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                                      75 AD
                               TIBERIUS GRACCHUS
                                  163-133 B.C.
                                  by Plutarch
                           translated by John Dryden

  HAVING completed the first two narratives, we now may proceed to
take a view of misfortunes, not less remarkable, in the Roman
couple, and with the lives of Agis and Cleomenes, compare these of
Tiberius and Caius. They were the sons of Tiberius Gracchus, who
though he had been once censor, twice consul, and twice had triumphed,
yet was more renowned and esteemed for his virtue than his honours.
Upon this account, after the death of Scipio who overthrew Hannibal,
he was thought worthy to match with his daughter Cornelia, though
there had been no friendship or familiarity between Scipio and him,
but rather the contrary. There is a story told that he once found in
his bed-chamber a couple of snakes, and that the soothsayers, being
consulted concerning the prodigy, advised that he should neither
kill them both nor let them both escape; adding, that if the male
serpent was killed, Tiberius should die, and if the female,
Cornelia. And that therefore Tiberius, who extremely loved his wife,
and thought, besides, that it was much more his part, who was an old
man, to die, than it was hers, who as yet was but a young woman,
killed the male serpent, and let the female escape; and soon after
himself died, leaving behind him twelve children borne to him by
Cornelia.
  Cornelia, taking upon herself all the care of the household and
the education of her children, approved herself so discreet a
matron, so affectionate a mother, and so constant and noble-spirited a
widow, that Tiberius seemed to all men to have done nothing
unreasonable in choosing to die for such a woman; who, when King
Ptolemy himself proffered her his crown, and would have married her,
refused it, and chose rather to live a widow. In this state she
continued, and lost all her children, except one daughter, who was
married to Scipio the younger, and two sons, Tiberius and Caius, whose
lives we are now writing.
  These she brought up with such care, that though they were without
dispute in natural endowments and dispositions the first among the
Romans of their time, yet they seemed to owe their virtues even more
to their education than to their birth. And as, in the statues and
pictures made of Castor and Pollux, though the brothers resemble one
another, yet there is a difference to be perceived in their
countenances, between the one, who delighted in the cestus, and the
other, that was famous in the course, so between these two noble
youths, though there was a strong general likeness in their common
love of fortitude and temperance, in their liberality, their
eloquence, and their greatness of mind, yet in their actions and
administrations of public affairs, a considerable variation showed
itself. It will not be amiss before we proceed to mark the
difference between them.
  Tiberius, in the form and expression of his countenance, and in
his gesture and motion, was gentle and composed; but Caius, earnest
and vehement. And so in their public speeches to the people, the one
spoke in a quiet, orderly manner, standing throughout on the same
spot; the other would walk about on the hustings, and in the heat of
his orations pull his gown off his shoulders, and was the first of all
the Romans that used such gestures; as Cleon is said to have been
the first orator among the Athenians that pulled off his cloak and
smote his thigh, when addressing the people. Caius's oratory was
impetuous and passionate, making everything tell to the utmost,
whereas Tiberius was gentle and persuasive, awakening emotions of
pity. His diction was pure and carefully correct, while that of
Caius was vehement and rich. So likewise in their way of living and at
their tables, Tiberius was frugal and plain, Caius, compared with
other men, temperate and even austere, but contrasting with his
brother in a fondness for new fashions and rarities, as appears in
Drusus's charge against him, that he had bought some silver
dolphins, to the value of twelve hundred and fifty drachmas for
every pound weight.
  The same difference that appeared in their diction was observable
also in their tempers. The one was mild and reasonable, the other
rough and passionate, and to that degree, that often, in the midst
of speaking, he was so hurried away by his passion against his
judgment, that his voice lost its tone, and he began to pass into mere
abusive talking, spoiling his whole speech. As a remedy to this
excess, he made use of an ingenious servant of his, one Licinius,
who stood constantly behind him with a sort of pitch-pipe, or
instrument to regulate the voice by, and whenever he perceived his
master's tone alter and break with anger, he struck a soft note with
his pipe, on hearing which Caius immediately checked the vehemence
of his passion, and his voice, grew quieter, and allowed himself to be
recalled to temper. Such are the differences between the two brothers;
but their valour in war against their country's enemies, their justice
in the government of its subjects, their care and industry in
office, and their self-command in all that regarded their pleasures,
were equally remarkable in both.
  Tiberius was the elder by nine years; owing to which their actions
as public men were divided by the difference of the times in which
those of the one and those of the other were performed. And one of the
principal causes of the failure of their enterprises was this interval
between their careers, and the want of combination of their efforts.
The power they would have exercised, had they flourished both
together, could scarcely have failed to overcome all resistance. We
must therefore give an account of each of them singly, and first of
the eldest.
