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From: owner-abolition-usa-digest@lists.xmission.com (abolition-usa-digest)
To: abolition-usa-digest@lists.xmission.com
Subject: abolition-usa-digest V1 #135
Reply-To: abolition-usa-digest
Sender: owner-abolition-usa-digest@lists.xmission.com
Errors-To: owner-abolition-usa-digest@lists.xmission.com
Precedence: bulk
abolition-usa-digest Tuesday, June 1 1999 Volume 01 : Number 135
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Date: Mon, 31 May 1999 08:08:44 -0400
From: Peacework <pwork@igc.org>
Subject: Re: (abolition-usa) The Hague Appeal Conference a black mark on peace activism:
thanks
- -
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------------------------------
Date: Tue, 1 Jun 1999 00:48:02 EDT
From: DavidMcR@aol.com
Subject: (abolition-usa) European Appeal for a Peaceful Solution of the Kosovo Crisis
In a message dated 5/31/99 6:09:53 PM Eastern Daylight Time,
grupa484@beotel.yu writes:
<< Subj: Fw: [balkanhr] European Appeal for a Peaceful Solution of
the Kosovo Crisis
Date: 5/31/99 6:09:53 PM Eastern Daylight Time
From: grupa484@beotel.yu (grupa484)
To: rmaks@EUnet.yu (Rajko Maksimovic), spoelstra@fnasu.de (Hans
Spoelstra), gomilic@EUnet.yu (Goran Milicevic), MD8322@mclink.it (Franco
Toldi), B.Luber@BIONIC.zerberus.de (B.Luber-foundation "Die Schwelle"-Bremen)
CC: DavidMcR@aol.com (David McReynolds), J.Werdmoelder@law.uu.nl (1),
brett@pop.unicc.org (10), michael.ingledow@coe.fr (100), petrolw@beotel.yu
(101), Kan@ntb.no (102), wfd@wfd.org (105), cornelius.ochmann@bertelsmann.de
(106), council@caa.org.yu (107), fdahan@essex.ac.uk (108),
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dejan.lazic@hwp.uni-hamburg.de (Dejan Lazic)
-----Original Message-----
From: European Movement in Serbia <emins@EUnet.yu>
To: NON <ngoboard@EUnet.yu>; grupa484 <grupa484@beotel.yu>
Date: 31 05 1999 10:56
Subject: Fw: [balkanhr] European Appeal for a Peaceful Solution of the
Kosovo Crisis
----------
| From: Greek Helsinki Monitor <helsinki@greekhelsinki.gr>
| To: balkanhr@greekhelsinki.gr
| Subject: [balkanhr] European Appeal for a Peaceful Solution of the Kosovo
Crisis
| Date: Friday, May 28, 1999 10:00 PM
|
| ISCOMET
| ISCOMET - INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE MINORITIES FOR EUROPE OF
| TOMORROW
| ISCOMET - MEDNARODNA ZNANSTVENA KONFERENCA MANJSINE ZA JUTRISNJO EVROPO
|
| NGO enjoying consultative status with the Council of Europe
| ISCOMET ima posvetovalni status pri Svetu Evrope
|
| Mladinska 9, SI-2000 Maribor, Slovenia; Tel.: +38 62 221 709, Fax: +386 62
| 222 240
| E-mail: devetak@uni-mb.si; jasmina.klojcnik@uni-mb.si
|
============================================================================
| ==============
|
|
| STATEMENT
| ON THE PEACEFUL RESOLUTION OF THE KOSOVO CRISIS
|
| ISCOMET - The International Scientific Conference of Minorities for the
| Europe of Tomorrow, faithful to its moral and legal principles concerning
| peace, democracy, human rights, reconciliation between peoples and the
| protection of minorities, being convinced that the use of violence can not
| be a means for resolving ethnic conflicts, continuing its activities
| undertaken since 1990 for the realisation of these principles in the
| territory of the successor states of the former Yugoslavia and with regard
| to the relations between them, has adopted the following Statement on the
| Peaceful Resolution of the Kosovo Crisis:
| General considerations. The NATO bombing of Yugoslavia has apparently had
| the opposite effect of that which was intended, that is to prevent the
| further expulsion of the Albanian population from Kosovo and to make
| possible a political settlement of the conflict, in line with the
| requirements of the international community. The continuation of bombing
| has resulted in a severe deterioration of the situation not only for the
| population of Kosovo, but also for other parts of Yugoslavia, irrespective
| of their ethnic, religious or political affiliations. In addition to the
| humanitarian catastrophe that has been caused by the expulsion or exodus of
| the Albanians and, proportionally, of members of other ethnic groups from
| Kosovo, a human catastrophe is emerging that effects the entire Yugoslav
| population, which is composed not only of Serbs (64 per cent of the total)
| but also of Albanians, Hungarians, Montenegrins, Romanians, Croats,
| Slovaks, Ruthenians and other ethnic groups who have their kith and kin in
| neighbouring countries.
