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From: owner-abolition-usa-digest@lists.xmission.com (abolition-usa-digest)
To: abolition-usa-digest@lists.xmission.com
Subject: abolition-usa-digest V1 #466
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abolition-usa-digest Sunday, September 16 2001 Volume 01 : Number 466
----------------------------------------------------------------------
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------------------------------
Date: Sat, 15 Sep 2001 10:03:08 +0100
From: Sally Light <sallight1@earthlink.net>
Subject: (abolition-usa) [Fwd: [abolition-caucus] A Letter to Bush from Hiroshima]
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Date: Sat, 15 Sep 2001 21:51:30 +0900
Subject: [abolition-caucus] A Letter to Bush from Hiroshima
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Dear Friends,
Since I haven't seen on this list-serve the following letter to Bush from
the Hiroshima Alliance for Nuclear Weapons Abolition, a newly established
citizens' coalition across the local organizations, I'll forward it
herewith.
In peace and solidarity,
Hiro Umebayashi
*************************************************
Hiro Umebayashi
President/Executive Director, Peace Depot
International Coordinator, Pacific Campaign
for Disarmament and Security (PCDS)
3-3-1 Minowa-cho, Kohoku-ku, Yokohama, 223-0051 Japan
tel: 81-45-563-5101 (office), fax: 81:45-563-9907 (office)
e-mail: CXJ15621@nifty.ne.jp (personal)
*************************************************
September 13, 2001
The Honorable George W. Bush
President of the United States
Dear President Bush,
We are writing on behalf of the Hiroshima Alliance for Nuclear Weapons
Abolition to express our condolences for those who died in the tragic
terrorist attack on the World Trade Towers and the Pentagon on September 11.
We share your grief and sorrow that so many innocent lives were lost to this
violent outburst of hatred.
We are concerned, however, about the repeated comparisons of this incident
to Pearl Harbor. That attack led very quickly to the hysterical
incarceration of Japanese Americans. Ultimately, it led to atomic bombings
that devastated not two buildings but two entire cities. We beg you to
ensure that no similar hysteria sweeps your nation again.
We are further concerned about the emphasis in your subsequent speech to
the nation on America$B!G(Bs power and determination to exact revenge. Thus, we
are writing to urge you to refrain from reacting in anger and violence. As
the most powerful nation on Earth, the United States must not stoop to the
level of these terrorists. They are desperate, filled with rage. As you
said, the US is strong, strong enough to rise above even this. This tragic
man-made disaster must not be the start of a wildly escalating vicious cycle
of violence that will bring the whole world down to the level of Israel$B!G(Bs
West Bank.
We hope this incident will convince you that any effort to protect the US
with a missile defence program or space-based weapons will be futile. We
must all realize that our enemy is not any group of terrorists. Rather, it
is the hatred and rage that move terrorists and burn in all our hearts
today. The US should immediately re-evaluate its reliance on power and make
serious efforts to explore and alleviate misery and hatred throughout the
world. Rather than remaining an object of envy and hate, the US must earn
the love and respect of an increasingly desperate and interdependent world.
Friendship and cooperation are the only means of achieving true and lasting
security.
Please be aware that the peace-loving people of Hiroshima stand ready to
help you and the United States in any way we can to fight hatred and
violence.
Sincerely,
Mitsuo Okamoto Goro Kawai Haruko Moritaki
On behalf of the Hiroshima Alliance for Nuclear Weapons Abolition
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------------------------------
Date: Sat, 15 Sep 2001 16:52:24 -0700
From: carol wolman <cwolman@mcn.org>
Subject: Re: (abolition-usa) Re: [abolition-caucus] Towards a New Progressive Security Agenda
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Well said, Jonathan. Thank you. Peace, Carol
JGG786@aol.com wrote:
> The hearts of all of good will suffer when injustice is committed. Its
> scale can never be measured and the cry of the innocent never fully
> understood. Let us take courage and stand stronger to address the
> causes the manifest in the horrors we are seeing.