  Tiberius, immediately on his attaining manhood, had such a
reputation that he was admitted into the college of the augurs, and
that in consideration more of his early virtue than of his noble
birth. This appeared by what Appius Claudius did, who, though he had
been consul and censor, and was now the head of the Roman senate,
and had the highest sense of his own place and merit, at a public
feast of the augurs, addressed himself openly to Tiberius, and with
great expressions of kindness, offered him his daughter in marriage.
And when Tiberius gladly accepted, and the agreement had thus been
completed, Appius returning home, no sooner had reached his door,
but he called to his wife and cried out in a loud voice, "O
Antistia, I have contracted our daughter Claudia to a husband." She,
being amazed, answered, "But why so suddenly, or what means this
haste? Unless you have provided Tiberius Gracchus for her husband."
I am not ignorant that some apply this story to Tiberius, the father
of the Gracchi, and Scipio Africanus; but most relate it as we have
done. And Polybius writes, that after the death of Scipio Africanus,
the nearest relations of Cornelia, preferring Tiberius to all other
competitors, gave her to him in marriage, not having been engaged or
promised to any one by her father.
  This young Tiberius, accordingly, serving in Africa under the
younger Scipio, who had married his sister, and living there under the
same tent with him, soon learned to estimate the noble spirit of his
commander, which was so fit to inspire strong feelings of emulation in
virtue and desire to prove merit in action, and in a short time he
excelled all the young men of the army in obedience and courage; and
he was the first that mounted the enemy's wall, as Fannius says, who
writes that he himself climbed up with him, and was partaker in the
achievement. He was regarded, while he continued with the army, with
great affection; and left behind him on his departure a strong
desire for his return.
  After that expedition, being chosen paymaster, it was his fortune to
serve in the war against the Numantines, under the command of Caius
Mancinus, the consul, a person of no bad character, but the most
unfortunate of all the Roman generals. Notwithstanding, amidst the
greatest misfortunes, and in the most unsuccessful enterprises, not
only the discretion and valour of Tiberius, but also, which was
still more to be admired, the great respect and honour which he showed
for his general, were most eminently remarkable; though the general
himself, when reduced in straits, forgot his own dignity and office.
For being beaten in various great battles, he endeavoured to
dislodge by night and leave his camp; which the Numantines perceiving,
immediately possessed themselves of his camp, and pursuing that part
of the forces which was in flight, slew those that were in the rear,
hedged the whole army in on every side, and forced them into difficult
ground, whence there could be no possibility of an escape. Mancinus,
despairing to make his way through by force, sent a messenger to
desire a truce and conditions of peace. But they refused to give their
confidence to any one except Tiberius, and required that he should
be sent to treat with them. This was not only in regard to the young
man's own character, for he had a great reputation amongst the
soldiers, but also in remembrance of his father Tiberius, who, in
his command against the Spaniards, had reduced great numbers of them
to subjection, but granted a peace to the Numantines, and prevailed
upon the Romans to keep it punctually and inviolably.
  Tiberius was accordingly despatched to the enemy, whom he
persuaded to accept of several conditions, and he himself complied
with others; and by this means, it is beyond a question, that he saved
twenty thousand of the Roman citizens, besides attendants and camp
followers. However, the Numantines retained possession of all the
property they had found and plundered in the encampment; and amongst
other things were Tiberius's books of accounts, containing the whole
transactions of his quaestorship, which he was extremely anxious to
recover. And therefore, when the army were already upon their march,
he returned to Numantia, accompanied with only three or four of his
friends; and making his application to the officers of the Numantines,
he entreated that they would return him his books, lest his enemies
should have it in their power to reproach him with not being able to
give an account of the moneys intrusted to him. The Numantines
joyfully embraced this opportunity of obliging him, and invited him
into the city; as he stood hesitating, they came up and took him by
the hands, and begged that he would no longer look upon them as
enemies, but believe them to be his friends, and treat them as such.
Tiberius thought it well to consent, desirous as he was to have his
books returned, and was afraid lest he should disoblige them by
showing any distrust. As soon as he entered into the city, they
first offered him food, and made every kind of entreaty that he
would sit down and eat something in their company. Afterwards they
returned his books, and gave him the liberty to take whatever he
wished for in the remaining spoils. He, on the other hand, would
accept of nothing but some frankincense, which he used in his public
sacrifices, and bidding them farewell with every expression of
kindness, departed.
