Countries of the World/COUNTRYS.BIN/dp/0220/02209.txt

Text File | 1991-06-25 | 28KB | 433 lines

$Unique_ID{COW02209}
$Pretitle{238}
$Title{Liberia
Chapter 4D.   Foreign Relations}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{Jean R. Tartter}
$Affiliation{HQ, Department of the Army}
$Subject{liberia
states
united
african
africa
countries
relations
economic
doe
government}
$Date{1984}
$Log{Meeting with President Reagan*0220901.scf
}
Country:     Liberia
Book:        Liberia, A Country Study
Author:      Jean R. Tartter
Affiliation: HQ, Department of the Army
Date:        1984

Chapter 4D.   Foreign Relations

     From Liberian independence until well into the twentieth century, the
country's foreign policy consisted mainly of taking whatever measures were
necessary to defend its independence and territorial integrity from
encroachment by European powers whose colonies surrounded it. Although
unofficial ties with the United States were always strong, official relations
intensified during World War II and the Tubman administration. The rise of
African nationalism prompted a refocusing of the country's external relations.
Although not at first convinced of the wisdom of immediate independence for
fellow Africans, Tubman adjusted quickly to the rapidly shifting situation on
the continent, establishing Liberia as a factor in Pan-African politics. The
republic also associated itself with various initiatives for closer economic
collaboration with its West African neighbors.

     The gradual diversification of Liberia's foreign relations proceeded
under Tolbert. Diplomatic ties were initiated with the Soviet Union, the East
European countries, and China. In 1978 Tolbert convened a successful
conference at Monrovia to reconcile differences between two bordering
French-speaking states, Guinea and Ivory Coast, as well as those between
Guinea and Senegal. Emblematic of Liberia's standing in Africa was the
selection of Monrovia to be the site of the summit meeting of the
Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1979, during which Tolbert assumed the
chairmanship of the international body.

     The death of Tolbert during the 1980 coup and the summary execution of
senior members of his government resulted in Liberian representatives being
temporarily ostracized by the African community. Offers of aid from Libya and
Ethiopia were, however, received by the new government. Matthews, the first
foreign minister of the military government, declared that a policy of
nonalignment had been adopted to reverse the impression that Liberia was an
errand boy of foreign interests, particularly those of the United States. The
majority of the PRC, which in due course prevailed, rejected Matthews'
approach and remained inclined toward the United States and other Western
countries with which Liberia had well-established ties of aid, trade, and
investments.

     The release of most political detainees and the restraint practiced by
the PRC leadership after its first tumultuous weeks in power contributed to
the gradual willingness of other nations to restore more normal relations with
Liberia. To assist Liberia in dealing with its economic distress and to
encourage the return to civilian rule, the United States raised its aid
contributions far beyond any previous levels. By the fourth anniversary of the
takeover, Doe could boast that he had been welcomed to China, the Republic of
Korea (South Korea), Egypt, and Saudi Arabia, in addition to the United
States, France, Britain, the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany), and a
number of African States. Doe reaffirmed the republic's faith in the UN and
its support for the OAU in the search for solutions to Africa's problems and
the promotion of the liberation cause in southern Africa. He said Liberia
remained committed to the ideals of the Nonaligned Movement and the Group of
77 (see Glossary) and to the pursuit of regional goals through the West
African bodies in which Liberia participated. In the dispute over territorial
claims of the North African guerrilla movement in the Western Sahara, Liberia
sided with Morocco and other "moderate" states in opposing the territory's
recognition by the OAU in 1982 as the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic.

     As of 1983 Liberia maintained diplomatic relations with 30 countries, of
which 11 were in Africa. It had joined other countries of the OAU in severing
relations with Israel after the outbreak of the war in the Middle East in
1973. When Doe assumed power, Liberia had argued in both the UN and the OAU
that the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel and the return of the Sinai
territory to Egypt justified a review of the OAU boycott. In August 1983,
acting unilaterally, Liberia became the second OAU member to resume relations
with Israel. Doe's state visit to Israel with a large delegation later that
month was reciprocated by the visit of Israeli president Chaim Herzog to
Monrovia in January 1984. Plans were announced for cooperation between Israel
and Liberia in the fields of banking, roadbuilding, development of the power
system, and rice cultivation. It had previously been reported that Israel
would assist Air Liberia and help resurrect its shipping line. To protest
Liberia's action, some Arab states announced a suspension of economic
assistance. Liberian officials noted, however, that aid in bilateral form and
from the Arab Development Bank had been extended only in moderate amounts and
as loans.

Africa

     The progression of African states toward independence, beginning with
Ghana and Guinea in the late 1950s, brought a pronounced reordering of
Liberia's foreign policy priorities. Before that time Liberia's attention was
fixed on the United States and the European colonial powers. Its isolation
from the rest of Africa was both physical and psychological. Not until 1960
was Monrovia connected by road to any neighboring countries. The
Americo-Liberians did not share the interest of the people of British and
French colonies in their African heritage, nor did they become fully
identified with their passionate desire for political independence. Europeans
and African leaders were in turn disinclined to treat Africa's oldest republic
as a valid collaborator in bringing a new order to the continent.

     The surge toward independence among its neighbors induced Liberia to
associate itself with the aspirations of the new nations and the course of the
African unity movement. Tubman's view of Africa as a community of states, each
of which was to retain its own national identity and constitutional structure,
prevailed over the vision of political integration held by Kwame Nkrumah of
Ghana and Ahmed Sekou Toure of Guinea when the OAU was formalized in 1963 (see
Liberia in Africa, ch. 1).

     Liberia aligned itself uncompromisingly with the cause of decolonization
and majority rule in southern Africa. Although Liberia did not have sufficient
resources to provide tangible aid-except in the form of scholarships-to the
black nationalists from South Africa and Southern Rhodesia (later Zimbabwe), a
public campaign raised over $600,000 to be donated to the OAU's coordination
committee for liberation movements in Africa. In 1975 Tolbert disregarded the
OAU boycott against South Africa by agreeing to receive the South African
prime minister, John Vorster, in a secret meeting in Monrovia. Tolbert
dismissed criticism of his action, saying he would go anywhere and talk to
anyone in the interest of peace. Subsequently, Tolbert announced the
suspension of the dialogue in view of the intransigence of the white South
African leadership.

     Other African countries were at first unwilling to deal with the military
government after the toppling of Tolbert's regime. Not only had Tolbert been
the incumbent chairman of the OAU, but he and others of the executed officials
had also been personally known and well regarded by other African notables.
Appeals by the secretary general of the OAU for clemency and a fair trial,
supplemented by requests of the OAU Council of Ministers meeting in special
session in Lagos, Nigeria, for restraint and due process, were ignored. The
new Liberia