thai
exports, and establishing cordial relations with all nations. On the whole,
Thailand conducted what it called "omni- directional foreign policy," and it
did so in a highly pragmatic and flexible manner. Relations with such major
powers as the United States, China, and Japan were increasingly cordial, and
relations with the Soviet Union were correct. The Thai were suspicious of
Soviet intentions because Moscow was perceived to be aiding and abetting
Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. Beginning in the mid-1970s, Indochina had come to
be viewed as the major threat to Thailand's security. The normalization of
relations with these Indochinese neighbors remained the principal unresolved
issue for Bangkok, which continued to address the problem directly as well as
indirectly through a regional forum called the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN).

The Constitutional Framework

     The Constitution, promulgated on December 22, 1978, is the country's
twelfth such document since 1932, when Thailand, then called Siam, first
became a constitutional monarchy (see 1932 Coup, ch. 1). Thailand's numerous
constitutions resulted, in part, from various coup leaders revoking an old
constitution and announcing an interim one in order to legitimize their
takeover until a permanent constitution could be promulgated. Political
maneuvers aimed at amending constitutional provisions have often shed light on
the interplay of Thai political forces and the personalities and issues
involved (see Political Developments, 1980-87, this ch.).

     The Constitution provides for a parliamentary form of government with the
king as titular head of state. In theory, the monarch exercises popularly
derived power through the National Assembly, the Council of Ministers, and the
courts. In reality, power is wielded by the prime minister--the head of
government--who chairs the Council of Ministers, or cabinet.

     The Constitution includes a long chapter on the rights and liberties of
the people, in which are guaranteed due process of law; sanctity of the
family; rights of property and inheritance; freedom from forced labor, except
by law in times of national emergencies or armed hostilities; and the
inviolability of the person and private communications. Censorship is banned
except by law for the purpose of "public order or good morals, public safety,
or for maintaining the security of the state." Also guaranteed are freedom of
the press, freedom of speech, freedom of religious worship, and the right of
peaceful assembly; freedom of residence and movement within the kingdom; the
right to organize voluntary associations; the right to establish a political
party and engage in political activities within a democratic framework; and
the right to petition against public institutions. These rights and liberties,
however, are not to be used against the interest of "the Nation, religion, the
King, and the Constitution."

     Affairs of state must conform to a set of principles, which, among other
things, obligate the state to maintain the monarchy, provide compulsory and
free education,