>
> The blasts of the tragic airplane hijack attacks of September 11, 2001
> awakens us to serious reflection. Yet, our hearts cry like the sirens
> wailing in ambulances carrying suffering casualties to hospitals.
> First, our hearts deeply mourn the dead and feel for the losses felt
> by their immediate friends and families. They alone know the depths of
> grief. Second, we grieve for the loss of humanity in the hearts of the
> perpetrators for whom only desperate acts of irrationality appeared
> viable. Third, we emphasize how important a shock this is to the peace
> and security of our nation. Rational sober responses leading to
> greater justice and moral coherence will alone cure that shock.
>
> May God protect the souls of the departed and lead us, the living, to
> bring about a world of greater hope and justice for the
> disenfranchised while ensuring safety for the privileged. The duty to
> ensure that desperation does not lead to even greater irrational
> destruction through the use of a nuclear device has been heightened by
> this tragedy. It is imperative that there be an international
> cooperative security regime that will not allow fissile materials to
> be in the hands of those who devalue life. It is imperative that
> nuclear states set a credible example by working to rid the world of
> threats to the innocent and immediately take nuclear weapons off alert
> status and create an international inventory of fissile materials.
> Greater efforts in working for real peace, nuclear disarmament and
> human security are needed now more than ever.
>
> Now is the time to help. We must organize to:
> 1. Address the gross disparities of wealth on the planet and never
> demonize any peoples, for the dehumanization of others is the
> precondition for heartless killing.
> 2. Promote sustainable development so that people have hope and the
> environment can continue to sustain human life
> 3. Promote cooperative security by:
> a. working systematically to end reliance on the threat to use nuclear
> weapons;
> b. quickly creating an international inventory of fissile weapons
> grade materials so that a terrorist cannot use a device that will
> destroy millions of innocent lives and ensure the end of civil
> liberties by creating a credible threat to national security;
> c. make sure our civil liberties remain intact;
> d. ratify the International Criminal Court and bring those who have
> committed a crime against humanity to international justice.
>
> Deeply Appreciative of All Who Work for All,
> Jonathan Granoff
> President of the Global Security Institute
- --------------861FE4DAA31A3CED6574663A
Content-Type: text/html; charset=us-ascii
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit
<!doctype html public "-//w3c//dtd html 4.0 transitional//en">
<html>
Well said, Jonathan. Thank you. Peace, Carol
<p>JGG786@aol.com wrote:
<blockquote TYPE=CITE><font face="arial,helvetica"><font size=+1>The hearts
of all of good will suffer when injustice is committed. Its scale can never
be measured and the cry of the innocent never fully understood. Let us
take courage and stand stronger to address the causes the manifest in the
horrors we are seeing.</font></font>
<p><font face="arial,helvetica"><font size=+1>The blasts of the tragic
airplane hijack attacks of September 11, 2001 awakens us to serious reflection.
Yet, our hearts cry like the sirens wailing in ambulances carrying suffering
casualties to hospitals. First, our hearts deeply mourn the dead and feel
for the losses felt by their immediate friends and families. They alone
know the depths of grief. Second, we grieve for the loss of humanity in
the hearts of the perpetrators for whom only desperate acts of irrationality
appeared viable. Third, we emphasize how important a shock this is to the
peace and security of our nation. Rational sober responses leading to greater
justice and moral coherence will alone cure that shock.</font></font>
<p><font face="arial,helvetica"><font size=+1>May God protect the souls
of the departed and lead us, the living, to bring about a world of greater
hope and justice for the disenfranchised while ensuring safety for the
privileged. The duty to ensure that desperation does not lead to even greater
irrational destruction through the use of a nuclear device has been heightened
by this tragedy. It is imperative that there be an international cooperative
security regime that will not allow fissile materials to be in the hands
of those who devalue life. It is imperative that nuclear states set a credible
example by working to rid the world of threats to the innocent and immediately
take nuclear weapons off alert status and create an international inventory
of fissile materials. Greater efforts in working for real peace, nuclear
disarmament and human security are needed now more than ever.</font></font>
<p><font face="arial,helvetica"><font size=+1>Now is the time to help.
