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                                      75 AD
                                   SERTORIUS
                                  130?-72 B.C.
                                  by Plutarch
                           translated by John Dryden
SERTORIUS

  IT is no great wonder if in long process of time, while fortune
takes her course hither and thither, numerous coincidences should
spontaneously occur. If the number and variety of subjects to be
wrought upon be infinite, it is all the more easy for fortune, with
such an abundance of material, to effect this similarity of results.
Or if, on the other hand, events are limited to the combinations of
some finite number, then of necessity the same must often recur, and
in the same sequence. There are people who take a pleasure in making
collections of all such fortuitous occurrences that they have heard or
read of, as look like works of a rational power and design; they
observe, for example, that two eminent persons whose names were Attis,
the one a Syrian, the other of Arcadia, were both slain by a wild
boar; that of two whose names were Actaeon, the one was torn in pieces
by his dogs, the other by his lovers; that of two famous Scipios,
the one overthrew the Carthaginians in war, the other totally ruined
and destroyed them; the city of Troy was the first time taken by
Hercules for the horses promised him by Laomedon, the second time by
Agamemnon, by means of the celebrated great wooden horse, and the
third time by Charidemus, by occasion of a horse falling down at the
gate, which hindered the Trojans, so that they could not shut them
soon enough; and of two cities which take their names from the most
agreeable odoriferous plants, Ios and Smyrna, the one from a violet,
the other from myrrh, the poet Homer is reported to have been born
in the one and to have died in the other. And so to these instances
let us further add, that the most warlike commanders, and most
remarkable for exploits of skilful stratagem, have had but one eye; as
Philip, Antigonus, Hannibal, and Sertorius, whose life and actions
we describe at present; of whom, indeed, we might truly say, that he
was more continent than Philip, more faithful to his friends than
Antigonus, and more merciful to his enemies than Hannibal; and that
for prudence and judgment he gave place to none of them, but in
fortune was inferior to them all. Yet though he had continually in her
a far more difficult adversary to contend against than his open
enemies, he nevertheless maintained his ground, with the military
skill of Metellus, the boldness of Pompey, the success of Sylla, and
the power of the Roman people, all to be encountered by one who was
a banished man and a stranger at the head of a body of barbarians.
Among Greek commanders, Eumenes of Cardia may be best compared with
him; they were both of them men born for command, for warfare, and for
stratagem; both banished from their countries, and holding command
over strangers; both had fortune for their adversary, in their last
days so harshly so, that they were both betrayed and murdered by those
who served them, and with whom they had formerly overcome their
enemies.
  Quintus Sertorius was of a noble family, born in the city of Nursia,
in the country of the Sabines; his father died when he was young,
and he was carefully and decently educated by his mother, whose name
was Rhea, and whom he appears to have extremely loved and honoured. He
paid some attention to the study of oratory and pleading in his youth,
and acquired some reputation and influence in Rome by his eloquence;
but the splendour of his actions in arms, and his successful
achievements in the wars, drew off his ambition in that direction.
  At his first beginning, he served under Caepio, when the Cimbri
and Teutones invaded Gaul; where the Romans fighting unsuccessfully,
and being put to flight, he was wounded in many parts of his body, and
lost his horse, yet, nevertheless, swam across the river Rhone in
his armour, with his breastplate and shield, bearing himself up
against the violence of the current; so strong and so well inured to
hardship was his body.
  The second time that the Cimbri and Teutones came down with some
hundreds of thousands, threatening death and destruction to all,
when it was no small piece of service for a Roman soldier to keep
his ranks and obey his commander, Sertorius undertook, while Marius
led the army, to spy out the enemy's camp. Procuring a Celtic dress,
and acquainting himself with the ordinary expressions of their
language requisite for common intercourse, he threw himself in amongst
the barbarians; where having carefully seen with his own eyes, or
having been fully informed by persons upon the place of all their most
important concerns, he returned to Marius, from whose hands he
received the rewards of valour; and afterwards giving frequent proof
both of conduct and courage in all the following war, he was
advanced to places of honour and trust under his general. After the
wars with the Cimbri and Teutones, he was sent into Spain, having
the command of a thousand men under Didius, the Roman general, and
wintered in the country of the Celtiberians, in the city of Castulo,
where the soldiers enjoying great plenty, and growing insolent and
continually drinking, the inhabitants despised them and sent for aid
by night to the Gyrisoenians, their near neighbours, who fell upon the
Romans in their lodgings and slew a great number of them. Sertorius,
with a few of his soldiers, made his way out, and rallying together
the rest who escaped, he marched round about the walls, and finding
the gate open, by which the Gyrisoenians had made their secret
entrance, he gave not them the same opportunity, but placing a guard
at the gate, and seizing upon all quarters of the city, he slew all
who were of age to bear arms, and then ordering his soldiers to lay
aside their weapons and put off their own clothes, and put on the
accoutrements of the barbarians, he commanded them to follow him to
the city from whence the men came who had made this night attack
upon the Romans. And thus deceiving the Gyrisoenians with the sight of
their own armour, he found the gates of their city open, and took a
great number prisoners, who came out thinking to meet their friends
and fellow-citizens come home from a successful expedition. Most of
them were thus slain by the Romans at their own gates, and the rest
within yielded up themselves and were sold for slaves.