| It is essential to be aware of the number of civilian casualties, which is
| increasing day by day (at least 500 killed and even more injured by now),
| of other "collateral damage" which has now achieved disastrous proportions
| and of the real danger of a major ecological catastrophe, which could
| affect the whole geographical area, etc. As things now stand, the final
| outcome could be the total destruction of the economic, social and cultural
| foundation of a European nation and of the international infrastructure in
| this part of Europe, on the one hand, and the additional exodus of
| Albanians from a devastated Kosovo, who will probably remain for an
| uncertain time in neighbouring countries which are either unable or are
| unwilling to host them, on the other hand.
| The existing regime in Serbia has been reinforced by NATO attacks against
| Yugoslavia due to the natural response of people to "rally round the flag"
| at a time of external aggression. Contrary to the NATO's intention,
| democratic forces in Serbia have been weakened and, in addition, the
| democratic government of Montenegro finds now itself between the NATO
| "hammer" and the Serbian regime's "anvil"; it is also confronted with a
| large pro-Serbian oriented population with the potential for violent
| conflict between the two groups.
| Proposals. In order to stop the further deterioration of the situation it
| is necessary, with political wisdom and human dignity, to undertake the
| following measures:
| 1.The immediate and simultaneous cessation of any action by Serbian
| military, paramilitary and police units which leads to the harassment and
| expulsion of the Albanian population remaining in Kosovo, a cease-fire
| between Serbian forces and the KLA , the withdrawal of Yugoslav forces from
| Kosovo, cessation of NATO bombing of targets in Yugoslavia, and the
| suspension of economic and symbolic sanctions directed against Yugoslavia
| and its constituent republics.
| 2. The immediate sending of humanitarian aid to Kosovo and other parts of
| Yugoslavia affected by the present conflict and to the approximately half a
| million refugees from previous conflicts in Croatia and Bosnia Hercegovina
| who have not received international aid in the past, and whose resentment
| and unequal treatment could jeopardise long-term prospects for peace in the
| region.
| 3.The development of an international peace-keeping force in Kosovo
| organised and co-ordinated by the UN.
| 4.The return of the OSCE verifiers to Kosovo and their introduction into
| other parts of Yugoslavia affected by the war in order to investigate the
| amount of damage and to identify the urgent needs of the population with
| the aim of avoiding a further major human catastrophe.
| 5. The persecution and punishment of persons, whoever they are, who
| committed, collaborated with the perpetrators of, or instigated the crime
| of genocide, crimes against humanity, the crime of ethnic cleansing and war
| crimes.
| 6.The organisation of the safe return of the Albanian and other peoples of
| Kosovo to their homes.
| 7. The immediate start of Serbian/Albanian negotiations under the aegis of
| the Secretary General of the UN with the participation of all parties
| involved in the conflict, European neutral states and states who have a
| connection with the region, leading to the adoption, by the Parliament of
| Serbia, of clearly worded legislation for the broadly autonomous status of
| Kosovo within Yugoslavia and a detailed programme of legislative,
| educational and other measures to be taken to improve inter-ethnic
| relations within Kosovo and for a better understanding of the culture,
| history and traditions of Albanians and other minorities living in
Yugoslavia.
| 8. The convening of a donor's conference aimed at discussing and proposing
| plans for the adoption of economic, social and logistical measures for war
| affected areas and war affected populations including refugees and
| displaced persons from the present and previous conflicts, and the
| restoration of navigation on international waterway, the river Danube.
