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$Unique_ID{bob00886}
$Pretitle{}
$Title{History Of Europe During The Middle Ages
Part I}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{Hallam, Henry}
$Affiliation{}
$Subject{history
empire
mohammed
first
footnote
upon
constantinople
perhaps
saracens
bagdad}
$Date{}
$Log{}
Title: History Of Europe During The Middle Ages
Book: Book VI: History Of The Greeks And Saracens
Author: Hallam, Henry
Part I
Rise Of Mohammedism - Causes Of Its Success - Progress Of Saracen Arms -
Greek Empire - Decline Of The Khalifs - The Greeks Recover Part Of Their
Losses - The Turks - The Crusades - Capture Of Constantinople By The Latins -
Its Recovery By The Greeks - The Moguls - The Ottomans - Danger At
Constantinople - Timur - Capture Of Constantinople By Mahomet II. - Alarm Of
Europe.
The difficulty which occurs to us in endeavoring to fix a natural
commencement of modern history even in the western countries of Europe is much
enhanced when we direct our attention to the Eastern empire. In tracing the
long series of the Byzantine annals we never lose sight of antiquity; the
Greek language, the Roman name, the titles, the laws, all the shadowy
circumstances of ancient greatness, attend us throughout the progress from the
first to the last of the Constantines; and it is only when we observe the
external condition and relations of their empire, that we perceive ourselves
to be embarked in a new sea, and are compelled to deduce, from points of
bearing to the history of other nations, a line of separation which the
domestic revolutions of Constantinople would not satisfactorily afford. The
appearance of Mohammed, and the conquests of his disciples, present an epoch
in the history of Asia still more important and more definite than the
subversion of the Roman empire in Europe; and hence the boundary-line between
the ancient and modern divisions of Byzantine history will intersect the reign
of Heraclius. That prince may be said to have stood on the verge of both
hemispheres of time, whose youth was crowned with the last victories over the
successors of Artaxerxes, and whose age was clouded by the first calamities of
Mohammedan invasion.
Of all the revolutions which have had a permanent influence upon the
civil history of mankind, none could so little be anticipated by human
prudence as that effected by the religion of Arabia. As the seeds of
invisible disease grow up sometimes in silence to maturity, till they manifest
themselves hopeless and irresistible, the gradual propagation of a new faith
in a barbarous country beyond the limits of the empire was hardly known
perhaps, and certainly disregarded, in the court of Constantinople. Arabia,
in the age of Mohammed, was divided into many small states, most of which,
however, seem to have looked up to Mecca as the capital of their nation and
the chief seat of their religious worship. The capture of that city
accordingly, and subjugation of its powerful and numerous aristocracy, readily
drew after it the submission of the minor tribes, who transferred to the
conqueror the reverence they were used to show to those he had subdued. If we
consider Mohammed only as a military usurper, there is nothing more explicable
or more analogous, especially to the course of oriental history, than his
success. But as the author of a religious imposture, upon which, though
avowedly unattested by miraculous powers, and though originally
discountenanced by the civil magistrate, he had the boldness to found a scheme
of universal dominion, which his followers were half enabled to realize, it is
a curious speculation by what means he could inspire so sincere, so ardent, so
energetic, and so permanent a belief.
A full explanation of the causes which contributed to the progress of
Mohammedism is not perhaps, at present, attainable by those most conversant
with this department of literature. ^a But we may point out several of leading
importance: in the first place, those just and elevated notions of the divine
nature and of moral duties, the gold-ore that pervades the dross of the Koran,
which were calculated to strike a serious and reflecting people, already
perhaps disinclined, by intermixture with their Jewish and Christian
fellow-citizens, to the superstitions of their ancient idolatry; ^b next, the
artful incorporation of tenets, usages, and traditions from the various
religions that existed in Arabia; ^c and thirdly, the extensive application of
the precepts in the Koran, a book confessedly written with much elegance and
purity, to all legal transactions and all the business of life. It may be
expected that I should add to these what is commonly considered as a
distinguishing mark of Mohammedism, its indulgence to voluptuousness. But
this appears to be greatly exaggerated. Although the character of its founder
may have been tainted by sensuality as well as ferociousness, I do not think
that he relied upon inducements of the former kind for the diffusion of his
system. We are not to judge of this by rules of Christian purity, or of
European practice. If polygamy was a prevailing usage in Arabia, as is not
questioned, its permission gave no additional license to the proselytes of
Mohammed, who will be found rather to have narrowed the unbounded liberty of
oriental manners in this respect; while his decided condemnation of adultery,
and of incestuous connections, so frequent among barbarous nations, does not
argue a very lax and accommodating morality. A devout Mussulman exhibits much
more of the Stoical than the Epicurean character. Nor can any one read the
Koran without being sensible that it breathes an austere and scrupulous
spirit. And, in fact, the founder of a new religion or sect is little likely
to obtain permanent success by indulging the vices and luxuries of mankind. I
should rather be disposed to reckon the severity of Mohammed's discipline
among the causes of its influence. Precepts of ritual observance, being
always definite and unequivocal, are less likely to be neglected, after their
obligation has been acknowledged, than those of moral virtue.
[Footnote a: We are very destitute of satisfactory materials for the history
of Mohammed himself. Abulfeda, the most judicious of his biographers, lived
in the fourteenth century, when it must have been morally impossible to
discriminate the truth amidst the torrent of fabulous tradition. Al Jannabi,
whom Gagnier translated, is a mere legend writer; it would be as rational to
rely on the Acta Sanctorum as his romance. It is therefore difficult to
ascertain the real character of the prophet, except as it is deducible from
the Koran.]
[Footnote b: The very curious romance of Antar, written, perhaps, before the
appearance of Mohammed, seems to render it probable that, however, idolatry,
as we are told by Sale, might prevail in some parts of Arabia, yet the genuine
religion of the descendants of Ishmael was a belief in the unity of God as
strict as is laid down in the Koran itself, and accompanied by the same
antipathy, partly religious, partly natural, towards the Fire-worshippers
which Mohammed inculcated. This corroborates what I had said in the text
before the publication of that work.]
[Footnote c: I am very much disposed to believe, notwithstanding what seems to
be the general opinion, that Mohammed had never read any part of the New
Testament. His knowledge of Christianity appears to be wholly derived from
the apocryphal gospels and similar works. He admitted the miraculous
conception and prophetic character of Jesus, but not his divinity or
pre-existence. Hence it is rather surprising to read, in a popular book of
sermons by a living prelate, that all the heresies of the Christian church (I
quote the substance from memory) are to be found in the Koran, but especially
that of Arianism. No one who knows what Arianism is, and what Mohammedism is,
could possibly fall into so strange an error. The misfortune has been, that
the learned writer, while accumulating a mass of reading upon this part of his
subject,