home
***
CD-ROM
|
disk
|
FTP
|
other
***
search
/
TIME: Almanac 1990s
/
Time_Almanac_1990s_SoftKey_1994.iso
/
time
/
031494
/
03149920.000
< prev
next >
Wrap
Text File
|
1994-05-26
|
4KB
|
87 lines
<text id=94TT0288>
<title>
Mar. 14, 1994: Score One For The Indians
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1994
Mar. 14, 1994 How Man Began
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
MEXICO, Page 44
Score One For The Indians
</hdr>
<body>
<p>Zapatista rebels win government pledges to transform the political
and economic climate of Chiapas
</p>
<p>By Michael S. Serrill--Reported by Laura Lopez and Kieran Murray/San Cristobal de las
Casas
</p>
<p> The negotiators for the Zapatista National Liberation Army
stood ready for betrayal. Through 10 days of talks with the
Mexican government, 19 Chiapas rebel leaders kept their faces
concealed by masks and bandannas. Their spokesman, the mysterious
Subcomandante Marcos, strapped a gun on his hip and slung two
bandoliers of cartridges over his shoulder. The precautions
proved unnecessary: during round-the-clock talks, the government
not only bargained in good faith, but gave in on all but the
most outlandish rebel demands. The result was a tentative peace
accord that is something of a landmark for Mexico.
</p>
<p> "We have found attentive ears willing to listen to our truth,"
remarked a Zapatista commander, before he and his colleagues
returned to their mountain redoubts to seek ratification of
the agreement from their followers. "This stage of dialogue
has ended, and it is on a good path." Government peace commissioner
Manuel Camacho Solis was equally enthusiastic: "Every time there
was a rebellion, it always ended in a huge massacre of Indians.
Here it is ending in dialogue." He insisted that there were
"no winners or losers" at the bargaining table, but it is difficult
not to see the Zapatistas as triumphant. If President Carlos
Salinas de Gortari honors the pledges to the insurgents, it
could transform the political and economic climate in Chiapas,
Mexico's southernmost state and one of its poorest, and improve
conditions for Mexico's 6.4 million Indians.
</p>
<p> The government agreed to more than a dozen reforms, including
speedy rural electrification; more housing, health clinics and
schools; more bilingual education for Indian communities; new
state legislative boundaries to increase Indian representation;
plots of land for peasants; and reform of the repressive justice
system. The government also promised to convene a special session
of Congress to bolster laws prohibiting discrimination against
Indians, and agreed to help Indian communities compete fairly
under the North American Free Trade Agreement.
</p>
<p> Salinas' delicate handling of the popular Zapatista demands
has so far proved politically shrewd. He salvaged his reformist
image, and his handpicked P.R.I. presidential candidate, Luis
Donaldo Colosio, retains a 60%-to-27% lead over his closest
rival. But the policy could still backfire. There is widespread
speculation that Camacho, a respected former mayor of Mexico
City who was passed over in the presidential sweepstakes, might
use the Zapatista negotiation as a springboard to an independent
presidential bid. Many ruling party faithful blame Salinas'
concessions in Chiapas for a sharp increase in strikes and demonstrations
across the nation. Indians in Oaxaca and Guerrero states are
demanding the same concessions as their brothers in Chiapas.
Last week 1,000 students marching in Michoacan state to protest
a rise in public bus fares burned several vehicles and threatened
to set government offices on fire unless officials agreed to
talk.
</p>
<p> In Chiapas itself, there is no guarantee that the accord will
pass muster among Zapatista supporters, and many point out that
they have no assurances that the government's promises will
last beyond the Aug. 21 elections. If the paper promises do
not produce action, rebel leader Subcomandante Marcos vowed
to launch another offensive in the Zapatista war.
</p>
</body>
</article>
</text>