| 9. The convening of an international conference within the framework of the
| OSCE dealing with security, stability, human rights and the protection of
| ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities in south-eastern Europe leading
| to the repatriation of all refugees and displaced persons and the
| development of programmes of assistance for the strengthening of democratic
| institutions and the culture of democracy. The representatives of the
| relevant NGOs, religious communities and organisations as well as other
| entities of civil society should be invited to take part and give their
| contributions to the deliberations of the conference.
|
|
| Prof.Dr. Silvo Devetak, President of ISCOMET - International Scientific
| Conference on Minorities for the Europe of Tomorrow (Slovenia)
| Romedi Arquint, President of FUEN - Federal Union of European
| Nationalities (Switzerland)
| Dr. Ludwig Elle, Vice-President of FUEN - Federal Union of European
| Nationalities and Vice-President of DOMOWINA (Germany)
| Hans Heinrich Hansen, Vice-President of FUEN - Federal Union of European
| Nationalities (Denmark)
| Bojan Brezigar, President of EBLUL - The European Bureau for Lesser Used
| Languages (Belgium)
| Prof.Dr. Winfried Bottcher, Vice-President of ISCOMET (Germany)
| Prof.Dr. Peter Roberts, Vice-President of ISCOMET (United Kingdom)
| Dr.Lyuba Shishelina, Vice-President of ISCOMET (Russian Federation)
| Prof.Dr.Emil Kirchner, President of the Scientific Council of ISCOMET
| (United Kingdom)
| Jasmina Klojcnik, Secretary General of ISCOMET (Slovenia)
| Prof.Dr. Semyen Appatov (Ukraine)
| Prof.Dr. Jan Berting (Netherlands)
| Prof.Dr. Thomas Bremer (Germany)
| Costa Carras, Vice-president, Europa Nostra (Greece)
| Prof.Dr. hab. Wladyslaw Czaplinski, Jean Monnet Professor of International
| and European Law (Poland)
| Richard Danitza (Poland)
| Dr. Vladimir Dubovik (Ukraine)
| Miljenka Fischer Devetak, M.A. (Croatia)
| Prof. Karsten Fledelius (Denmark)
| Angus Fowler M.A. (Germany / United Kingdom)
| Hermann Heil (Denmark)
| Prof.Dr. Henry R. Huttenbach (United States of America)
| Dr. Zivojin Jazic (FR Yugoslavia)
| Prof.Dr. Igor Koval (Ukraine)
| Karl Kring (Germany)
| Bostjan Lovsin, M.A.Ph. (Slovenia)
| Maire Mattinen, arch. (Finland)
| Igor Mekina (Slovenia)
| Dr.Dahlia Moore (Israel)
| Jasna Murgel M.A. (Slovenia)
| Elisabeth Naucler, The Aland Islands (Finland)
| Hon. Francis Noel Baker (Greece / United Kingdom)
| Letas Palmaitis (Lithuania)
| Dr. Franc Perko, Belgrade Archbishop and Metropolitan (FR Yugoslavia)
| Prof.Dr. Remigio Ratti, (Ticino, Switzerland)
| Donall O Riagain (Ireland)
| Prof. Andras Roman PhD Architect (Hungary)
| Prof.Dr. Dominique Rosenberg (France)
| John Sell, RIBA, DipCons (United Kingdom)
| Dr.Vasile Sandru (Romania)
| Dr.Julija Spiridonova (Bulgaria)
| Maja Uzelac M.A., Director, A Small Step, Centre for the Culture of Peace
| and Non-violence (Croatia)
| Prof. Vera Varsa - Szekeres, MA (Hungary)
| Svetlana Vasovic-Mekina (Slovenia)
| Boze Vuleta, Franciscan Institute for the Culture of Peace (Croatia-Bosnia
| Herzegovina)
| Jane Wade, MFA, DipCons (United Kingdom)
| Bojana Weiss-Hatic (Slovenia /
| Croatia)
|
| (The list of supporters is continuously being updated with new signatures)
|
| Maribor, 5 May 1999
|
|
| ISCOMET - is an international NGO with about 250 members from all European
| countries and is enjoying the consultative status with the Council of
Europe
| FUEN - is an international NGO which includes representatives of minorities
| from all European countries and has the consultative status with the
| Council of Europe and the UN
| EBLUL - was established in the framework of the EU with the aim to protect
| and ensure the development of the lesser used languages within the EU
|
| ------------------
| balkanhr mailing list
| To unsubscribe please send mail to majordomo@greekhelsinki.gr
| with the word "unsubscribe balkanhr" (without the ") in the subject.
| Please report abuse at balkanhr-owner@greekhelsinki.gr
- -
To unsubscribe to abolition-usa, send an email to "majordomo@xmission.com"
with "unsubscribe abolition-usa" in the body of the message.