We must organize to:</font></font>
<br><font face="arial,helvetica"><font size=+1>1. Address the gross disparities
of wealth on the planet and never demonize any peoples, for the dehumanization
of others is the precondition for heartless killing.</font></font>
<br><font face="arial,helvetica"><font size=+1>2. Promote sustainable development
so that people have hope and the environment can continue to sustain human
life</font></font>
<br><font face="arial,helvetica"><font size=+1>3. Promote cooperative security
by:</font></font>
<br><font face="arial,helvetica"><font size=+1>a. working systematically
to end reliance on the threat to use nuclear weapons;</font></font>
<br><font face="arial,helvetica"><font size=+1>b. quickly creating an international
inventory of fissile weapons grade materials so that a terrorist cannot
use a device that will destroy millions of innocent lives and ensure the
end of civil liberties by creating a credible threat to national security;</font></font>
<br><font face="arial,helvetica"><font size=+1>c. make sure our civil liberties
remain intact;</font></font>
<br><font face="arial,helvetica"><font size=+1>d. ratify the International
Criminal Court and bring those who have committed a crime against humanity
to international justice.</font></font>
<p><font face="arial,helvetica"><font size=+1>Deeply Appreciative of All
Who Work for All,</font></font>
<br><font face="arial,helvetica"><font size=+1>Jonathan Granoff</font></font>
<br><font face="arial,helvetica"><font size=+1>President of the Global
Security Institute</font></font></blockquote>
</html>
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------------------------------
Date: Sun, 16 Sep 2001 12:52:09 +0100
From: Sally Light <sallight1@earthlink.net>
Subject: (abolition-usa) Re: [abolition-caucus] IPS story on treaties on terrorism
John - Thanks for posting this excellent article. Very helpful. Best - Sally.
John Burroughs wrote:
> http://www.ipsdailyjournal.org/daily/091201.htm
>
> US SHIES AWAY FROM UN TREATIES ON TERRORISM
>
> by Thalif Deen
>
> UNITED NATIONS, Sep 11 (IPS) - Less than 24 hours before the United States
> came
> under a wave of terrorist attacks, the United Nations was rejoicing over the
> fact that 83 of its 189 member states had ratified some 12 existing U.N.
> conventions against international terrorism. But what was "particularly
> gratifying", said Secretary-General Kofi Annan in his annual report to the
> General Assembly, was that 16 of those countries had ratified the landmark
> International Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist Bombings which
> entered into force in May this year. The U.S., which was not on the list of 83
> ratifiers, is one of the few countries that refuses to ratify international
> conventions, including those against terrorism. "Sign yes, ratify no," says a
> U.N. official, speaking on condition of anonymity. If a country refuses to
> ratify a treaty, that treaty has no legal validity in that country, he added.
>
> During the last four years, the United Nations has established two new
> conventions: the 1999 International Convention For the Suppression of
> Terrorist
> Financing and the 1997 U.N. Convention on the Suppression of Terrorist
> Bombings. Successive U.S. administrations have been thwarted by right-wing
> politicians in Congress who argue that the Washington should not be party to
> international conventions because they either override domestic law or are
> perceived as being not in the national interest. As a result, the United
> States
> has refused to ratify not only conventions against terrorism but also several
> other treaties, including a convention against landmines and those relating to
> climate change, law of the sea, and the creation of an international criminal
> court.
>
> Nevertheless, Annan Tuesday expressed shock and grief following the day's
> terror attacks against New York's World Trade Centre and the U.S. defence
> department's Pentagon headquarters. Annan expressed his ''profound condolences
> to (the attacks' victims and their families) and to the people and government
> of the United States.'' ''There can be no doubt that these attacks are
> deliberate acts of terrorism, carefully planned and coordinated - and as
> such I
> condemn them utterly. Terrorism must be fought resolutely wherever it
> appears,'' Annan said.