  This action made Sertorius highly renowned throughout all Spain, and
as soon as be returned to Rome he was appointed quaestor of
Cisalpine Gaul, at a very seasonable moment for his country, the
Marsian war being on the point of breaking out. Sertorius was
ordered to raise soldiers and provide arms, which he performed with
a diligence and alacrity, so contrasting with the feebleness and
slothfulness of other officers of his age, that he got the repute of a
man whose life would be one of action. Nor did he relinquish the
part of a soldier, now that he had arrived at the dignity of a
commander, but performed wonders with his own hands, and never sparing
himself, but exposing his body freely in all conflicts, he lost one of
his eyes. This he always esteemed an honour to him; observing that
others do not continually carry about with them the marks and
testimonies of their valour, but must often lay aside their chains
of gold, their spears and crowns; whereas his ensigns of honour, and
the manifestations of his courage, always remained with him, and those
who beheld his misfortune must at the same time recognize his
merits. The people also paid him the respect he deserved, and when
he came into the theatre, received him with plaudits and joyful
acclamations, an honour rarely bestowed even on persons of advanced
standing and established reputation. Yet, notwithstanding this
popularity, when he stood to be tribune of the people, he was
disappointed, and lost the place, being opposed by the party of Sylla,
which seems to have been the principal cause of his subsequent
enmity to Sylla.
  After that Marius was overcome by Sylla and fled into Africa, and
Sylla had left Italy to go to the wars against Mithridates, and of the
two consuls Octavius and Cinna, Octavius remained steadfast to the
policy of Sylla, but Cinna, desirous of a new revolution, attempted to
recall the lost interest of Marius, Sertorius joined Cinna's party,
more particularly as he saw that Octavius was not very capable, and
was also suspicious of any one that was a friend to Marius. When a
great battle was fought between the two consuls in the forum, Octavius
overcame, and Cinna and Sertorius, having lost not less than ten
thousand men, left the city, and gaining over most part of the
troops who were dispersed about and remained still in many parts of
Italy, they in a short time mustered up a force against Octavius
sufficient to give him battle again, and Marius, also, now coming by
sea out of Africa, proffered himself to serve under Cinna, as a
private soldier under his consul and commander.
  Most were for the immediate reception of Marius, but Sertorius
openly declared against it, whether he thought that Cinna would not
now pay as much attention to himself, when a man of higher military
repute was present, or feared that the violence of Marius would
bring all things to confusion, by his boundless wrath and vengeance
after victory. He insisted upon it with Cinna that they were already
victorious, that there remained little to be done, and that if they
admitted Marius, he would deprive them of the glory and advantage of
the war, as there was no man less easy to deal with, or less to be
trusted in, as a partner in power. Cinna answered, that Sertorius
rightly judged the affair, but that he himself was at a loss, and
ashamed, and knew not how to reject him, after he had sent for him
to share in his fortunes. To which Sertorius immediately replied, that
he had thought that Marius came into Italy of his own accord, and
therefore had deliberated as to what might be most expedient, but that
Cinna ought not so much as to have questioned whether he should accept
him whom he had already invited, but should have honourably received
and employed him, for his word once passed left no room for debate.
Thus Marius being sent for by Cinna, and their forces being divided
into three parts, under Cinna, Marius, and Sertorius, the war was
brought to a successful conclusion; but those about Cinna and Marius
committing all manner of insolence and cruelty, made the Romans
think the evils of war a golden time in comparison. On the contrary,
it is reported of Sertorius that he never slew any man in his anger to
satisfy his own private revenge, nor ever insulted over any one whom
he had overcome, but was much offended with Marius, and often
privately entreated Cinna to use his power more moderately. And in the
end, when the slaves whom Marius had freed at his landing to
increase his army, being made not only his fellow-soldiers in the war,
but also now his guard in his usurpation, enriched and powerful by his
favour, either by the command or permission of Marius, or by their own
lawless violence, committed all sorts of crimes, killed their masters,
ravished their masters' wives and abused their children, their conduct
appeared so intolerable to Sertorius that he slew the whole body of
them, four thousand in number, commanding his soldiers to shoot them
down with their javelins, as they lay encamped together.
  Afterwards when Marius died, and Cinna shortly after was slain, when
the younger Marius made himself consul against Sertorius's wishes
and contrary to law, when Carbo, Norbanus, and Scipio fought
unsuccessfully against Sylla, now advancing to Rome, when much was
lost by the cowardice and remissness of the commanders, but more by
the treachery of their party, when with the want of prudence in the
chief leaders, all went so ill that his presence could do no good,
in the end when Sylla had placed his camp near to Scipio, and by
pretending friendship, and putting him in hopes of a peace,
corrupted his army, and Scipio could not be made sensible of this,
although often forewarned of it by Sertorius- at last he utterly
despaired of Rome, and hasted into Spain, that by taking possession
there beforehand, he might secure a refuge to his friends from their
misfortunes at home. Having bad weather in his journey, and travelling
through mountainous countries, and the inhabitants stopping the way,
and demanding a toll and money for passage, those who were with him
were out of all patience at the indignity and shame it would be for
a proconsul of Rome to pay tribute to a crew of wretched barbarians.
But he little regarded their censure, and slighting that which had
only the appearance of an indecency, told them he must buy time, the
most precious of all things to those who go upon great enterprises;
and pacifying the barbarous people with money, he hastened his
journey, and took possession of Spain, a country flourishing and
populous, abounding with young men fit to bear arms; but on account of
the insolence and covetousness of the governors from time to time sent
thither from Rome they had generally an aversion to Roman supremacy.
He, however, soon gained the affection of their nobles by
intercourse with them, and the good opinion of the people by remitting
their taxes. But that which won him most popularity was his
exempting them from finding lodgings for the soldiers, when he
commanded his army to take up their winter quarters outside the
cities, and to pitch their camp in the suburbs; and when he himself,
first of all, caused his own tent to be raised without the walls.