For information on digests or retrieving files and old messages send
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------------------------------
Date: Tue, 1 Jun 1999 14:58:34 -0700
From: "David Crockett Williams" <gear2000@lightspeed.net>
Subject: (abolition-usa) Russians letter to Editor
From: Ginny Monteen (by way of Sandi Brockway / Macrocosm USA
<brockway@macronet.org>) <mtnwoman@thegrid.net>
To: David Crockett Williams <gear2000@lightspeed.net>; ssmith@igc.org
<ssmith@igc.org>; mruppert@copvcia.com <mruppert@copvcia.com>
Subject: Russians write Letter to Editor at Wash. Post
Date: Tuesday, June 01, 1999 12:12 PM
The following Letter to the Editor from Viktor Chernomyrdin, Russian envo=
y
and mediator between Belgrade and NATO, ran in the Washington Post May 27.
The wording was so strong, the Post didn't believe it was authentic. They
checked; it was.
When are U.S./NATO going to get it? What does it take to wake up our
government? Threat of nuclear war? Well, now we've got that .............
'Impossible to Talk Peace With Bombs Falling'
By Viktor Chernomyrdin
Thursday, May 27, 1999; Page A39
I deem it necessary to express my opinion on the Kosovo situation as the
warfare escalates and the danger grows of a shift to ground operations,
which would be even bloodier and more destructive. I also want to comment=
on
certain ideas put forward by President Clinton in his contribution of May=
16
to the New York Times.
In particular, I am anxious to express my opinion of his premise that
"Russia is now helping to work out a way for Belgrade to meet our
conditions," and that NATO's strategy can "strengthen, not weaken, our
fundamental interest in a long-term, positive relationship with Russia."
In fact, Russia has taken upon itself to mediate between Belgrade and NAT=
O
not because it is eager to help NATO implement its strategies, which aim =
at
Slobodan Milosevic's capitulation and the de facto establishment of a NAT=
O
protectorate over Kosovo. These NATO goals run counter to Russia's stance=
,
which calls for the introduction of U.N. forces into Kosovo with
Yugoslavia's sovereignty and territorial integrity intact.
Moreover, the new NATO strategy, the first practical instance of which we
are witnessing in Yugoslavia, has led to a serious deterioration in
Russia-U.S. contacts. I will be so bold as to say it has set them back by
several decades. Recent opinion polls back this up. Before the air raids,=
57
percent of Russians were positively disposed toward the United States, wi=
th
28 percent hostile. The raids reversed those numbers to 14 percent positi=
ve
and 72 percent negative. Sixty-three percent of Russians blame NATO for
unleashing the conflict, while only 6 percent blame Yugoslavia.
These attitudes result not so much from so-called Slavic fraternity as
because a sovereign country is being bombed -- with bombing seen as a way=
to
resolve a domestic conflict. This approach clashes with international law=
,
the Helsinki agreements and the entire world order that took shape after
World War II.
The damage done by the Yugoslavia war to Russian-U.S. relations is nowher=
e
greater than on the moral plane. During the years of reform, a majority o=
f
Russians formed a view of the United States as a genuine democracy, truly
concerned about human rights, offering a universal standard worthy of
emulation.
But just as Soviet tanks trampling on the Prague Spring of 1968 finally
shattered the myth of the socialist regime's merits, so the United States
lost its moral right to be regarded as a leader of the free democratic wo=
rld
when its bombs shattered the ideals of liberty and democracy in Yugoslavi=
a.
We can only regret that it is feeding the arguments of Communists and
radical nationalists, who have always viewed NATO as aggressive, have
demanded skyrocketing defense expenditures and have backed isolationist
policies for Russia.
Now that raids against military targets have evidently proven pointless,
NATO's armed force has moved to massive destruction of civilian
infrastructure -- in particular, electric transmission lines, water pipes
and factories. Are thousands of innocent people to be killed because of o=
ne
man's blunders? Is an entire country to be razed? Is one to assume that a=
ir
raids can win a war?