>
> In his report to the General Assembly Monday, Annan said he was looking
> forward
> to two new conventions currently under discussion: an International Convention
> for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism and an omnibus Comprehensive
> Convention on International Terrorism. Both conventions are scheduled for
> discussion by the Adhoc Committee on Terrorism during the current session of
> the General Assembly, which runs through mid-December. Meanwhile, the United
> States also has continued to express strong reservations over a Third World
> proposal for a major international conference to combat terrorism. Addressing
> the Ad Hoc Committee last February, U.S. delegate Robert Rosenstock said
> such a
> conference would have no practical benefits. "The issues suggested as possible
> subjects at such a conference had historically confounded a practical
> solution," he said.
>
> Rosenstock told the Committee that a conference on terrorism would distract
> from pragmatic measures that could and should be taken - such as steps to
> facilitate and encourage universal adherence to the existing 12 terrorism
> conventions adopted by the United Nations. The U.S. delegate also pointed out
> that an effective vehicle to discuss these issues would be the 189-member
> General Assembly, which annually adopts more than half a dozen U.N.
> resolutions
> relating to terorrism. Rosenstock questioned whether an international
> conference on terrorism would be "a useful stimulus or a costly distraction."
>
> The proposed conference, backed by the 119-member Non-Aligned Movement
> (NAM) of
> Third World nations, is expected to tackle several sensitive subjects,
> including one of the most politically- divisive issues at the United Nations:
> how to distinguish a terrorist from a freedom fighter. The proposal for an
> international conference on terrorism has been kicked around at the United
> Nations for nearly a decade. But it has failed to get off the ground
> because it
> has raised questions such as: Should military attacks by armed forces of any
> state be deemed acts of terrorism when civilians are killed? To what extent
> were NATO bombings of the former Yugoslavia acts of terrorism and
> violations of
> the national sovereignty of a U.N. member state? Is not the assassination of
> Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza acts of state terrorism?
>
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>
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>
> Do not include a subject line or any text in the body of the message.
>
> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/
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------------------------------
Date: Sun, 16 Sep 2001 12:47:24 -0700
From: "David Crockett Williams" <gear2000@lightspeed.net>
Subject: (abolition-usa) petition to renounce potential first strike nuclear response to terrorism
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/an-american-peace-movement/message/1
One simple and universally acceptable initiative that can be undertaken by
an American Peace Movement in response to the tradegy of the terrorist
suicide attacks on the United States of September 10, 2001, in memory of the
victims and with the firm determination that such kind of thing should never
happen again, is to mobilize US and global public opinion to seek a public
commitment from President Bush that US first-strike nuclear weapons will not
be used in the coming war that he has declared on terrorism, in spite of the
United States' continuing "first-strike policy" reserving the right to use
nuclear weapons to impose its will on the world, a policy in violation of
the repeatedly expressed UN ban on weapons of mass destruction starting with
the 1945 UN Charter language banning the use of such weapons.
Such a US renunciation of the potential use of first-strike use of nuclear
weapons in this present "war on terrorism" situation will bring public
opinion to bear on the need, after such decision by President Bush, to
consider renunciation of the overall US nuclear first-strike policy
maintained since the atomic bombings of the civilian noncombatant
populations of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, bombings which both symbolize and
began the terror of the threat of global nuclear war, the nuclear arms race,
and the continuing dangers of nuclear holocaust from accidental or intential
use of nuclear weapons by nations or terrorists.
Consideration of this US renunciation of any first-strike response to
terrorism and subsequent consideration of abandonment of US first-strike
nuclear policy will logically lead to consideration of the abolition of
nuclear weapons entirely and the reapplication of their costs to funding
human needs instead, as per the Nuclear Disarmament and Economic Conversion
Act again introduced to Congress by DC Congresswoman Norton which would
authorize the President to begin a multi-lateral complete nuclear
disarmament after his certification of such agreement from all other
nations. http://www.prop1.org
Please spread this idea to your readers with the goal of obtaining worldwide
support for this "no US first-strike nuclear response in the war on
terrorism" decision by President Bush, a decision to be made as soon as
possible before the upcoming December 25, 2001, 2000th anniversary of the
birth of Jesus Christ, the "technical" end of the Second Millennium and the
beginning of The Third Millennium.