  When he returned to Rome, he found the whole transaction censured
and reproached, as a proceeding that was base and scandalous to the
Romans. But the relations and friends of the soldiers, forming a large
body among the people, came flocking to Tiberius, whom they
acknowledged as the preserver of so many citizens, imputing to the
general all the miscarriages which had happened. Those who cried out
against what had been done, urged for imitation the example of their
ancestors, who stripped and handed over to the Samnites not only the
generals who had consented to the terms of release, but also all the
quaestors, for example, and tribunes, who had in any way implicated
themselves in the agreement, laying the guilt of perjury and breach of
conditions on their heads. But, in this all the populace, showing an
extraordinary kindness and affection for Tiberius, indeed voted that
the consul should be stripped and put in irons, and so delivered to
the Numantines; but, for the sake of Tiberius, spared all the other
officers. It may be probable, also, that Scipio, who at that time
was the greatest and most powerful man among the Romans, contributed
to save him, though indeed he was also censured for not protecting
Mancinus too, and that he did not exert himself to maintain the
observance of the articles of peace which had been agreed upon by
his kinsman and friend Tiberius. But it may be presumed that the
difference between them was for the most part due to ambitious
feelings, and to the friends and reasoners who urged on Tiberius, and,
as it was, it never amounted to anything that might not have been
remedied, or that was really bad. Nor can I think that Tiberius
would ever have met with his misfortunes, if Scipio had been concerned
in dealing with his measures; but he was away fighting at Numantia
when Tiberius, upon the following occasion, first came forward as a
legislator.
  Of the land which the Romans gained by conquest from their
neighbours, part they sold publicly, and turned the remainder into
common; this common land they assigned to such of the citizens as were
poor and indigent, for which they were to pay only a small
acknowledgment into the public treasury. But when the wealthy men
began to offer larger rents, and drive the poorer people out, it was
enacted by law that no person whatever should enjoy more than five
hundred acres of ground. This act for some time checked the avarice of
the richer, and was of great assistance to the poorer people, who
retained under it their respective proportions of ground, as they
had been formerly rented by them. Afterwards the rich men of the
neighbourhood contrived to get these lands again into their
possession, under other people's names, and at last would not stick to
claim most of them publicly in their own. The poor, who were thus
deprived of their farms, were no longer either ready, as they had
formerly been, to serve in war or careful in the education of their
children; insomuch that in a short time there were comparatively few
freemen remaining in all Italy, which swarmed with workhouses full
of foreign-born slaves. These the rich men employed in cultivating
their ground of which they dispossessed the citizens. Caius Laelius,
the intimate friend of Scipio, undertook to reform this abuse; but
meeting with opposition from men of authority, and fearing a
disturbance, he soon desisted, and received the name of the Wise or
the Prudent, both which meanings belong to the Latin word Sapiens.
  But Tiberius, being elected tribune of the people, entered upon that
design without delay, at the instigation, as is most commonly
stated, of Diophanes, the rhetorician, and Blossius, the
philosopher. Diophanes was a refugee from Mitylene, the other was an
Italian, of the city of Cuma, and was educated there under Antipater
of Tarsus, who afterwards did him the honour to dedicate some of his
philosophical lectures to him.
  Some have also charged Cornelia, the mother of Tiberius, with
contributing towards it, because she frequently upbraided her sons,
that the Romans as yet rather called her the daughter of Scipio,
than the mother of the Gracchi. Others again say that Spurius
Postumius was the chief occasion. He was a man of the same age with
Tiberius, and his rival for reputation as a public speaker; and when
Tiberius, at his return from the campaign, found him to have got far
beyond him in fame and influence, and to be much looked up to, he
thought to outdo him, by attempting a popular enterprise of this
difficulty and of such great consequence. But his brother Caius has
left it us in writing, that when Tiberius went through Tuscany to
Numantia, and found the country almost depopulated, there being hardly
any free husbandmen or shepherds, but for the most part only
barbarian, imported slaves, he then first conceived the course of
policy which in the sequel proved so fatal to his family. Though it is
also most certain that the people themselves chiefly excited his
zeal and determination in the prosecution of it, by setting up
writings upon the porches, walls, and monuments, calling upon him to
reinstate the poor citizens in their former possessions.
  However, he did not draw up his law without the advice and
assistance of those citizens that were then most eminent for their
virtue and authority; amongst whom were Crassus, the high-priest,
Mucius Scaevola, the lawyer, who at that time was consul, and Claudius
Appius, his father-in-law. Never did any law appear more moderate
and gentle, especially being enacted against such great oppression and
avarice. For they who ought to have been severely punished for
trangressing the former laws, and should at least have lost all
their titles to such lands which they had unjustly usurped, were
notwithstanding to receive a price for quitting their unlawful claims,
and giving up their lands to those fit owners who stood in need of
help. But though this reformation was managed with so much
tenderness that, all the former transactions being passed over, the
people were only thankful to prevent abuses of the like nature for the
future, yet, on the other hand, the moneyed men, and those of great
estates, were exasperated, through their covetous feelings against the
law itself, and against the lawgiver, through anger and
party-spirit. They therefore endeavoured to seduce the people,
declaring that Tiberius was designing a general redivision of lands,
to overthrow the government, and cut all things into confusion.