I should like here to turn to the lessons of recent history. The U.S. Air
Force and the RAF dropped several hundred thousand bombs on Berlin, yet i=
t
took a Soviet Army offensive, with its toll of several hundred thousand
lives, to seize the city. American air raids in Vietnam proved pointless,
and the Russian Army suffered setbacks in Chechnya. Serbs see NATO and th=
e
Americans as aggressors against whom they are defending their native land=
. I
do not think a ground war will be a success, and I am sure it will bring
tremendous bloodshed.
Further, it will no longer be possible to thwart the proliferation of
missiles and nuclear arms -- another negative consequence of NATO's polic=
y.
Even the smallest of independent states will seek nuclear weapons and
delivery vehicles to defend themselves after they see NATO's military
machine in action. The danger of global instability looms, with more new
wars and more victims.
More bombing makes it pointless to plan a return of refugees. What will t=
hey
come back to -- homes in debris, without electricity or water? Where will
they find jobs, with half of all factories in ruins and the other half
doomed to be bombed in due course? It is time for NATO countries to reali=
ze
that more air raids will lead to a dead end. No fewer than half of the
refugees are not eager to leave a prosperous Europe to return to a
devastated Kosovo to live side by side with war-embittered Serbs. Of this=
, I
am sure. Clearly, every hundred Kosovars will have to be indefinitely
protected by one or two soldiers; that is how NATO's presence in Yugoslav=
ia
will become permanent.
Also, sooner or later NATO will be expected by the world community to pay
Yugoslavia for damages, to compensate the bereaved families of innocent
victims and to punish pilots who bombed civilians and their commanders wh=
o
issued criminal orders.
Thus, the bloc is headed for a Pyrrhic victory, whether the conflict ends
with the Serbs capitulating or in an invasion of Yugoslavia. The campaign
will not achieve its main oals. Not all refugees will come back to Kosovo=
,
which will remain in some form under Yugoslav jurisdiction, and many
billions of dollars will be spent rebuilding the country from the ruins.
Now, a few words about the ethnic Albanian paramilitaries. They are
essentially terrorist organizations. Of this, Russia is sure. They are
making money chiefly from drug trafficking, with an annual turnover of $3
billion. As it maintains close contact with these paramilitaries and
modernizes their weaponry, the West -- directly or indirectly -- encourag=
es
the emergence of a major new drug trafficking center in that part of the
world. It also encourages the paramilitaries to extend their influence to
neighboring countries. The Greater Albania motto may soon start to take
hold. This will mean more bloodshed, more wars and more redrawings of
borders.
The world has never in this decade been so close as now to the brink of
nuclear war.
I appeal to NATO leaders to show the courage to suspend the air raids, wh=
ich
would be the only correct move.
It is impossible to talk peace with bombs falling. This is clear now. So =
I
deem it necessary to say that, unless the raids stop soon, I shall advise
Russia's president to suspend Russian participation in the negotiating
process, put an end to all military-technological cooperation with the
United States and Western Europe, put off the ratification of START II an=
d
use Russia's veto as the United Nations debates a resolution on Yugoslavi=
a.
On this, we shall find understanding from great powers such as China and
India. Of this, I am sure.
The writer, a former prime minister of Russia, is President Boris Yeltsin=
's
special envoy for Kosovo.
=A9 Copyright 1999 The Washington Post Company
Ginny /\ /\ /\
/ \/\/ \ \/\
mtnwoman@thegrid.net
805.541.2325
San Luis Obispo, CA, USA
"Imagine all the people living life in peace..." - John Lennon
- -
To unsubscribe to abolition-usa, send an email to "majordomo@xmission.com"
with "unsubscribe abolition-usa" in the body of the message.
For information on digests or retrieving files and old messages send
"help" to the same address. Do not use quotes in your message.
------------------------------
Date: Tue, 01 Jun 1999 19:46:57 -0400
From: Peter Weiss <petweiss@igc.org>
Subject: Re: (abolition-usa) McReynolds: Reflections on the Indictment of Milosevic
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David:
I agree, of course, that justice should be "evenhanded" (although it
rarely is). Nevertheless, here are a couple of quick legal points:
1. Milosevic did not get indicted for genocide. He was indicted for
crimes against humanity, namel muder, deportation and persecutions.