Yet not being willing to rely totally upon the good inclination of the
inhabitants he armed all the Romans who lived in those countries
that were of military age, and undertook the building of ships and the
making of all sorts of warlike engines, by which means he kept the
cities in due obedience, showing himself gentle in all peaceful
business, and at the same time formidable to his enemies by his
great preparations for war.
  As soon as he was informed that Sylla had made himself master of
Rome, and that the party which sided with Marius and Carbo was going
to destruction, he expected that some commander with a considerable
army would speedily come against him, and therefore sent away Julius
Salinator immediately, with six thousand men fully armed, to fortify
and defend the passes of the Pyrenees. And Caius Annius not long after
being sent out by Sylla, finding Julius unassailable, sat down short
at the foot of the mountains in perplexity. But a certain
Calpurnius, surnamed Lanarius, having treacherously slain Julius,
and his soldiers then forsaking the heights of the Pyrenees, Caius
Annius advanced with large numbers and drove before him all who
endeavoured to hinder his march. Sertorius, also, not being strong
enough to give him battle, retreated with three thousand men into
New Carthage, where he took shipping, and crossed the seas into
Africa. And coming near the coast of Mauritania, his men went on shore
to water, and straggling about negligently, the natives fell upon them
and slew a great number. This new misfortune forced him to sail back
again into Spain, whence he was also repulsed, and, some Cilician
private ships joining with him, they made for the island of
Pityussa, where they landed and overpowered the garrison placed
there by Annius, who, however, came not long after with a great
fleet of ships and five thousand soldiers. And Sertorius made ready to
fight him by sea, although his ships were not built for strength,
but for lightness and swift sailing; but a violent west wind raised
such a sea that many of them were run aground and shipwrecked, and
he himself, with a few vessels, being kept from putting further out to
sea by the fury of the weather, and from landing by the power of his
enemies, were tossed about painfully for ten days together, amidst the
boisterous and adverse waves.
  He escaped with difficulty, and after the wind ceased, ran for
certain desert islands scattered in those seas, affording no water,
and after passing a night there, making out to sea again, he went
through the straits of Cadiz, and sailing outward, keeping the Spanish
shore on his right hand, landed a little above the mouth of the
river Baetis, where it falls into the Atlantic Sea, and gives the name
to that part of Spain. Here he met with seamen recently arrived from
the Atlantic islands, two in number, divided from one another only
by a narrow channel, and distant from the coast of Africa ten thousand
furlongs. These are called the Islands of the Blest; rain falls
there seldom, and in moderate showers, but for the most part they have
gentle breezes, bringing along with them soft dews, which render the
soil not only rich for ploughing and planting, but so abundantly
fruitful that it produces spontaneously an abundance of delicate
fruits, sufficient to feed the inhabitants, who may here enjoy all
things without trouble or labour. The seasons of the year are
temperate, and the transitions from one to another so moderate that
the air is almost always serene and pleasant. The rough northerly
and easterly winds which blow from the coasts of Europe and Africa,
dissipated in the vast open space, utterly lose their force before
they reach the islands. The soft western and southerly winds which
breathe upon them sometimes produce gentle sprinkling showers, which
they convey along with them from the sea, but more usually bring
days of moist, bright weather, cooling and gently fertilizing the
soil, so that the firm belief prevails, even among the barbarians,
that this is the seat of the blessed and that these are the Elysian
Fields celebrated by Homer.
  When Sertorius heard this account, he was seized with a wonderful
passion for these islands, and had an extreme desire to go and live
there in peace and quietness, and safe from oppression and unending
wars; but his inclinations being perceived by the Cilician pirates,
who desired not peace nor quiet, but riches and spoils, they
immediately forsook him and sailed away into Africa to assist Ascalis,
the son of Iphtha, and to help to restore him to his kingdom of
Mauritania. Their sudden departure noways discouraged Sertorius; he
presently resolved to assist the enemies of Ascalis, and by this new
adventure trusted to keep his soldiers together. who from this might
conceive new hopes, and a prospect of a new scene of action. His
arrival in Mauritania being very acceptable to the Moors, he lost no
time, but immediately giving battle to Ascalis, beat him out of the
field and besieged him; and Paccianus being sent by Sylla, with a
powerful supply, to raise the siege, Sertorius slew him in the
field, gained over all his forces, and took the city of Tingis, into
which Ascalis and his brothers were fled for refuge. The Africans tell
that Antaeus was buried in this city, and Sertorius had the grave
opened, doubting the story because of the prodigious size, and finding
there his body, in effect, it is said, full sixty cubits long, he
was infinitely astonished, offered sacrifice, and heaped up the tomb
again, gave his confirmation to the story, and added new honours to
the memory of Antaeus. The Africans tell that after the death of
Antaeus, his wife Tinga lived with Hercules, and had a son by him
called Sophax, who was king of these countries, and gave his
mother's name to this city, whose son, also, was Diodorus, a great
conqueror, who brought the greatest part of the Libyan tribes under
his subjection, with an army of Greeks, raised out of the colonies
of the Olbians and Myceneans placed here by Hercules. Thus much I
may mention for the sake of King Juba, of all monarchs the greatest
student of history whose ancestors are said to have sprung from
Diodorus and Sophax.