  But they had no success. For Tiberius, maintaining an honourable and
just cause, and possessed of eloquence sufficient to have made a
less creditable action appear plausible, was no safe or easy
antagonist, when, with the people crowding around the hustings, he
took his place, and spoke in behalf of the poor. "The savage
beasts," said he, "in Italy, have their particular dens, they have
their places of repose and refuge; but the men who bear arms, and
expose their lives for the safety of their country, enjoy in the
meantime nothing more in it but the air and light and, having no
houses or settlements of their own, are constrained to wander from
place to place with their wives and children." He told them that the
commanders were guilty of a ridiculous error, when, at the head of
their armies, they exhorted the common soldiers to fight for their
sepulchres and altars; when not any amongst so many Romans is
possessed of either altar or monument, neither have they any houses of
their own, or hearths of their ancestors to defend. They fought indeed
and were slain, but it was to maintain the luxury and the wealth of
other men. They were styled the masters of the world, but in the
meantime had not one foot of ground which they could call their own.
An harangue of this nature, spoken to an enthusiastic and sympathizing
audience, by a person of commanding spirit and genuine feelings, no
adversaries at that time were competent to oppose. Forbearing,
therefore, all discussion and debate, they addressed themselves to
Marcus Octavius, his fellow-tribune, who being a young man of a
steady, orderly character, and an intimate friend of Tiberius, upon
this account declined at first the task of opposing him; but at
length, over-persuaded with the repeated importunities of numerous
considerable persons, he was prevailed upon to do so, and hindered the
passing of the law; it being the rule that any tribune has a power
to hinder an act, and that all the rest can effect nothing, if only
one of them dissents. Tiberius, irritated at these proceedings,
presently laid aside this milder bill, but at the same time
preferred another; which, as it was more grateful to the common
people, so it was much more severe against the wrongdoers,
commanding them to make an immediate surrender of all lands which,
contrary to former laws, had come into their possession. Hence there
arose daily contentions between him and Octavius in their orations.
However, though they expressed themselves with the utmost heat and
determination, they yet were never known to descend to any personal
reproaches, or in their passion to let slip any indecent
expressions, so as to derogate from one another.
  For not alone-

         "In revellings and Bacchic play,"

but also in contentions and political animosities, a noble nature
and a temperate education stay and compose the mind. Observing that
Octavius himself was an offender against this law, and detained a
great quantity of ground from the commonalty, Tiberius desired him
to forbear opposing him any further, and proffered, for the public
good, though he himself had but an indifferent estate, to pay a
price for Octavius's share at his own cost and charges. But upon the
refusal of this proffer by Octavius, he then interposed an edict,
prohibiting all magistrates to exercise their respective functions,
till such time as the law was either ratified or rejected by public
votes. He further sealed up the gates of Saturn's temple, so that
the treasurers could neither take any money out from thence, nor put
any in. He threatened to impose a severe fine upon those of the
praetors who presumed to disobey his commands, insomuch that all the
officers, for fear of this penalty, intermitted the exercise of
their several jurisdictions. Upon this the rich proprietors put
themselves into mourning, and went up and down melancholy and
dejected; they entered also into a conspiracy against Tiberius, and
procured men to murder him; so that he also, with all men's knowledge,
whenever he went abroad, took with him a sword-staff, such as
robbers use, called in Latin a dolo.
  When the day appointed was come, and the people summoned to give
their votes, the rich men seized upon the voting urns and carried them
away by force; thus all things were in confusion. But when
Tiberius's party appeared strong enough to oppose the contrary
faction, and drew together in a body, with the resolution to do so,
Manlius and Fulvius, two of the consular quality, threw themselves
before Tiberius, took him by the hand, and, with tears in their
eyes, begged of him to desist. Tiberius, considering the mischiefs
that were all but now occurring, and having a great respect for two
such eminent persons, demanded of them what they would advise him to
do. They acknowledged themselves unfit to advise in a matter of so
great importance, but earnestly entreated him to leave it to the
determination of the senate. But when the senate assembled, and
could not bring the business to any result, through the prevalence
of the rich faction, he then was driven to a course neither legal
nor fair, and proposed to deprive Octavius of his tribuneship, it
being impossible for him in any other way to get the law brought to
the vote. At first he addressed him publicly, with entreaties
couched in the kindest terms, and taking him by his hands, besought
him, that now, in the presence of all the people, he would take this
opportunity to oblige them, in granting only that request which was in
itself so just and reasonable, being but a small recompense in
regard of those many dangers and hardships which they had undergone
for the public safety. Octavius, however, would by no means be
persuaded to compliance; upon which Tiberius declared openly, that,
seeing they two were united in the same office, and of equal
authority, it would be a difficult matter to compose their
difference on so weighty a matter without a civil war; and that the
only remedy which he knew must be the deposing one of them from
their office. He desired, therefore, that Octavius would summon the
people to pass their verdict upon him first, averring that he would
willingly relinquish his authority if the citizens desired it.
