Countries of the World/COUNTRYS.BIN/dp/0034/00342.txt

Text File | 1991-06-24 | 25KB | 402 lines

$Unique_ID{COW00342}
$Pretitle{370}
$Title{Belgium
Chapter 1A. Historical Setting}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{Rita Moore-Robinson}
$Affiliation{HQ, Department of the Army}
$Subject{political
system
social
issue
parties
economic
language
area
roman
century}
$Date{1984}
$Log{Gothic architecture*0034201.scf
Figure 2.*0034202.scf
}
Country:     Belgium
Book:        Belgium, A Country Study
Author:      Rita Moore-Robinson
Affiliation: HQ, Department of the Army
Date:        1984

Chapter 1A. Historical Setting

[See Gothic architecture: Gothic architecture, Ghent (1325)]

     Belgian history is a history of conflict and accommodation. The territory
long served as the battlefield where the European balance of power was
resolved. Its very existence as an independent nation from 1830 had to be
sanctioned and protected by the European powers. Nevertheless, its own
internal conflicts over economic benefits, social prestige, and political
power have determined the development of Belgium's distinctive social and
political system. A method of conflict management evolved that gathered all
groups and issues into a unified and centralized system of consensual
decisionmaking. The result was the fascinating paradox of a highly politicized
society in which the individual was simultaneously remarkably acquiescent. The
unitary parliamentary monarchy created in 1830-31 has survived sectarian
conflict, populist protest movements, foreign occupation, and economic crisis,
as well as challenges to the monarchy, parliament, and state unity.

     The territory now known as Belgium has been unified and centralized for
a relatively short period, slightly more than 150 years. For most of its
history the area was a loose collection of municipalities and provinces that
functioned more or less autonomously. Contact among them was limited; although
they were important commercial centers, their trade was more often directed
toward the rest of Europe than toward one another. Over the generations,
residents of these areas developed an intense loyalty to their particular
area and a fiercely independent spirit that confounded the attempts of
successive foreign governments to impose a centralized state. Resistance to
centralization intensified when policies were unpalatable, but the tug-of-war
between the center and the provinces (even cities in some cases) for authority
and power remained an essential dynamic of politics, and the provinces
periodically reasserted their historic independence.

     In the period since independence, Belgian history has been the product
of the interplay of three societal cleavages. These cleavages emerged in
different periods, raising sets of issues that for a time dominated the
political scene. The first cleavage, over the relationship between the state
and organized religion, dominated Belgian politics from about 1838 to 1884. It
manifested itself in a bitter battle between Roman Catholics, anxious to
defend and promote the traditional authority of their church in society and
politics, and anticlericals, or Liberals-most often Freemasons-who were
equally dedicated to maintaining a liberal democratic, secular, and "neutral",
state. The battleground was the educational system: the establishment of rival
public and "free" (Catholic) primary and secondary schools. Tensions
escalated, and mass mobilization in the form of street demonstrations,
petitions to the king, and electoral politics made the issue a significant
factor in the lives of most Belgians. The crisis was finally settled, in a
remarkably amicable denouncement to the venomous battle, by a pact among
members of the political elite in 1884 guaranteeing the right of both systems
of education to exist side by side.

     Part of the reason for the sudden resolution of the seemingly intractable
debate was the emergence of a second cleavage based upon socioeconomic
factors. The political system was still controlled by a small "political
class" composed of those few who qualified for the vote under the regime
censitaire (restricted, property-based franchise). From about 1850, however,
industrialization brought significant changes in the social structure, which
had remained relatively static since the eighteenth century. The rise of the
factory system (especially in Wallonia) led to the development of a trade
union movement. The natural antipathy between employers and was labor
exacerbated by the political system's denial of basic political rights (the
right to vote, the right to organize) to the working class, despite Belgium's
claim to being a democracy.

     The labor movement, under the banner of socialism, sought to improve the
life of the average worker first by social action-mutual aid societies to
provide aid in times of illness, unemployment, or family crisis-and strikes,
but it became clear that these activities could only ameliorate conditions,
not change them. Finally, in the 1880s the leaders of the movement determined
that only legislation would result in permanent and substantial change for
labor. They founded the Belgian Workers Party in 1885 to work for the
extension of the franchise and eventually social legislation.

     As pressure mounted to democratize the political system, members of the
elite freed themselves from the internecine struggle over the religious issue
and turned their attention to the emerging labor offensive. The Socialists'
activism galvanized the older political groupings into formally organized
parties rather than the informal associations appropriate to a political
system characterized by an "old boy network." These parties established
elaborate social networks to rival the Socialists', enmeshing the "little man"
into competing "spiritual families" (French, familles spirituelles). Only then
was the franchise extended. Democratization was achieved without violence, the
Socialist leaders were welcomed into the fraternity by the Catholic and
Liberal elite, and the party system was consolidated into the basic forum for
political activity. The labor movement, through the Socialist party, achieved
virtually all its goals, including the "welfare state," over the course of
about 60 years (1885-1947).

     The third cleavage, between French speakers and Dutch speakers, evolved
slowly into a major political issue. Although a number of prominent Flemings
demanded equal recognition of Dutch throughout the nineteenth century, the
language question was placed on the political agenda during World War I, owing
to Flemish militancy and the threat of mutiny among Flemish soldiers at the
front. Throughout the 1920s the issue simmered, gaining strength among
Flemings and prompting a reaction from the Walloons and other French speakers.
After World War II, as the socioeconomic issue was settled, the language issue
took center stage and dominated Belgian politics into the 1980s.

     Despite the multiple cleavages and the intensity of passions aroused by
them, Belgium has remained remarkably stable. This is owing in large part to
the multifaceted role played by political parties. They have become three
self-sufficient spiritual families, "pillars," or "worlds," enveloping each
citizen in a cocoon of social relations. At the apex, the political party has
overseen the internal life of the pillar and represented it in the political
battles against rival pillars. These pillars have constituted the foundation
for the entire system-political, social, and economic-and have served a number
of crucial functions in maintaining stability.

     The completeness of associational memberships within society guaranteed
that the level of independent or disruptive activity among citizens would be
very low. Every interest, every need-whether social, economic, or
political-was funneled through an organization tied to a pillar. This gave the
political parties enormous power to orchestrate public emotions and actions to
achieve maximum effect in political struggles, while maintaining their ability
to defuse crises rapidly by demobilizing their constituents.