  When Sertorius had made himself absolute master of the whole
country, he acted with great fairness to those who had confided in
him, and who yielded to his mercy; he restored to them their property,
cities, and government, accepting only of such acknowledgments as they
themselves freely offered. And whilst he considered which way next
to turn his arms, the Lusitanians sent ambassadors to desire him to be
their general; for being terrified with the Roman power, and finding
the necessity of having a commander of great authority and
experience in war, being also sufficiently assured of his worth and
valour by those who had formerly known him, they were desirous to
commit themselves especially to his care. And in fact Sertorius is
said to have been of a temper unassailable either by fear or pleasure,
in adversity and dangers undaunted, and noways puffed up with
prosperity. In straightforward fighting, no commander in his time
was more bold and daring, and in whatever was to be performed in war
by stratagem, secrecy, or surprise, if any strong place was to be
secured, any pass to be gained speedily, for deceiving and
overreaching an enemy, there was no man equal to him in subtlety and
skill. In bestowing rewards and conferring honours upon those who
had performed good service in the wars, he was bountiful and
magnificent, and was no less sparing and moderate in inflicting
punishment. It is true that that piece of harshness and cruelty
which he executed in the latter part of his days upon the Spanish
hostages seems to argue that his clemency was not natural to him,
but only worn as a dress, and employed upon calculation, as his
occasion or necessity required. As to my own opinion, I am persuaded
that pure virtue, established by reason and judgment, can never be
totally perverted or changed into its opposite, by any misfortune
whatever. Yet I think it at the same time possible that virtuous
inclinations and natural good qualities may, when unworthily oppressed
by calamities, show, with change of fortune, some change and
alteration of their temper; and thus I conceive it happened to
Sertorius, who, when prosperity failed him, became exasperated by
his disasters against those who had done him wrong.
  The Lusitanians having sent for Sertorius, he left Africa, and being
made general with absolute authority, he put all in order amongst
them, and brought the neighbouring parts of Spain under subjection.
Most of the tribes voluntarily submitted themselves, won by the fame
of his clemency and of his courage, and, to some extent, also, he
availed himself of cunning artifices of his own devising to impose
upon them and gain influence over them. Amongst which, certainly, that
of the hind was not the least. Spanus, a countryman who lived in those
parts, meeting by chance a hind that had recently calved, flying
from the hunters, let the dam go, and pursuing the fawn, took it,
being wonderfully pleased with the rarity of the colour, which was all
milk-white. As at that time Sertorius was living in the neighbourhood,
and accepted gladly any presents of fruit, fowl, or venison that the
country afforded, and rewarded liberally those who presented them, the
countryman brought him his young hind, which he took and was well
pleased with at the first sight; but when in time he had made it so
tame and gentle that it would come when he called, and follow him
wheresoever he went, and could endure the noise and tumult of the
camp, knowing well that uncivilized people are naturally prone to
superstition, by little and little he raised it into something
preternatural, saying that it was given him by the goddess Diana,
and that it revealed to him many secrets. He added, also, further
contrivances. If he had received at any time private intelligence that
the enemies had made an incursion into any part of the districts under
his command, or had solicited any city to revolt, he pretended that
the hind had informed him of it in his sleep, and charged him to
keep his forces in readiness. Or if again he had noticed that any of
the commanders under him had got a victory, he would hide the
messengers and bring forth the hind crowned with flowers, for joy of
the good news that was to come, and would encourage them to rejoice
and sacrifice to the gods for the good account they should soon
receive of their prosperous success.
  By such practices, he brought them to be more tractable and obedient
in all things; for now they thought themselves no longer to be led
by a stranger, but rather conducted by a god, and the more so, as
the facts themselves seemed to bear witness to it, his power, contrary
to all expectation or probability, continually increasing. For with
two thousand six hundred men, whom for honour's sake he called Romans,
combined with seven hundred Africans, who landed with him when he
first entered Lusitania, together with four thousand targeteers and
seven hundred horse of the Lusitanians themselves, he made war against
four Roman generals, who commanded a hundred and twenty thousand foot,
six thousand horse, two thousand archers and slingers, and had
cities innumerable in their power; whereas at the first he had not
above twenty cities in all. From this weak and slender beginning, he
raised himself to the command of large nations of men, and the
possession of numerous cities; and of the Roman commanders who were
sent against him, he overthrew Cotta in a sea-fight, in the channel
near the town of Mellaria; he routed Fufidius, the governor of
Baetica, with the loss of two thousand Romans, near the banks of the
river Baetis; Lucius Domitius, proconsul of the other province of
Spain, was overthrown by one of his lieutenants; Thoranius, another
commander sent against him by Metellus with a great force, was
slain, and Metellus, one of the greatest and most approved Roman
generals then living, by a series of defeats, was reduced to such
extremities, that Lucius Manlius came to his assistance out of
Gallia Narbonensis, and Pompey the Great was sent from Rome itself
in all haste with considerable forces. Nor did Metellus know which way
to turn himself, in a war with such a bold and ready commander, who
was continually molesting him, and yet could not be brought to a set
battle, but by the swiftness and dexterity of his Spanish soldiery was
enabled to shift and adapt himself to any change of circumstances.
Metellus had had experience in battles fought by regular legions of
soldiers, fully armed and drawn up in due order into a heavy
standing phalanx, admirably trained for encountering and
overpowering an enemy who came to close combat, hand to hand, but
entirely unfit for climbing among the hills, and competing incessantly
with the swift attacks and retreats of a set of fleet mountaineers, or
to endure hunger and thirst and live exposed like them to the wind and
weather, without fire or covering.