Octavius refused; and Tiberius then said he would himself put to the
people the question of Octavius's deposition, if upon mature
deliberation he did not alter his mind and after this declaration he
adjourned the assembly till the next day.
  When the people were met together again, Tiberius placed himself
in the rostra, and endeavoured a second time to persuade Octavius. But
all being to no purpose, he referred the whole matter to the people,
calling on them to vote at once, whether Octavius should be deposed or
not; and when seventeen of the thirty-five tribes had already voted
against him, and there wanted only the votes of one tribe more for his
final deprivation, Tiberius put a short stop to the proceedings, and
once more renewed his importunities; he embraced and kissed him before
all the assembly, begging with all the earnestness imaginable, that he
would neither suffer himself to incur the dishonour, nor him to be
reputed the author and promoter of so odious a measure. Octavius, we
are told, did seem a little softened and moved with these
entreaties; his eyes filled with tears, and he continued silent for
a considerable time. But presently looking towards the rich men and
proprietors of estates, who stood gathered in a body together,
partly for shame, and partly for fear of disgracing himself with them,
he boldly bade Tiberius use any severity he pleased. The law for his
deprivation being thus voted, Tiberius ordered one of his servants,
whom he had made a freeman, to remove Octavius from the rostra,
employing his own domestic freed servants in the stead of the public
officers. And it made the action seem all the sadder, that Octavius
was dragged out in such an ignominious manner. The people
immediately assaulted him, whilst the rich men ran in to his
assistance. Octavius, with some difficulty, was snatched away and
safely conveyed out of the crowd; though a trusty servant of his,
who had placed himself in front of his master that he might assist his
escape, in keeping off the multitude, had his eyes struck out, much to
the displeasure of Tiberius, who ran with all haste, when he perceived
the disturbance, to appease the rioters.
  This being done, the law concerning the lands was ratified and
confirmed, and three commissioners were appointed, to make a survey of
the grounds, and see the same equally divided. These were Tiberius
himself, Claudius Appius, his father-in-law and his brother, Caius
Gracchus, who at this time was not at Rome, but in the army under
the command of Scipio Africanus before Numantia. These things were
transacted by Tiberius without any disturbance, none daring to offer
any resistance to him; besides which, he gave the appointment as
tribune in Octavius's place, not to any person of distinction, but
to a certain Mucius, one of his own clients. The great men of the city
were therefore utterly offended, and, fearing lest he grew yet more
popular, they took all opportunities of affronting him publicly in the
senate-house. For when he requested, as was usual, to have a tent
provided at the public charge for his use, while dividing the lands,
though it was a favour commonly granted to persons employed in
business of much less importance, it was peremptorily refused to
him; and the allowance made him for his daily expenses was fixed to
nine obols only. The chief promoter of these affronts was Publius
Nasica, who openly abandoned himself to his feelings of hatred against
Tiberius, being a large holder of the public lands, and not a little
resenting now to be turned out of them by force. The people, on the
other hand, were still more and more excited, insomuch that a little
after this, it happening that one of Tiberius's friends died suddenly,
and his body being marked with malignant-looking spots, they ran, in a
tumultuous manner, to his funeral, crying aloud that the man was
poisoned. They took the bier upon their shoulders, and stood over
it, while it was placed on the pile, and really seemed to have fair
grounds for their suspicion of foul play. For the body burst open, and
such a quantity of corrupt humours issued out, that the funeral fire
was extinguished, and when it was again kindled, the wood still
would not burn; insomuch that they were constrained to carry the
corpse to another place, where with much difficulty it took fire.
Besides this, Tiberius, that he might incense the people yet more, put
himself into mourning, brought his children amongst the crowd, and
entreated the people to provide for them and their mother, as if he
now despaired of his own security.
