Countries of the World/COUNTRYS.BIN/dp/0038/00384.txt

Text File | 1991-06-24 | 23KB | 377 lines

$Unique_ID{COW00384}
$Pretitle{235A}
$Title{Bhutan
Chapter 2.    Politics}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{George L. Harris}
$Affiliation{HQ, Department of the Army}
$Subject{bhutan
india
bhutanese
chinese
government
maharaja
communist
military
minister
prime}
$Date{1973}
$Log{}
Country:     Bhutan
Book:        Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, An Area Study: Bhutan
Author:      George L. Harris
Affiliation: HQ, Department of the Army
Date:        1973

Chapter 2.    Politics

Government

     During the 12 years of his incumbency as a theoretical absolute monarch,
the maharaja has introduced certain features of modern representative
government. The latter include a Prime Minister, an Advisory Council,
comparable to a Cabinet, and a Tsongdu or National Advisory Assembly, created
in the mid-1950s. Although the maharaja appoints the Prime Minister, the
Advisory Council and about 25 percent of the Assembly members, the remaining
assemblymen are elected indirectly every 5 years from among village headmen.

     The Assembly is composed mainly of lamas, district officials and village
headmen, each representing a constituency of some 5,000 persons and comprised
of several villages. Each village, on the basis of one vote for a family,
elects a headman every 3 years. By agreement among themselves the headmen from
each constituency select their representatives to serve in the Assembly for a
5-year term.

     As many of the assemblymen are illiterate, most of the legislative bills
are initiated by the maharaja and placed before the Assembly by the Prime
Minister. Free expression of opinion is encouraged, however, and debates on
some issues reportedly become quite stormy. Members may criticize the
monarchy, even the maharaja himself.

     The Assembly meets once or twice each year, sometimes in Thimbu, the
winter capital, and sometimes in Punakha, the summer capital. Each session,
lasting 1 or 2 weeks, is presided over by the Speaker, who is also Chief
Secretary to the government. Voting is by show of hands, and the maharaja has
final veto power. Presumably a proposed bill can be defeated by a majority
vote, but there is no record of such an action.

     For administrative purposes Bhutan is divided into 15 districts called
dzongs, each headed by a commissioner (trimpong), who is responsible for law
and order and the general welfare of the people in his area. It is mainly
through him that the Prime Minister exercises the authority of the central
government. The trimpong is assisted by a senior official (nyerchen), whose
primary function is tax collection.

     Each village has a council consisting generally of one member from each
family. The council elects a village headman, who, assisted by the council, is
authorized to pass sentence for minor offenses. Cases involving more serious
crimes are referred to the district magistrate (zimpen). All defendants have
the right of appeal up to the maharaja, whose decision is final. The maharaja
alone is empowered to impose or remit the death sentence. Capital punishment,
opposed by most religious leaders, is authorized only for the crimes of
espionage and murder. The people appear proud of their low crime rate, and
cases calling for the death penalty have not arisen during the reign of the
present maharaja. However, some lamas reportedly petitioned the maharaja in
1962 to pass the death sentence on a man convicted of practicing witchraft.
Because it was not a capital offense, the request was refused.

Political Dynamics

     Political leadership has been virtually a monopoly of the Wangchuk family
since 1907, when it was vested with power to rule over secular and religious
affairs. It appears to be confronted with no serious sources of opposition.
The maharaja himself is deeply involved in the broad task of modernization,
but leaves the handling of ordinary political matters to his forceful
brother-in-law, Prime Minister Jigme Polden Dorji.

     Several factors contribute to the apparent apathy of the population
toward political issues. Living standards are relatively good compared to most
other Asian states. Overcrowded and impoverished urban settlements are
lacking, and almost all families own their own land.

     Moreover, until the Chinese Communist aggressions in Tibet and against
the neighboring Indian frontier, the people had been virtually isolated from
the political turmoil of the outside world. Because of the high illiteracy
rate and lack of communications facilities, political organization and the
dissemination of information on political issues have been seriously
handicapped. It is probable, however, that the creation of a National Advisory
Assembly with a large proportion of elected representation will gradually
diminish this apathy.

     The only political movement with any semblance of organization is the
Bhutanese National Congress, which represents the Nepalese minority group,
concentrated mainly along the southern border and estimated to be more than
25 percent of the total population. It also includes a few disgruntled
Bhutanese seeking to escape conscription in road construction work gangs.
Because it is not recognized by the government and because of the difficulties
confronting opposition activities in Bhutan, the National Congress operates
from bases in Assam and Siliguri in West Bengal, of which the later is the
more important. Despite the apparent hopes of its leaders for Indian support,
the Indian Government seemingly gives it no special encouragement because of
an unwillingness to risk political instability in this critical area along its
northern frontier.

     The principal demands of the National Congress program as set forth by
its leader, D.B. Gurung, include abolition of discrimination against the
Nepalese by abolishing the law of 1959 prohibiting the further arrival of
emigrants; liberalization of the maharaja's rule; and an increase of elected
representation in the government. Information regarding the effectiveness of
the program's appeal is not available, but some of the visitors returning from
the country assert that it evokes a sympathetic reaction among a gradually
increasing number of people.

     Despite the general sluggishness of political movements, there are
several sources of discontent that might be exploited at a propitious time as
issues in a campaign against the ruling powers. Traces of feudalism still
remain, and landlords still receive a large part of the country's income. More
than 25 percent of the state income reportedly is given to the monasteries.
Although the general political picture appears calm on the surface, the latent
discontent and the demands of the large Nepalese minority could under strong
leadership readily develop into a major political problem.

Key Political Figures

     The leading personality in the country is Maharaja Jigme Dorji Wangchuk.
Born in 1929 and enthroned on October 27, 1952, he is third in the hereditary
line of maharajas established in 1907 by the British. Although educated in
Bhutan by royal tutors he speaks fluent English, Hindi and Tibetan. In 1951 he
married the European-educated cousin of the Maharaja of Sikkim. During his
brief reign he has established a countrywide reputation for his
humanitarianism and for his reforms, which include the abolition of slavery,
democratization of royalty, and promotion of women's rights. He suffered a
severe heart attack on March 19, 1963, but reportedly was completely recovered
by February 1964 after treatment in Zurich.

     The Maharaja's closest adviser is the dynamic Prime Minister, Jigme
Polden Dorji, a brother of the Queen. Born about 1918, he is the most
powerful official in the government. Although he is responsible only to the
Maharaja, he customarily consults the National Assembly on all affairs of
state and respects the opinions of its members.

Foreign Relations

     The foreign relations of Bhutan have been conducted by a foreign power
since the signing of the Punakha Treaty with the British in 1910. Under this
treaty the Bh