  Besides, being now in years, and having been formerly engaged in
many fights and dangerous conflicts, he had grown inclined to a more
remiss, easy, and luxurious life, and was the less able to contend
with Sertorius who was in the prime of his strength and vigour, and
had a body wonderfully fitted for war, being strong, active, and
temperate, continually accustomed to endure hard labour, to take long,
tedious journeys, to pass many nights together without sleep, to eat
little, and to be satisfied with very coarse fare, and who was never
stained with the least excess in wine, even when he was most at
leisure. What leisure time he allowed himself he spent in hunting
and riding about, and so made himself thoroughly acquainted with every
passage for escape when he would fly, and for overtaking and
intercepting a pursuit, and gained a perfect knowledge of where he
could and where he could not go. Insomuch that Metellus suffered all
the inconveniences of defeat, although he earnestly desired to
fight, and Sertorius, though he refused the field, reaped all the
advantages of a conqueror. For he hindered them from foraging, and cut
them off from water; if they advanced, he was nowhere to be found;
if they stayed in any place and encamped, he continually molested
and alarmed them; if they besieged any town, he presently appeared and
besieged them again, and put them to extremities for want of
necessaries. Thus he so wearied out the Roman army that when Sertorius
challenged Metellus to fight singly with him, they commended it, and
cried out it was a fair offer, a Roman to fight against a Roman, and a
general against a general; and when Metellus refused the challenge,
they reproached him. Metellus derided and contemned this, and
rightly so; for, as Theophrastus observes, a general should die like a
general, and not like a skirmisher. But perceiving that the town of
the Langobritae, which gave great assistance to Sertorius, might
easily be taken for want of water, as there was but one well within
the walls, and the besieger would be master of the springs and
fountains in the suburbs, he advanced against the place, expecting
to carry it in two days' time, there being no more water, and gave
command to his soldiers to take five days' provision only.
Sertorius, however, resolving to send speedy relief, ordered two
thousand skins to be filled with water, naming a considerable sum of
money for the carriage of every skin; and many Spaniards and Moors
undertaking the work, he chose out those who were the strongest and
swiftest of foot, and sent them through the mountains, with order that
when they had delivered the water, they should convey away privately
all those who would be least serviceable in the siege, that there
might be water sufficient for the defendants. As soon as Metellus
understood this, he was disturbed, as he had already consumed most
part of the necessary provisions for his army, but he sent out Aquinus
with six thousand soldiers to fetch in fresh supplies. But Sertorius
having notice of it, laid an ambush for him, and having sent out
beforehand three thousand men to take post in a thickly wooded
water-course, with these he attacked the rear of Aquinus in his
return, while he himself, charging him in the front, destroyed part of
his army, and took the rest prisoners, Aquinus only escaping, after
the loss of both his horse and his armour. And Metellus, being
forced shamefully to raise the siege, withdrew amidst the laughter and
contempt of the Spaniards; while Sertorius became yet more the
object of their esteem and admiration.
  He was also highly honoured for his introducing discipline and
good order amongst them, for he altered their furious savage manner of
fighting, and brought them to make use of the Roman armour, taught
them to keep their ranks, and observe signals and watchwards; and
out of a confused number of thieves and robbers he constituted a
regular, well-disciplined army. He bestowed silver and gold upon
them liberally to gild and adorn their helmets, he had their shields
worked with various figures and designs, he brought them into the mode
of wearing flowered and embroidered cloaks and coats, and by supplying
money for these purposes, and joining with them in all improvements,
he won the hearts of all. That, however, which delighted them most was
the care that he took of their children. He sent for all the boys of
noblest parentage out of all their tribes, and placed them in the
great city of Osca, where he appointed masters to instruct them in the
Grecian and Roman learning. that when they came to be men, they might,
as he professed, be fitted to share with him in authority, and in
conducting the government, although under this pretext he really
made them hostages. However, their fathers were wonderfully pleased to
see their children going daily to the schools in good order,
handsomely dressed in gowns edged with purple, and that Sertorius paid
for their lessons, examined them often, distributed rewards to the
most deserving, and gave them the golden bosses to hang about their
necks, which the Romans called bullae.
  There being a custom in Spain that when a commander was slain in
battle, those who attended his person fought it out till they all died
with him, which the inhabitants of those countries called an offering,
or libation, there were few commanders that had any considerable guard
or number of attendants; but Sertorius was followed by many
thousands who offered themselves, and vowed to spend their blood
with his. And it is told that when his army was defeated near a city
in Spain, and the enemy pressed hard upon them, the Spaniards, with no
care for themselves, but being totally solicitous to save Sertorius,
took him upon their shoulders and passed him from one to another, till
they carried him into the city, and only when they had thus placed
their general in safety, provided afterwards each man for his own
security.
  Nor were the Spaniards alone ambitious to serve him, but the Roman
soldiers, also, that came out of Italy, were impatient to be under his
command; and when Perpenna Vento, who was of the same faction with
Sertorius, came into Spain with a quantity of money and a large number
of troops, and designed to make war against Metellus on his own
account, his own soldiers opposed it, and talked continually of
Sertorius, much to the mortification of Perpenna, who was puffed up
with the grandeur of his family and his riches. And when they
afterwards received tidings that Pompey was passing the Pyrenees, they
took up their arms laid hold on their ensigns, called upon Perpenna to
lead them to Sertorius, and threatened him that if he refused they
would go without him and place themselves under a commander who was
able to defend himself and those that served him. And so Perpenna
was obliged to yield to their desires, and joining Sertorius, added to
his army three-and-fifty cohorts.