  About this time king Attalus, surnamed Philometor, died, and
Eudemus, a Pergamenian, brought his last will to Rome, by which he had
made the Roman people his heirs. Tiberius, to please the people,
immediately proposed making a law, that all the money which Attalus
left should be distributed amongst such poor citizens as were to be
sharers of the public lands, for the better enabling them to proceed
in stocking and cultivating their ground; and as for the cities that
were in the territories of Attalus, he declared that the disposal of
them did not at all belong to the senate, but to the people, and
that he himself would ask their pleasure herein. By this he offended
the senate more than ever he had done before, and Pompeius stood up
and acquainted them that he was the next neighbour to Tiberius, and so
had the opportunity of knowing that Eudemus, the Pergamenian, had
presented Tiberius with a royal diadem and a purple robe, as before
long he was to be king of Rome. Quintus Metellus also upbraided him,
saying, that when his father was censor, the Romans, whenever he
happened to be going home from a supper, used to put out all their
lights, lest they should be seen to have indulged themselves in
feasting and drinking at unseasonable hours, whereas now the most
indigent and audacious of the people were found with their torches
at night, following Tiberius home. Titus Annius, a man of no great
repute for either justice or temperance, but famous for his skill in
putting and answering questions, challenged Tiberius to the proof by
wager, declaring him to have deposed a magistrate who by law was
sacred and inviolable. Loud clamour ensued, and Tiberius, quitting the
senate hastily, called together the people, and summoning Annius to
appear, was proceeding to accuse him. But Annius, being no great
speaker, nor of any repute compared to him, sheltered himself in his
own particular art, and desired that he might propose one or two
questions to Tiberius before he entered upon the chief argument.
This liberty being granted, and silence proclaimed, Annius proposed
his question. "If you," said he, "had a design to disgrace and
defame me, and I should apply myself to one of your colleagues for
redress, and he should come forward to my assistance, would you for
that reason fall into a passion, and depose him?" Tiberius, they
say, was so much disconcerted at this question, that, though at
other times his assurance as his readiness of speech was always
remarkable, yet now he was silent and made no reply.
  For the present he dismissed the assembly. But beginning to
understand that the course he had taken with Octavius had created
offence even among the populace as well as the nobility, because the
dignity of the tribunes seemed to be violated, which had always
continued till that day sacred and honourable, he made a speech to the
people in justification of himself; out of which it may not be
improper to collect some particulars, to give an impression of his
force and persuasiveness in speaking. "A tribune," he said, "of the
people, is sacred indeed, and ought to be inviolable, because in a
manner consecrated to be the guardian and protector of them; but if he
degenerate so far as to oppress the people, abridge their powers,
and take away their liberty of voting, he stands deprived by his own
act of honours and immunities, by the neglect of the duty for which
the honour was bestowed upon him. Otherwise we should be under the
obligation to let a tribune do this pleasure, though he should proceed
to destroy the capitol or set fire to the arsenal. He who should
make these attempts would be a bad tribune. He who assails the power
of the people is no longer a tribune at all. Is it not inconceivable
that a tribune should have power to imprison a consul, and the
people have no authority to degrade him when he uses that honour which
he received from them, to their detriment? For the tribunes, as well
as the consuls, hold office by the people's votes. The kingly
government, which comprehends all sorts of authority in itself
alone, is moreover elevated by the greatest and most religious
solemnity imaginable into a condition of sanctity. But the citizens,
notwithstanding this, deposed Tarquin, when he acted wrongfully; and
for the crime of one single man, the ancient government under which
Rome was built was abolished for ever. What is there in all Rome so
sacred and venerable as the vestal virgins, to whose care alone the
preservation of the eternal fire is committed? yet if one of these
transgress she is buried alive; the sanctity which for the gods' sakes
is allowed them, is forfeited when they offend against the gods. So
likewise a tribune retains not his inviolability, which for the
people's sake was accorded to him, when he offends against the people,
and attacks the foundations of that authority from whence he derived
his own. We esteem him to be legally chosen tribune who is elected
only by the majority of votes; and is not therefore the same person
much more lawfully degraded when, by a general consent of them all,
they agreed to depose him? Nothing is so sacred as religious
offerings; yet the people were never prohibited to make use of them,
but suffered to remove and carry them wherever they pleased; so
likewise, as it were some sacred present, they have lawful power to
transfer the tribuneship from one man's hands to another's. Nor can
that authority be thought inviolable and irremovable which many of
those who have held it, have of their own act surrendered and
desired to be discharged from."
  These were the principal heads of Tiberius's apology. But his
friends, apprehending the dangers which seemed to threaten him, and
the conspiracy that was gathering head against him, were of opinion
that the safest way would be for him to petition that he might be
continued tribune for the year ensuing. Upon this consideration he
again endeavoured to secure the people's good-will with fresh laws,
making the years of serving in the war fewer than formerly, granting
liberty of appeal from the judges to the people, and joining to the
senators, who were judges at that time, an equal number of citizens of
the horsemen's degree, endeavouring as much as in him lay to lessen
the power of the senate, rather from passion and partisanship than
from any rational regard to equity and the public good. And when it
came to the question whether these laws should be passed, and they
perceived that the opposite party were strongest, the people as yet
being not got together in a full body, they began first of all to gain
time by speeches in accusation of some of their fellow-magistrates and
at length adjourned the assembly till the day following.