2. On the other hand, genocide is not confined to mass killing. The
second definition of genocide is "causing serious bodily or mental harm
to members of the group" - not too far removed from what's happening in
Kosovo.
3. The jurisdiction of the ICTY is limited to violations of
humanitarian law. That would include the "collateral damage" bombing of
civilians by NATO and the use of cluster bombs and DU, but probably not
the basic illegality of "Allied Force". And I'm not sure you could say
that the "collateral damage", horrible and illegal though it is, is a
greater crime than the throat cutting and million-strong expulsion
carried on by Milosevic in Kosovo.
My own view, for what it's worth, is that everything that is going on
there is grossly and shockingly immoral and illegal, so much so that
there is little point in assessing greater or lesser blame. I tried to
convey that feeling in the attached resolution, which IALANA adopted in
the course of the Hague meeting.
Regards, Peter
DavidMcR@aol.com wrote:
>
>
> The decision by the International Tribunal in The Hague to indict Slobodan
> Milsoevic will probably complicate negotiations to end the war. On the one
> hand it looks bad for NATO to negotiate with a man indicted of crimes, and on
> the other hand Milosevic now has little incentive to settle without some
> guarantee of immunity. It was always more urgent to get a peace settlement
> that to indict someone. But now that an indictment has been issued there are
> questions for the American and European peace, religious, and left movements.
>
> One question is whether the indictment is valid. I'm not a lawyer. I think,
> however, that there are serious problems with the indictment. For law to be
> seen as legitimate it must be seen as relatively impartial. There is no
> question in my own mind that the mass expulsions from Kosov@ occured at the
> orders of Milosevic, that the flight of hundreds of thousands of civilians
> from Kosov@ was not, in the beginning, a response to the bombing but a result
> of intimidation and violence by the Serb paramilitaries, Serb troops, etc.
> And that these expulsions, without any basis in law, and without any process
> of law, are, on the face of it, a crime.
>
> They do not in my view constitute genocide - a term I urgently wish we used
> with more restraint. (If Hitler had driven six million Jews out of the Third
> Reich it would have been a terrible thing - but infinitely to be preferred to
> their actual fate). I am aware that at the time the bombing began, and even
> before it began, the KLA had been involved in major armed conflict with the
> Serb forces and that in such situations it is impossible to be sure without
> careful investigation which killings were "military" (ie., between armed
> forces of the KLA and the Serb military) and which were atrocities committed
> against unarmed and non-resisting civilians.
>
> (There are various reports out of Kosov@ of some areas where Albanians seem
> to be living peacefully and other reports, largely based on the refugees, of
> killing. Given the past record of exaggeration on both sides during a war,
> the only fact of which we can be certain is that a vast number of Albanians
> have been driven out of Kosov@, and that action in itself would, I believe,
> be criminal).
>
> However there is also the NATO attack on Yugoslavia which violated NATO's
> own charter, the assurances given to the OSCE, and the Charter of the United
> Nations. Walter Rockler, a Washington lawyer and a former prosecutor at the
> Nuremberg War Crimes Trials is reported to have said "The Nuremberg Court
> found that to initiate a war of aggression, as the U.S. has done against
> Yugoslavia, is not only an international crime, it is the supreme
> international crime".
>
> These "reflections" don't seek to excuse Milosevic on the grounds that for
> justice to be done we must apply it equally to events that may now be decades
> or more in the past (such as slavery, the ethnic cleansing of the Native
> Americans, or even more recent events such as direct US involvement in
> torture, rape, assassination, and mass murder in Central America, or the
> horrors of Indochina). Rather, taking the immediate events of this time
> period, and the actors involved, it is impossible to single out Milosevic and
> not also indict the Muslim leader in Bosnia, or the leader in Croatia - there
> is, I believe, substanial evidence that both men were involved in war crimes
> and, in the case of Croatia, disturbing evidence that the US was directly
> involved in the final "ethnic cleansing" of the Kraina region in Croatia,
> resulting in the mass "purge" of over 200,000 Serbs, and the murder of a
> number of them at the hands of the Croatian forces.
>
> Nor is it possible even in this very most immediate "time frame" to indict
> Milosevic for one crime - ethnic cleansing - and not also indict all member
> states of NATO for the more serious crime of a war of aggression. Since the
> NATO bombing began, NATO has used weapons (cluster bombs) which many consider
> to be criminal, it has targeted with deliberation and by its own admission
> such objectives as factories, power plants and communications centers which
> were primarily civilian and not military. (I leave aside the many "accidents"
> including the deadly attack on the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade).