On behalf of the memory of all those victimized by war and violence and the
fears and traumas of same, I pray for universal support of this idea and
that this message be copied to all activists and media with your
endorsement.
David Crockett Williams, September 16, 2001 (100days until 12-25-01)
an American Peace Movement member
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/an-american-peace-movement
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------------------------------
Date: Sun, 16 Sep 2001 16:44:21 -0500
From: "Boyle, Francis" <FBOYLE@LAW.UIUC.EDU>
Subject: (abolition-usa) FW: NO RUSH TO WAR!/FOX/(fwd)
- -----Original Message-----
From: Francis Boyle
To: Arabic-Info@Dartmouth.EDU
Sent: 9/15/2001 7:00 PM
Subject: NO RUSH TO WAR!/FOX/(fwd)
SHOW: THE O'REILLY FACTOR (20:29)
September 13, 2001 Thursday
Transcript # 091303cb.256
SECTION: News; Domestic
LENGTH: 3973 words
HEADLINE: America Unites
How Should the U.S. Bring Terrorists to Justice?
GUESTS: Sam Huessini, Francis Boyle
BYLINE: Bill O'Reilly
BODY:
THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND
MAY BE UPDATED.
O'REILLY: While most Americans are united in their support of President
Bush and the desire to bring Osama bin Laden and other terrorists to
justice, there are some differing voices.
Joining us now from Washington is Sam Husseini, the former spokesman for
the Arab Anti -- American Anti-Discrimination Committee, and from
Urbana, Illinois, is Francis Boyle, an international law professor at
the
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign..........
O'REILLY: Cut his mike. All right, now, Mr. Boyle, Professor Boyle,
let's have a little bit more of a rational discussion here. That was
absurd.
The United States now has to take action against certain segments in
this world who we know have been harbouring people like Osama bin Laden.
That's going to happen. How will you react to that?
FRANCIS BOYLE, LAW PROFESSOR: Well, first I think you have to look at
the law involved. Clearly what we have here, under United States
domestic
law and statutes, is an act of international terrorism that should be
treated as such. It is not yet elevated to an act of war. For an act of
war, we need proof that a foreign state actually ordered or launched an
attack upon the United States of America. So far, we do not yet have
that
evidence.
We could...
O'REILLY: All right, now why are you, why are you, why are you taking
this position when you know forces have attacked the United States. Now,
maybe they don't have a country, but they are forces. They have attacked
the United States, all right? Without warning, without provocation.
Civilian
targets. They've done everything that an act of war does.
So, I'm saying that because we live in a different world now, where
borders don't really matter, where terrorism is the weapon of choice,
that you would declare war -- if I were President Bush, I would declare
war on any hostile forces, notice those words, professor, hostile forces
to the United States. I would have a blanket declaration of war so I
could go in and kill those people. Would I be wrong?
BOYLE: Well, Bill, so far you'll note Congress has been unwilling to
declare war. And indeed, this matter is being debated right now. Right
now, it appears that what they are seeking is not a full declaration of
war, but only what we law professors call an imperfect declaration,
which
means a limited use of military force under the War Powers Resolution of
1973.
Precisely for the problem that we don't know if any state was involved
and we still do not know who was responsible for this undoubted
terrorist
attack upon the United States of America.
O'REILLY: All right, but we have the secretary of state saying that
Osama bin Laden now has been linked into and, you know, we don't have
all
the intelligence information, as President Bush said today. He's not
going
to give us, and he shouldn't, the people of America all the information
that they have. But when the secretary of state gets up and says, look,
we know this guy was involved to some extent, I believe him.
And he's a wanted man, professor. He's been wanted for eight years. The
Clinton administration didn't have the heart to get him and in the first
few months the Bush administration didn't either. We now know, and you
just heard the FBI agent say that Afghanistan has been involved for
years
harbouring and training these kinds of people. Certainly, Afghanistan,
Syria, Libya, Iran, Iraq, those five countries, certainly have been
hostile to the United States and given safe harbour to these
terrorists.