  Tiberius then went down into the market-place amongst the people,
and made his addresses to them humbly and with tears in his eyes;
and told them he had just reason to suspect that his adversaries would
attempt in the night-time to break open his house and murder him. This
worked so strongly with the multitude, that several of them pitched
tents round about his house, and kept guard all night for the security
of his person. By break of day came one of the soothsayers, who
prognosticate good or bad success by the pecking of fowls, and threw
them something to eat. The soothsayer used his utmost endeavours to
fright the fowls out of their coop; but none of them except one
would venture out, which fluttered with his left wing, and stretched
out its leg, and ran back again into the coop, without eating
anything. This put Tiberius in mind of another ill-omen which had
formerly happened to him. He had a very costly headpiece, which he
made use of when he engaged in any battle, and into this piece of
armour two serpents crawled, laid eggs, and brought forth young
ones. The remembrance of which made Tiberius more concerned now than
otherwise he would have been. However, he went towards the capitol
as soon as he understood that the people were assembled there; but
before he got out of the house he stumbled upon the threshold with
such violence, that he broke the nail of his great toe, insomuch
that blood gushed out of his shoes. He was not gone very far before he
saw two ravens fighting on the top of a house which stood on his
left hand as he passed along; and though he was surrounded with a
number of people, a stone struck from its place by one of the
ravens, fell just at his foot. This even the boldest men about him
felt as a check. But Blossius of Cuma, who was present, told him
that it would be a shame and an ignominious thing for Tiberius, who
was a son of Gracchus, the grandson of Scipio Africanus, and the
protector of the Roman people to refuse, for fear of a silly bird,
to answer when his countrymen called to him; and that his
adversaries would represent it not as a mere matter for their
ridicule, but would declaim about it to the people as the mark of a
tyrannical temper, which felt a pride in taking liberties with the
people. At the same time several messengers came also from his
friends, to desire his presence at the capitol, saying that all things
went there according to expectation. And indeed Tiberius's first
entrance there was in every way successful; as soon as ever he
appeared, the people welcomed him with loud acclamations, and as he
went up to his place, they repeated their expressions of joy, and
gathered in a body around him, so that no one who was not well known
to be his friend might approach. Mucius then began to put the business
again to the vote; but nothing could be performed in the usual
course and order, because of the disturbance caused by those who
were on the outside of the crowd, where there was a struggle going
on with those of the opposite party, who were pushing on and trying to
force their way in and establish themselves among them.
  Whilst things were in this confusion, Flavius Flaccus, a senator,
standing in a place where he could be seen, but at such a distance
from Tiberius that he could not make him hear, signified to him by
motions of his hand, that he wished to impart something of consequence
to him in private. Tiberius ordered the multitude to make way for him,
by which means, though not without some difficulty, Flavius got to
him, and informed him that the rich men, in a sitting of the senate,
seeing they could not prevail upon the consul to espouse their
quarrel, had come to a final determination amongst themselves that
he should be assassinated, and to that purpose had a great number of
their friends and servants ready armed to accomplish it. Tiberius no
sooner communicated this confederacy to those about him, but they
immediately tucked up their gowns, broke the halberts which the
officers used to keep the crowd off into pieces, and distributed
them among themselves, resolving to resist the attack with these.
Those who stood at a distance wondered, and asked what was the
occasion; Tiberius, knowing that they could not hear him at that
distance, lifted his hand to his head wishing to intimate the great
danger which he apprehended himself to be in. His adversaries,
taking notice of that action, ran off at once to the senate-house, and
declared that Tiberius desired the people to bestow a crown upon
him, as if this were the meaning of his touching his head. This news
created general confusion in the senators, and Nasica at once called
upon the consul to punish this tyrant, and defend the government.
