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- <text id=89TT2446>
- <title>
- Sep. 18, 1989: The Presidency
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1989
- Sep. 18, 1989 Torching The Amazon
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- NATION, Page 32
- The Presidency
- The Struggle with Ourselves
- </hdr><body>
- <p>By Hugh Sidey
- </p>
- <p> It was a strange way to start a war. When members of George
- Bush's senior staff gathered in the Cabinet Room to watch the
- President's drug speech, they took a peek beforehand at the
- broadcast of David Frost's down-home interview with the First
- Couple. There were George and Barbara Bush at their elegant
- Kennebunkport mansion set against the uncrowded beauty of
- Maine's shoreline.
- </p>
- <p> When the President had finished his Oval Office
- declaration, there was enthusiastic applause from the Cabinet
- Room coterie and champagne all around to toast the performance,
- coached by the Machiavelli of modern political media, Roger
- Ailes. There was little tension in the atmosphere: no black
- limousines cruising through the dark, no all-night vigil in the
- Situation Room -- hallmarks of crisis through the years. The
- only drug officer around was the man who brought the crack that
- Bush brandished on the air.
- </p>
- <p> The nation has been launched on something brand new and not
- fully comprehended or sorted out by the President. The metaphor
- "drug war" does not even work very well. War implies an
- adversary that can be identified and attacked. It requires a
- traditional assault with money and power of some sort.
- Democratic Senator Joseph Biden, rebutting Bush, claimed we need
- a "D-day," not a "Viet Nam," against drugs, a sign that he is
- still having trouble with semantics. Viet Nam failed because of
- a D-day mentality. It never should have been fought as it was.
- There is every indication this time as well that traditional
- approaches simply will not work. They certainly have not for the
- past 20 years, during which the war on drugs has been declared
- and redeclared. This country is grappling with its soul as well
- as with cocaine cartels.
- </p>
- <p> Pundits, entangled in the pervasive nature of the drug
- scourge, were not having much better luck searching for
- historical precedents. George Will compared the problem with
- civil rights, where legislation led to a change in attitudes.
- But how do you change appetites? Milton Friedman hastily pointed
- out that prohibition against demon rum in the 1920s was an
- abject failure. Back then, however, schools and quiet
- neighborhood streets were rarely if ever menaced by
- booze-running kids and gangs with automatic weapons and stacks
- of cash.
- </p>
- <p> The scope of the drug problem reminds some of the Great
- Depression, when the U.S. faced a crisis of confidence as well
- as the tangible burdens of idled shops, busted banks,
- homelessness and hunger. But Franklin Roosevelt was given almost
- everything he wanted by a Congress that had lost its way along
- with most other Americans. The morning after Bush's speech it
- was quite plain that Congress would try to dictate the size and
- direction of the drug campaign. There was no carte blanche for
- the President, instead the prospect of bitter argument within
- his own political system.
- </p>
- <p> By week's end the more thoughtful people around the White
- House were talking not about a war but about a siege, even "a
- continual call to the American people to resist drugs." Bush
- launched his campaign the morning after his talk with a
- heartrending stop at D.C. General Hospital's ward for babies
- abandoned by addicts. The great weapon may be, as it has been
- in the past, the democratic process itself -- the argument, the
- criticism, the stops and starts, the big failures and little
- successes -- and from it all, finally, the heightened awareness
- that changes hearts. Almost nothing else will put such a foe in
- its place.
- </p>
-
- </body></article>
- </text>
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