>
> I think all of us are disturbed by the light use of the term "war
> criminal". As with the term "genocide", it should be used carefully and with
> precision. Most of us have a very hard time finding "two parties both guilty
> of a crime". That is, we are really happy if we can say that World War II was
> a "good war" because Japan attacked us. We are very uneasy when we attack
> someone else - as in Indochina. It was hard for us to confront that fact - a
> certain bias toward our own nation, a certain trust of our leaders, a certain
> respect for authority, all require long discussion of facts before,
> gradually, over time, a new consensus is reached, as it was during the
> Indochina War, that the United States was the aggressor.
>
> In the present war, both sides have committed genuine crimes. There is no
> "good guy". Yet thus far only one side has been indicted. Unless the Hague
> Tribunal follows on with indictments of Clinton, Blair, etc. etc., then the
> indictments are entirely political and the Hague Tribunal is discredited.
> (Which I fear is what will happen). It won't mean that Milosevic didn't
> commit crimes - it will mean that the failure to indict others guilty of
> crimes in this same situation means the indictment is tainted, politically
> motivated, and the court itself part of a corrupt process.
>
> I know that some who get this - and I'll post it fairly widely - will
> continue to insist that NATO had the right and even the moral duty to violate
> the UN Charter. Legally, and morally, that excuse can't hold water. It was
> what Hitler said when he invaded the Sudetenland in Czechoslovakia in 1938,
> on the grounds that the German population there was being abused by the
> government. No nation, and no group of nations, can set themselves above a
> clear international law. If there is confusion about this in the United
> States and Great Britain it is because at the moment there is a good deal of
> guilt, and a great deal of dodging the reality of how much of the rest of the
> world see the present horror. And because, at the moment, the one - and the
> only - reason for continuing the war is a desperate effort to save NATO's
> face. The fate of the Albanians has long ceased to be of serious interest to
> any of the policy makers. The Kosovars are pawns to be manipulated, not human
> beings to be rescued.
>
> Few - outside of a handful of left sects - defend Belgrade's purge of the
> Albanian popuation. Posts that one receives daily from inside Yugoslavia make
> it clear there is a healthy opposition there to Milosevic, men and women who
> speak out at great risk. Milosevic is guilty of indefensible conduct. But
> the world has also seen the full fury of NATO's air force unleashed in what
> is essentially a cowardly attack on Kosov@ and Serbia - attacks that would
> rather see civilian casualties than risk the lives of US and British pilots.
> The world has watched as refugee convoys, hospitals, bridges, homes,
> factories, etc., etc., etc. are destroyed by massive air attack. There
> cannot, really, after more than two months of such attack, be many "military"
> targets left - what we have now in an effort to break the will of a whole
> people.
>
> These attacks do not "justify" anything which Milosevic has done. Rather,
> like the ethnic cleansing, these attacks are profoundly criminal in and of
> themselves. We must, as individuals and organizations, be clear that what is
> involved is not some "error", not some "accident", but a rogue state at
> loose. the United States is that state. We have seen Clinton brutalize Sudan
> and Afghanistan with air strikes to divert attention from the impeachment
> hearings. Now we see the vastly more arrogant unleashing of power against a
> population which fought bravely on the side of the Allies during World War
> two.
>
> Former President Jimmy Carter, in his Op Ed piece in the Thursday edition of
> the NY Times came as close to saying this as a former President can. Our
> work remains complex - we do not support Milosevic. But we are dealing in a
> situation where the conscience of the West is not represented at the Hague,
> or #10 Downing St., or the White House. We - along with our coworkers under
> air attack in Serbia - must condemn crimes and criminals, not only in distant
> countries, but in our own. It is a lonely time for many of us who had looked
> to European social democracy as a kind of force for civilization and have
> seen it coopted by the military power of NATO. We have long known that
> Clinton was a liar. Now, along with Milosevic, he is a war criminal - though
> not yet indicted.
>
> David McReynolds
>
> -
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> with "unsubscribe abolition-usa" in the body of the message.
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////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////
//8=
- --------------92DA98A7569CC7EB24CC279C--
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End of abolition-usa-digest V1 #135
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