The consul mildly replied, that he would not be the first to do any
violence; and as he would not suffer any freeman to be put to death,
before sentence had lawfully passed upon him, so neither would he
allow any measure to be carried into effect, if by persuasion or
compulsion on the part of Tiberius the people had been induced to pass
an unlawful vote. But Nasica, rising from his seat, "Since the
consul," said he, "regards not the safety of the commonwealth, let
every one who will defend the laws, follow me." He then, casting the
skirt of his gown over his head, hastened to the capitol; those who
bore him company, wrapped their gowns also about their arms, and
forced their way after him. And as they were persons of the greatest
authority in the city, the common people did not venture to obstruct
their passing, but were rather so eager to clear the way for them,
that they tumbled over one another in haste. The attendants they
brought with them had furnished themselves with clubs and staves
from their houses, and they themselves picked up the feet and other
fragments of stools and chairs, which were broken by the hasty
flight of the common people. Thus armed, they made towards Tiberius,
knocking down those whom they found in front of him, and those were
soon wholly dispersed and many of them slain. Tiberius tried to save
himself by flight. As he was running, he was stopped by one who caught
hold of him by the gown; but he threw it off, and fled in his
under-garment only. And stumbling over those who before had been
knocked down, as he was endeavouring to get up again, Publius
Satureius, a tribune, one of his colleagues, was observed to give
him the first fatal stroke, by hitting him upon the head with the foot
of a stool. The second blow was claimed, as though it had been a
deed to be proud of, by Lucius Rufus. And of the rest there fell above
three hundred killed by clubs and staves only, none by an iron weapon.
  This, we are told, was the first sedition amongst the Romans,
since the abrogation of kingly government, that ended in the
effusion of blood. All former quarrels which were neither small nor
about trivial matters, were always amicably composed, by mutual
concessions on either side, the senate yielding for fear of the
commons, and the commons out of respect to the senate. And it is
probable indeed that Tiberius himself might then have been easily
induced, by mere persuasion, to give way, and certainly, if attacked
at all, must have yielded without any recourse to violence and
bloodshed, as he had not at that time above three thousand men to
support him. But it is evident, that this conspiracy was fomented
against him, more out of the hatred and malice which the rich men
had to his person, than for the reasons which they commonly
pretended against him. In testimony of which we may adduce the cruelty
and unnatural insults which they used to his dead body. For they would
not suffer his own brother, though he earnestly begged the favour,
to bury him in the night, but threw him, together with the other
corpses, into the river. Neither did their animosity stop here; for
they banished some of his friends without legal process, and slew as
many of the others as they could lay their hands on; amongst whom
Diophanes, the orator, was slain, and one Caius Villius cruelly
murdered by being shut up in a large tun with vipers and serpents.
Blossius of Cuma, indeed, was carried before the consuls, and examined
touching what had happened, and freely confessed that he had done,
without scruple, whatever Tiberius bade him. "What," cried Nasica,
"then if Tiberius had bidden you burn the capitol, would you have
burnt it?" His first answer was, that Tiberius never would have
ordered any such thing; but being pressed with the same question by
several, he declared, "If Tiberius had commanded it, it would have
been right for me to do it; for he never would have commanded it, if
it had not been for the people's good." Blossius at this time was
pardoned, and afterwards went away to Aristonicus in Asia, and when
Aristonicus was overthrown and ruined, killed himself.
  The senate, to soothe the people after these transactions, did not
oppose the division of the public lands, and permitted them to
choose another commissioner in the room of Tiberius. So they elected
Publius Crassus, who was Gracchus's near connection, as his daughter
Licinia was married to Caius Gracchus; although Cornelius Nepos
says, that it was not Crassus's daughter whom Caius married, but
Brutus's, who triumphed for his victories over the Lusitanians: but
most writers state it as we have done. The people, however, showed
evident marks of their anger at Tiberius's death; and were clearly
waiting only for the opportunity to be revenged, and Nasica was
already threatened with an impeachment. The senate, therefore, fearing
lest some mischief should befall him, sent him ambassador into Asia,
though there was no occasion for his going thither. For the people did
not conceal their indignation even in the open streets, but railed
at him, whenever they met him abroad calling him a murderer and a
tyrant, one who had polluted the most holy and religious spot in
Rome with the blood of a sacred and inviolable magistrate. And so
Nasica left Italy, although he was bound, being the chief priest, to
officiate in all principal sacrifices. Thus wandering wretchedly and
ignominiously from one place to another, he died in a short time
after, not far from Pergamus. It is no wonder that the people had such
an aversion to Nasica, when even Scipio Africanus, though so much
and so deservedly beloved by the Romans, was in danger of quite losing
the good opinion which the people had of him, only for repeating, when
the news of Tiberius's death was first brought to Numantia, the
verse out of Homer-

         "Even so perish all who do the same."

And afterwards, being asked by Caius and Fulvius, in a great assembly,
what he thought of Tiberius's death, he gave an answer adverse to
Tiberius's public actions. Upon which account, the people
thenceforth used to interrupt him when he spoke, which, until that
time, they had never done, and he, on the other hand, was induced to
speak ill of the people. But of this the particulars are given in
the life of Scipio.


                             THE END