  When now all the cities on this side of the river Ebro also united
their forces together under his command, his army grew great, for they
flocked together and flowed in upon him from all quarters. But when
they continually cried out to attack the enemy, and were impatient
of delay, their inexperienced, disorderly rashness caused Sertorius
much trouble, who at first strove to restrain them with reason and
good counsel; but when he perceived them refractory and unseasonably
violent, he gave way to their impetuous desires, and permitted them to
engage with the enemy, in such sort that they might, being repulsed,
yet not totally routed become more obedient to his commands for the
future. Which happening as he had anticipated, he soon rescued them,
and brought them safe into his camp. After a few days, being willing
to encourage them again, when he had called all his army together,
he caused two horses to be brought into the field, one old, feeble,
lean animal the other a lusty, strong horse, with a remarkably thick
and long tail. Near the lean one he placed a tall, strong man, and
near the strong young horse a weak, despicable-looking fellow; and
at a sign given, the strong man took hold of the weak horse's tail
with both his hands, and drew it to him with his whole force, as if he
would pull it off; the other, the weak man, in the meantime, set to
work to pluck off hair by hair from the great horse's tail. When the
strong man had given trouble enough to himself in vain, and sufficient
diversion to the company, and had abandoned his attempt, whilst the
weak, pitiful fellow in a short time and with little pains had left
not a hair on the great horse's tail, Sertorius rose up and spoke to
his army. "You see, fellow-soldiers, that perseverance is more
prevailing than violence, and that many things which cannot be
overcome when they are together, yield themselves up when taken little
by little. Assiduity and persistence are irresistible, and in time
overthrow and destroy the greatest powers whatever. Time being the
favourable friend and assistant of those who use their judgment to
await his occasions, and the destructive enemy of those who are
unreasonably urging and pressing forward." With a frequent use of such
words and such devices, he soothed the fierceness of the barbarous
people, and taught them to attend and watch for their opportunities.
  Of all his remarkable exploits, none raised greater admiration
than that which he put in practice against the Characitanians. These
are a people beyond the river Tagus, who inhabit neither cities nor
towns, but live in a vast high hill, within the deep dens and caves of
the rocks, the mouths of which open all towards the north. The country
below is of a soil resembling a light clay, so loose as easily to
break into powder, and is not firm enough to bear any one that
treads upon it, and if you touch it in the least it flies about like
ashes or unslacked lime. In any danger of war, these people
descended into their caves, and carrying in their booty and prey along
with them, stayed quietly within, secure from every attack. And when
Sertorius, leaving Metellus some distance off, had placed his camp
near this hill, they slighted and despised him, imagining that he
retired into these parts, being overthrown by the Romans. And
whether out of anger or resentment, or out of his unwillingness to
be thought to fly from his enemies, early in the morning he rode up to
view the situation of the place. But finding there was no way to
come at it, as he rode about, threatening them in vain and
disconcerted, he took notice that the wind raised the dust and carried
it up towards the caves of the Characitanians, the mouths of which, as
I said before, opened towards the north; and the northern wind,
which some call Caecias, prevailing most in those parts, coming up out
of moist plains or mountains covered with snow, at this particular
time, in the heat of summer, being further supplied and increased by
the melting of the ice in the northern regions, blew a delightful
fresh gale, cooling and refreshing the Characitanians and their cattle
all the day long. Sertorius, considering well all circumstances in
which either the information of the inhabitants or his own
experience had instructed him, commanded his soldiers to shovel up a
great quantity of this light, dusty earth, to heap it up together, and
make a mount of it over against the hill in which those barbarous
people resided, who, imagining that all this preparation was for
raising a mound to get at them, only mocked and laughed at it.
However, he continued the work till the evening, and brought his
soldiers back into their camp.
  The next morning a gentle breeze at first arose, and moved the
lightest parts of the earth and dispersed it about as the chaff before
the wind; but when the sun coming to be higher, the strong northerly
wind had covered the hills with the dust, the soldiers came and turned
this mound of earth over and over, and broke the hard clods in pieces,
whilst others on horseback rode through it backward and forward, and
raised a cloud of dust into the air: there with the wind the whole
of it was carried away and blown into the dwellings of the
Characitanians, all lying open to the north. And there being no
other vent or breathing-place than that through which the Caecias
rushed in upon them, it quickly blinded their eyes and filled their
lungs, and all but choked them, whilst they strove to draw in the
rough air mingled with dust and powdered earth. Nor were they able,
with all they could do, to hold out above two days, but yielding up
themselves on the third, adding, by their defeat, not so much of the
power of Sertorius, as to his renown, in proving that he was able to
conquer places by art, which were impregnable by the force of arms.
  So long as he had to do with Metellus, he was thought to owe his
successes to his opponent's age and slow temper, which were ill suited
for coping with the daring and activity of one who commanded a light
army more like a band of robbers than regular soldiers. But when
Pompey also passed over the Pyrenees, and Sertorius pitched his camp
near him, and offered and himself accepted every occasion by which
military skill could be put to the proof, and in this contest of
dexterity was found to have the better, both in baffling his enemy's
designs and in counter-scheming himself, the fame of him now spread
even to Rome itself, as the most expert commander of his time. For the
renown of Pompey was not small, who had already won much honour by his
achievements in the wars of Sylla, from whom he received the title
of Magnus, and was called Pompey the Great; and who had risen to the
honour of a triumph before the beard had grown on his face. And many
cities which were under Sertorius were on the very eve of revolting
and going over to Pompey, when they were deterred from it by that
great action, amongst others, which he performed near the city of
Lauron, contrary to the expectation of all.
