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$Unique_ID{COW03379}
$Pretitle{296}
$Title{Sri Lanka
Chapter 3A. The Economy}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{Peter R. Blood}
$Affiliation{HQ, Department of the Army}
$Subject{percent
government
economy
economic
foreign
land
rice
sri
rubber
tea}
$Date{1990}
$Log{}
Country: Sri Lanka
Book: Sri Lanka, A Country Study
Author: Peter R. Blood
Affiliation: HQ, Department of the Army
Date: 1990
Chapter 3A. The Economy
The dominant sector of the Sri Lankan economy historically has been wet
rice (paddy) cultivation. Its importance in ancient times is demonstrated by
the extensive irrigation works constructed in the north-central region of the
island in the first millennium A.D. In the thirteenth century, the
civilization based on these reservoirs began to decline, and population
shifted to the wet zone of the southern and southwestern areas, where
irrigation was less necessary to grow rice. Cinnamon and other spices which
were valuable in the European market became important export commodities in
the sixteenth century, when Europeans, first the Portuguese and then the
Dutch, established control over the coastal areas of the island.
Commercial agriculture came to dominate the economy during the British
period (1796-1948). Extensive coffee plantations were established in the
mid-nineteenth century. Coffee failed when a leaf disease ravaged it in the
1870s and 1880s, but it was quickly replaced by the important commercial crops
of tea, rubber, and coconut. Although wet rice cultivation remained important,
Sri Lanka had to import more than one-half of the rice it needed during the
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries because of the land and labor
devoted to the commercial crops. At independence in 1948, almost all of the
islands' foreign exchange earnings were derived from commercial agriculture.
The fundamental economic problem since the 1950s has been the declining
terms of trade. The proceeds from the traditional agricultural exports of tea,
rubber, and coconut have had less and less value in the international
marketplace. Beginning in the early 1960s, governments responded by
intervening directly in the largely free-market economy inherited from the
colonial period. Imports and exports were tightly regulated, and the state
sector was expanded, especially in manufacturing and transportation. This
trend accelerated between 1970 and 1977, when a coalition headed by the Sri
Lanka Freedom Party nationalized the larger plantations and imposed direct
controls over internal trade.
The United National Party (UNP) contested the 1977 general election with
a platform calling for less regulation of the economy. After its electoral
victory, the new UNP government made some effort to dismantle the state sector
in agriculture and manufacturing. At the same time, it encouraged private
enterprise, welcomed foreign investment and slackened import controls. It also
shifted spending away from subsidies and social welfare to investment in the
nation's infrastructure, most notably a massive irrigation project, the
Mahaweli Ganga Program, which was expected to make Sri Lanka self-sufficient
in rice and generate enough hydroelectric power to fill the nation's
requirements. These policies resulted in higher rates of economic growth in
the late 1970s and early 1980s, but at the cost of a mounting external debt.
Foreign aid from the United States, Western Europe, Japan, and international
organizations kept the economy afloat.
Sri Lanka's economy became more diverse in the 1970s and 1980s, and in
1986 textiles surpassed tea for the first time as the country's single largest
export. Nonetheless, the performance of the traditional agricultural exports
remained essential to the country's economic health. Other important sources
of foreign exchange included remittances from Sri Lankans working overseas,
foreign aid, and tourism.
Nature of the Economy
Sri Lanka's economic prospects in early 1988 were linked at least in part
to the political and security situation. If political violence could be
brought under control, the government had commitments from foreign investors
and donors to finance a reconstruction program that would ensure economic
growth in the short term. If the violence were to continue, the diversion of
resources into defense and the negative impact on tourism and foreign
investment appeared likely to result in economic stagnation.
Structure of the Economy
Agriculture, both subsistence and commercial, has played a dominant role
in Sri Lanka's economy for many centuries. The Portuguese and Dutch, who ruled
the coastal regions of the island from the sixteenth through the eighteenth
centuries, were primarily interested in profiting from cinnamon and other
spices (see European Encroachment and Dominance, 1500-1948; The Dutch, ch. 1).
Trade with India, Sri Lanka's nearest neighbor, was also important during this
period. Sri Lanka exported pearls, areca nuts, shells, elephants, and
coconuts, and in return received rice and textiles.
The island's economy began to assume its modern form in the 1830s and
1840s, when coffee plantations were established in the Central Highlands.
Coffee soon became the dominant force in the economy, its proceeds paying for
increasingly large imports of food, especially rice. When coffee fell victim
to a leaf disease in the 1870s, it was quickly replaced by tea, which soon
covered more land than had coffee at its height. Coconut plantations also
expanded rapidly in the late nineteenth century, followed by rubber, another
cash crop introduced in the 1890s. Stimulated by demand generated by the
development of the automobile industry in Western Europe and North America,
rubber soon passed coconuts in importance. These three products--tea,
coconuts, and rubber-- provided the export earnings that enabled Sri Lanka to
import food, textiles, and other consumer goods in the first half of the
twentieth century. At independence in 1948, they generated over 90 percent of
export proceeds.
Wet rice was grown extensively as a subsistence crop throughout the
colonial period. In the nineteenth century, most of it was consumed in the
villages where it was grown, but in the final decades of British rule the
internal market in rice expanded. Nonetheless, more than half of the rice
consumed was imported, and the island depended on the proceeds of plantation
crops for its food supply.
The economy gradually became more diverse after the late 1950s, partly as
a result of government policies that encouraged this trend. The main reason
successive administrations tried to reduce the country's dependence on tea,
rubber, and coconuts was the long-term decline in their value relative to the
cost of imports. Even when Sri Lanka increased the production of its major
cash crops, the amount of imports that could be bought with their proceeds
declined.
Much of the diversification of the economy, especially in the 1960s and
the early 1970s, took the form of import substitution, producing for the local
market goods that the island could no longer afford to import. Sri Lanka also
had some success in diversifying exports after 1970. The proportion of exports
linked to the three traditional cash crops fell from over 90 percent in the
late 1960s to 71 percent in 1974 and 42 percent in 1986. Textiles, which made
up only 0.7 percent of exports in 1974, accounted for over 28 percent in 1986
(see table 5, Appendix A).
In 1986 agriculture, forestry, and fishing made up 27.7 percent of the
gross national product (GNP--see Glossary), down from 39.4 percent in 1975
(see table 6, Appendix A). In 1956 wholesale and retail trade accounted for
19.9 percent of GNP, and manufacturing for 15.6 percent. Transport, storage,
and communications stood at 11.2 percent of GNP, and construction at 7.7
percent. The relative importance of the various sectors of the economy was
fairly stable during the 1980s.
Role of Government
The role of government in the