That's a fact.
BOYLE: Well, let me point out, the secretary of state was very careful
in the words he used. He said Osama bin Laden was a suspect. He did not
accuse him. And, again, under these circumstances...
O'REILLY: No, he didn't use the word suspect. He used another word.
BOYLE: The account I read in, just off the wire service, said suspect.
But let me continue my point. Under these circumstances, where we have
5,000 Americans dead and we could have many more Americans killed in a
conflict, we have to be very careful, Congress and the American people
and the president, in not to over-escalate the rhetoric, here.
We have to look at this very rationally. This is a democracy. We have a
right to see what the evidence is and proceed in a very slow and
deliberate manner.
O'REILLY: No, we don't. We do not, as a republic, we don't have the
right to see what the evidence is if the evidence is of a national
security situation, as you know.
Now, I'm trusting my government to do the right thing, here. I am
trusting. But I think it's beyond a doubt right now, beyond a reasonable
doubt, which is, as you know, a court of law standard, that there are at
least five, North Korea you could put in to, six states in the world
that
have harboured continually these terrorists.
Now, we know that this was a well-coordinated effort. Our initial
intelligence shows that some of the people that have been arrested have
ties to Osama bin Laden. We know, as you just heard the FBI agent say,
that the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center was tied in to a guy
who
knew bin Laden. So, bin Laden -- I agree with you, that you don't want
to
be a hothead. You don't want to overreact. You don't want to lob a
missile
at the pharmaceutical plant in the Sudan, which was terrible, and that
was
the one good point, or fair point, that Mr. Husseini made, you don't
want
to do that.
But, on the other hand, professor, I think Americans are rightful, are
right, to demand action against states that we know in the past have
harboured these individuals and there's a warrant out for Osama bin
Laden's arrest. So, if he is in Afghanistan, I would give that
government
a couple of days to hand him over, and if they did not, I'd go in.
BOYLE: Well, again. The American people are right. We need to see the
evidence. I remember people saying a generation ago, during the Vietnam
war, I trusted my government. And I think people of my generation found
out that that was wrong. We needed more evidence.
O'REILLY: All right. Professor, let me stop you there, though. This is
another point that Mr. Husseini tried to make. Just because the United
States of America has made mistakes in the past, does not mean that we
cannot defend ourselves now.
This is a unique situation in history. We have now been attacked by
forces without borders, OK? We've been attacked. And it hasn't been a
military attack, it's been an attack on civilians. The reason, the sole
reason a federal government exists is to protect the people of the
United
States.
And as I said in my "Talking Points" memo, they haven't really done the
job, for political reasons.
But now's the time to correct those things. So, there's going to be a
reckoning, Professor. You know it's going to happen. I know it's going
to happen. And it's going to come down on Osama bin Laden first and
maybe
some of these rouge states later. Will you support that action?
BOYLE: Before I support a war that will jeopardize the lives of tens of
thousands of our servicemen and women, I want to see the evidence that
we are relying on to justify this. So far, I do not see it. I see
allegations.
I see innuendo. I see winks and I see nods, but I do not see the
evidence that you need under international law and the United States
constitution so far to go to war. Maybe that evidence will be there, but
it is not there now.
My recommendation to Congress is to slow down, let's see what develops
and let's see what this evidence is before we knowingly go out and not
only kill large numbers of people, perhaps in Afghanistan and other
countries, but undoubtedly in our own armed forces.
58,000 men of my generation will killed in Vietnam because of
irresponsible behavior by the Johnson administration rushing that
Tonkin
Gulf resolution through Congress, exactly what we're seeing now. And we
need to pull back and stop and think and ask the hard questions and
demand
to see the evidence first, before we march off to war.
O'REILLY: All right, so it's not enough that people arrested in the
bombings of the embassies in Africa testified in court that Osama bin
Laden was behind and financed and coordinated those bombings. That
evidence is not enough for you?
BOYLE: Well, Africa is a very is a very different story than what
happened in the World Trade Center.