  For Sertorius had laid siege to Lauron, and Pompey came with his
whole army to relieve it; and there being a hill near this city very
advantageously situated, they both made haste to take it. Sertorius
was beforehand, and took possession of it first, and Pompey, having
drawn down his forces, was not sorry that it had thus happened,
imagining that he had hereby enclosed his enemy between his own army
and the city, and sent in a messenger to the citizens of Lauron, to
bid them be of good courage, and to come upon their walls, where
they might see their besieger besieged. Sertorius, perceiving their
intentions, smiled, and said he would now teach Sylla's scholar, for
so he called Pompey in derision, that it was the part of a general
to look as well behind him as before him, and at the same time
showed them six thousand soldiers, whom he had left in his former
camp, from whence he marched out to take the hill, where, if Pompey
should assault him, they might fall upon his rear. Pompey discovered
this too late and not daring to give battle, for fear of being
encompassed, and yet being ashamed to desert his friends and
confederates in their extreme danger, was thus forced to sit still,
and see them ruined before his face. For the besieged despaired of
relief, and delivered up themselves to Sertorius, who spared their
lives and granted them their liberty, but burnt their city, not out of
anger or cruelty, for of all commanders that ever were Sertorius
seemed least of all to have indulged these passions, but only for
the greater shame and confusion of the admirers of Pompey, and that it
might be reported amongst the Spaniards, that though he had been so
close to the fire which burnt down the city of his confederates as
actually to feel the heat of it, he still had not dared to make any
opposition.
  Sertorius, however, sustained many losses; but he always
maintained himself and those immediately with him undefeated, and it
was by other commanders under him that he suffered; and he was more
admired for being able to repair his losses, and for recovering the
victory, than the Roman generals against him for gaining these
advantages; as at the battle of Sucro against Pompey, and at the
battle near Tuttia, against him and Metellus together. The battle near
the Sucro was fought, it is said, through the impatience of Pompey,
lest Metellus should share with him in the victory, Sertorius being
also willing to engage Pompey before the arrival of Metellus,
Sertorius delayed the time till the evening, considering that the
darkness of the night would be a disadvantage to his enemies,
whether flying or pursuing, being strangers, and having no knowledge
of the country.
  When the fight began, it happened that Sertorius was not placed
directly against Pompey, but against Afranius, who had command of
the left wing of the Roman army, as he commanded the right wing of his
own; but when he understood that his left wing began to give way,
and yield to the assault of Pompey, he committed the care of his right
wing to other commanders, and made haste to relieve those in distress;
and rallying some that were flying, and encouraging others that
still kept their ranks, he renewed the fight, and attacked the enemy
in their pursuit so effectively as to cause a considerable rout, and
brought Pompey into great danger of his life. For after being
wounded and losing his horse, he escaped unexpectedly. For the
Africans with Sertorius, who took Pompey's horse, set out with gold,
and covered with rich trappings, fell out with one another; and upon
the dividing of the spoil, gave over the pursuit. Afranius, in the
meantime, as soon as Sertorius had left his right wing, to assist
the other part of his army, overthrew all that opposed him; and
pursuing them to their camp, fell in together with them, and plundered
them till it was dark night; knowing nothing of Pompey's overthrow,
nor being able to restrain his soldiers from pillaging; when
Sertorius, returning with victory, fell upon him and upon his men, who
were all in disorder, and slew many of them. And the next morning he
came into the field again well armed, and offered battle, but
perceiving that Metellus was near, he drew off, and returned to his
camp, saying, "If this old woman had not come up, I would have whipped
that boy soundly, and sent him to Rome."
  He was much concerned that his white hind could nowhere be found; as
he was thus destitute of an admirable contrivance to encourage the
barbarous people at a time when he most stood in need of it. Some men,
however, wandering in the night, chanced to meet her, and knowing
her by her colour, took her; to whom Sertorius promised a good reward,
if they would tell no one of it; and immediately shut her up. A few
days after, he appeared in public with a very cheerful look, and
declared to the chief men of the country that the gods had foretold
him in a dream that some great good fortune should shortly attend him;
and, taking his seat, proceeded to answer the petitions of those who
applied themselves to him. The keepers of the hind, who were not far
off, now let her loose, and she no sooner espied Sertorius, but she
came leaping with great joy to his feet, laid her head upon his knees,
and licked his hands, as she formerly used to do. And Sertorius
stroking her, and making much of her again, with that tenderness
that the tears stood in his eyes, all that were present were
immediately filled with wonder and astonishment, and accompanying
him to his house with loud shouts for joy, looked upon him as a person
above the rank of mortal men, and highly beloved by the gods; and were
great courage and hope for the future.
  When he had reduced his enemies to the last extremity for want of
provision, he was forced to give them battle, in the plains near
Saguntum, to hinder them from foraging and plundering the country.
