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Time - Man of the Year
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1993-04-08
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INVESTIGATIONS, Page 46Stamps of Disapproval
A federal probe into alleged campaign-fund abuses focuses on
one of Congress's most influential budget decision makers --
and one of Clinton's most powerful allies
By NANCY TRAVER/WASHINGTON
"Your agenda is my agenda," said Dan Rostenkowski when he
greeted Bill Clinton on Capitol Hill last week. Coming from the
powerful chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, who
will be a key player in shepherding the new President's economic
program through Congress next year, that seemed a reassuring
pledge. But there may be a problem: TIME has learned that this
mainstay of Clinton's legislative strategy could be severely
shaken -- if not toppled -- by the results of a criminal
investigation into the alleged misuse of Rostenkowski's $1.3
million campaign fund.
Launched 18 months ago by U.S. Attorney Jay Stephens, the
probe initially focused on what looked like a bizarre
money-laundering scheme involving the House post office, which
has been rocked by charges of drug use, mismanagement and
embezzlement by employees. Last September, after pleading guilty
to embezzlement and misuse of public funds, the post office's
former chief of staff Joanna O'Rourke agreed to cooperate with
investigators. The inquiry was expanded after she told federal
prosecutors that the post office frequently cashed campaign
checks that purported to be for stamps.
Investigators then zeroed in on House members whose stamp
purchases seemed excessive. Rostenkowski was the hands-down
leader with $29,672 worth of stamps -- enough to mail 50
first-class letters every day of the six-year period under
review by the grand jury. Joe Kolter and Austin Murphy, both
Pennsylvania Democrats, were also big customers at the House
post office.
Federal officials are puzzled as to why the three needed
so many stamps when the congressional franking privilege allows
them to mail almost anything official simply by displaying
their signature on the envelope. "I mail a lot," shrugs
Rostenkowski when asked about his voracious appetite for stamps.
"Overseas mail, you've got to put stamps on."
Called to testify before a federal grand jury in July,
Rostenkowski refused, citing his Fifth Amendment rights against
self-incrimination. Instead, he invited investigators to his
office to talk "informally" about the House post office;
prosecutor Stephens turned down the offer. Murphy and Kolter
also refused to testify.
Last month prosecutors subpoenaed records from
Rostenkowski's 1992 re-election campaign as well as records of
Serafin Associates in Chicago, a company that worked for
Rostenkowski's campaign. The Illinois Democrat has also been
ordered to turn over his vouchers for goods and services over
the past six years. In addition, at least 20 of Rostenkowski's
former and current staff members have been called to testify.
Federal prosecutors are trying to learn whether Rostenkowski and
other legislators made efforts to coerce staff members into
shielding them from criminal charges by taking responsibility
for the alleged scheme. So far, Rostenkowski has spent more than
$91,000 from his campaign fund to pay his legal fees and those
of his staff.
U.S. Attorney Stephens, who was criticized for setting up
the 1990 sting operation that led to former Washington Mayor
Marion Barry's drug conviction, last week described the probe
simply as "an ongoing criminal investigation into allegations
relating to operations of the House post office and efforts to
obstruct that investigation." TIME has learned, however, that
investigators believe the stamp purchases make up only a small
part of a larger scheme to launder campaign funds and convert
them for personal use. Subpoenas issued in the case have made
it clear that investigators are looking into whether lawmakers
or their aides illegally channeled campaign contributions
through the House post office.
Investigators initially suspected that Congressmen were
buying stamps with office-expense vouchers, then trading them
in for cash. Now it seems that the thousands of 29 cents stamps
may never have physically changed hands at all; Rostenkowski's
campaign may have written checks for postage and, instead of
getting stamps, received cash from cooperative employees at the
House post office. A source close to the investigation frames
the central question in these terms: "Did they bring checks
and, instead of buying stamps, get money and then take that
money and run?"
Rostenkowski's office denies the allegations, and has
reacted indignantly. "Why doesn't Stephens look into typewriter
ribbons or pencils, instead of stamps?" demanded spokesman Jim
Jaffe last week. "Maybe he'd find some criminality there too."
As for the chairman, he waves off the federal probe as a
"fishing expedition." But fish can be caught -- even big ones
-- and the trawlers seem to be circling.