O'REILLY: No, it's not. He's wanted, he's wanted in the United States
for the bombings of those two embassies. Is that evidence enough for
you,
professor, for the United States to go in and get this man? Is it
enough?
BOYLE: That, that matter was treated and handled as an act of
international terrorism in accordance with the normal laws and
procedures
of the United States of America as a question of domestic and
international law enforcement. And I am suggesting that is the way we
need to proceed here...
O'REILLY: Well, wait. You're dodging the question professor.
BOYLE: ... unless we have evidence that...
O'REILLY: Wait, professor. Professor. This is a no spin zone. Hold it.
Hold it. Even out in Urbana Champagne, the no spin zone rules. You're
dodging the question. There is an absolutely rock solid arrest warrant
out
for this man. Evidence in court, testimony by people who did the
bombings
that this man was behind it. Is that enough evidence for you to have the
United States go in and get him now? Is it enough?
BOYLE: The United States has been attempting to secure his extradition
from Afghanistan. I support...
O'REILLY: Yeah, that's long enough.
BOYLE: I support that approach as international...
O'REILLY: Come on already, I mean, eight years, we've been attempting to
extradite this guy. Now's the time to tell the Afghans you've got 48
hours or 72 hours to turn him over. You don't turn him over, we're
coming
in and getting him. You try to stop us, and you're toast. Enough is
enough, professor.
BOYLE: That's vigilantism. It is not what the United States of America
is supposed to stand for. We are supposed to stand...
O'REILLY: No, what that is is protecting the country from terrorists who
kill civilians.
BOYLE: ... for rule of law.
O'REILLY: It's not vigilantism.
BOYLE: We are supposed to stand for rule of law, and that is clearly
vigilantism. There is a Security Council, there is Congress, there are
procedures and there are laws, and they are there to protect all of us
here in the United States as well as...
O'REILLY: So, you're telling me...
BOYLE: ... as well as our servicemen and women. Look, Bill, if we
allegedly, as you put it, go in, you are not going in, I am not going
in. It's going to be young men and women serving in our armed forces...
O'REILLY: And that's their job. To protect us. But, professor, let me,
you know, what you're saying is, whoa, whoa, whoa, hold it. Hold it.
Hold
it. Hold it.
B0YLE: ... with the constitution and the laws of the United States.
O'REILLY: We're not violating any laws here, professor. No one is going
to violate the law. There is going to be a state of war induced against
states, states, terroristic states, who have attacked us. And what
you're saying is, though, and correct me if I'm wrong, you're saying
that
even though there is a legitimate warrant out for Osama bin Laden's
arrest, and even though most civilized nations would honor that warrant
and turn him over to us, extradite him to us, the vast majority of
nations
on earth would do that, you still are opposed for the United States to
demand that the Taliban government arrest this man and turn him over?
You
are opposed to that?
BOYLE: During the Gulf War, President Bush's father, who has far more
experience that the current president Bush, got a Security Council
resolution authorizing the United States of America to use force to
expel Iraq from Kuwait. Second, President Bush's father got a War Powers
Authorization Resolution from Congress that gave him the constitutional
authority to use military force to enforce that Security Council
resolution.
What I'm calling for here is the same adherence to international law and
the United States constitution that the first President Bush adhered to
in dealing with Iraq.
O'REILLY: Well, you'll get that, professor. That's just a formality.
There -- nobody on Capitol Hill right now, they're not going to --
there's no profile of courages up there anyway, usually. They're going
to
give President Bush what he wants. If he wants a War Powers Act, they're
going to give it to him. He wants a declaration, they're going to give
it
to him.
BOYLE: Actually, they're arguing about it right now...
O'REILLY: They're going to give it to him. But I'm not interested in
that, because it's going to happen. It's going to happen.
BOYLE: The reports -- no, the reports I read was that this President
Bush initially asked for a blank check, and Congress balked because they
had been suckered once before...
O'REILLY: All right, I'm not -- speculation is not what I'm in -- all
right, professor. I don't want to speculate. I'm just going to say in my
opinion he's going to have the authority to go in and get Osama bin
Laden and his pals, wherever they are. He will get that authority,
whether it takes a day or a week, he'll get it. And once he gets it,
now,
that's what I want to talk about here. Once he gets it, are you and
others
like you going to say, oh, no, we shouldn't do this, even though we have
proof of the man's -- masterminded the bombings in Africa and the
Cole,testimony in Yemen, are you going to still say, even after the
authority is granted by Congress, which it will be, no, don't do it, let
Afghanistan handle him?
Are you going to still do that, professor?
BOYLE: Second, like his father, his father also got authorization from
the United States, the United Nations Security Council under chapter
seven of the United Nations charter...
O'REILLY: Oh, you want to go to U.N. now? You want the U.N. involved
now.
BOYLE: Is exactly what his father did...
O'REILLY: So what?
BOYLE: And that's exactly right.
O'REILLY: His father made a huge mistake by not taking out Sadam Hussein
when he could of.
BOYLE: His father adhered to the required procedures under the United
States constitution and the United Nations charter that is a treaty and
the supreme law of our land. I expect the current President Bush to do
exactly what his father did before he starts engaging in a massive
military campaign in Iraq or against other countries...
O'REILLY: All right, I don't know whether he's going to go -- I know
he's not going to let the U.N. dictate. He might go for a consensus.
He's already got it with Putin and all of our NATO allies, he's already
go that. Whether he goes -- I think it would be a mistake to let --
empowering the U.N. in this situation.
BOYLE: Then why did his father do this?
O'REILLY: I'm going -- we're going to wrap this up with this. I'm going
to give my last summation and then you can give yours, I'll give you the
last word on it.
This is a fugitive we're dealing with here. He has now been tied in by
U.S. intelligence agencies, according to Attorney General Ashcroft and
the secretary of state, tied into this horrendous bombing here in New
York. The United States must make a response to this, and I am agreeing
with you in a sense, it can't be a knee-jerk. It's got to be done in a
methodical way.
Congress will go along, they may debate it or whatever, but they will go
along in either a War Powers, special War Powers Act or a declaration of
war against forces hostile to the United States. Then they will go in
and they will take him. This man you're looking at on the TV screen is a
dead man. He should be a dead man. You don't do what he did and be
allowed to walk around this earth.
Now, I'm distressed, professor, by your reliance, reliance on the strict
letter of propriety, when we've got 10,000 people laying in the street
about 22 miles from me right now. I want deliberation. I want methodical
discipline, but I also want action. We know who this guy is. We know the
governments that are protecting him. We know the other rouge states that
have terrorist camps there. They all have to be dealt with, in my
opinion. I'll give you the last word.
BOYLE: Sure, I agree with you, Bill. He is a fugitive from justice and
this should be handled as a matter as other fugitives from justice of
international law enforcement. If indeed there is evidence that a
foreign state orchestrated and ordered an attack against the United
States then clearly that is an act of war that should be dealt with as
such...
O'REILLY: What about harbouring?
BOYLE: Right now...
O'REILLY: Is harbouring an act of war?
BOYLE: In my opinion, no. And under the current circumstances, I don't
see it.
O'REILLY: All right, professor.
BOYLE: I think there is a distinction here.
O'REILLY: OK, all right, wrap it up, if you would.
BOYLE: I agree -- I agree that the -- if we go to war in a hasty manner
here, we could see thousands of U.S. military personnel being killed
without proper authorization by Congress or by the United Nations
Security Council.
O'REILLY: OK.
BOYLE: Our founding fathers decided that the most awesome decision we
would ever make would be to go to war, and we have to be very careful in
making that decision.
O'REILLY: All right, professor, I appreciate it very much. Thank you for
your point of view.
BOYLE: Thank you, Bill.
>Francis A. Boyle
>Law Building
>504 E. Pennsylvania Ave.
>Champaign, IL 61820 USA
>217-333-7954(voice)
>217-244-1478(fax)
><mailto:fboyle@law.uiuc.edu>fboyle@law.uiuc.edu
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