Both parties fought gloriously. Memmius, the best commander in
Pompey's army, was slain in the heat of the battle. Sertorius
overthrew all before him, and with great slaughter of his enemies
pressed forward towards Metellus. This old commander, making a
resistance beyond what could be expected from one of his years, was
wounded with a lance an occurrence which filled all who either saw
it or heard of it with shame, to be thought to have left their general
in distress, but at the same time to provoke them to revenge and
fury against their enemies; they covered Metellus with their
shields, and brought him off in safety, and then valiantly repulsed
the Spaniards; and so victory changed sides, and Sertorius, that he
might afford a more secure retreat to his army, and that fresh
forces might more easily be raised, retired into a strong city in
the mountains. And though it was the least of his intention to sustain
a long siege, yet he began to repair the walls, and to fortify the
gates, thus deluding his enemies, who came and sat down before the
town, hoping to take it without much resistance; and meantime gave
over the pursuit of the Spaniards, and allowed opportunity for raising
new forces for Sertorius, to which purpose he had sent commanders to
all their cities, with orders, when they had sufficiently increased
their numbers, to send him word of it. This news he no sooner
received, but he sallied out and forced his way through his enemies,
and easily joined them with the rest of his army. Having received this
considerable reinforcement, he set upon the Romans again, and by
rapidly assaulting them, by alarming them on all sides, by
ensnaring, circumventing, and laying ambushes for them, he cut off all
provisions by land, while with his piratical vessels he kept all the
coast in awe, and hindered their supplies by sea. He thus forced the
Roman generals to dislodge and to separate from one another:
Metellus departed into Gaul, and Pompey wintered among the
Vaccaeans, in a wretched condition, where, being in extreme want of
money, he wrote a letter to the senate, to let them know that if
they did not speedily support him, he must draw off his army; for he
had already spent his own money in the defence of Italy. To these
extremities, the chiefest and the most powerful commanders of the
age were reduced by the skill of Sertorius; and it was the common
opinion in Rome that he would be in Italy before Pompey.
  How far Metellus was terrified and at what rate he esteemed him,
he plainly declared, when he offered by proclamation an hundred
talents and twenty thousand acres of land to any Roman that should
kill him, and leave, if he were banished, to return; attempting
villainously to buy his life by treachery, when he despaired of ever
being able to overcome him in open war. When once he gained the
advantage in a battle against Sertorius, he was so pleased and
transported with his good fortune, that he caused himself to be
publicly proclaimed imperator; and all the cities which he visited
received him with altars and sacrifices; he allowed himself, it is
said, to have garlands placed on his head, and accepted sumptuous
entertainments, at which he sat drinking in triumphal robes, while
images and figures of victory were introduced by the motion of
machines, bringing in with them crowns and trophies of gold to present
to him, and companies of young men and women danced before him, and
sang to him songs of joy and triumph. By all which he rendered himself
deservedly ridiculous, for being so excessively delighted and puffed
up with the thoughts of having followed one who was retiring of his
own accord, and for having once had the better of him whom he used
to call Sylla's runaway slave, and his forces, the remnant of the
defeated troops of Carbo.
  Sertorius, meantime, showed the loftiness of his temper in calling
together all the Roman senators who had fled from Rome, and had come
and resided with him, and giving them the name of a senate; and out of
these he chose praetors and quaestors, and adorned his government with
all the Roman laws and institutions. And though he made use of the
arms, riches, and cities of the Spaniards, yet he would never, even in
word, remit to them the imperial authority, but set Roman officers and
commanders over them, intimating his purpose to restore liberty to the
Romans, not to raise up the Spaniard's power against them. For he
was a sincere lover of his country, and had a great desire to return
home; but in his adverse fortune he showed undaunted courage, and
behaved himself towards his enemies in a manner free from all
dejection and mean-spiritedness; and when he was in his prosperity,
and in the height of his victories, he sent word to Metellus and
Pompey that he was ready to lay down his arms and live a private
life if he were allowed to return home, declaring that he had rather
live as the meanest citizen in Rome than, exiled from it, be supreme
commander of all other cities together. And it is thought that his
great desire for his country was in no small measure promoted by the
tenderness he had for his mother, under whom he was brought up after
the death of his father, and upon whom he had placed his entire
affection. After that his friends had sent for him into Spain to be
their general, as soon as he heard of his mother's death he had almost
cast away himself and died for grief; for he lay seven days together
continually in his tent, without giving the word, or being seen by the
nearest of his friends; and when the chief commanders of the army
and persons of the greatest note came about his tent, with great
difficulty they prevailed with him at last to come abroad, and speak
to his soldiers, and to take upon him the management of affairs, which
were in a prosperous condition. And thus, to many men's judgment, he
seemed to have been in himself of a mild and compassionate temper, and
naturally given to ease and quietness, and to have accepted of the
command of military forces contrary to his own inclination, and not
being able to live in safety otherwise, to have been driven by his
enemies to have recourse to arms, and to espouse the wars as a
necessary guard for the defence of his person.
  His negotiations with King Mithridates further argue the greatness
of his mind. For when Mithridates recovering himself from his
overthrow by Sylla, like a strong wrestler that gets up to try another
fall, was again endeavouring to re-establish his power in Asia, at
this time the great fame of Sertorius was celebrated in all places;
and when the merchants who came out of the western parts of Europe,
bringing these, as it were, among their other foreign wares, had
filled the kingdom of Pontus with their stories of his exploits in
war, Mithridates was extremely desirous to send an embassy to him,
being also highly encouraged to it by the boastings of his
flattering courtiers, who, comparing Mithridates to Pyrrhus, and
Sertorius to Hannibal, professed that the Romans would never be able
to make any considerable resistance against such great forces, and
such admirable commanders, when they should be set upon on both
sides at once, on one by the most warlike general, and on the other by
the most powerful prince in existence.
  Accordingly, Mithridates sends ambassadors into Spain to Sertorius
with letters and instructions, and commission to promise ships and
money toward the charge of the war, if Sertorius would confirm his
pretensions upon Asia, and authorize to possess all that he had
surrendered to the Romans in his treaty with Sylla. Sertorius summoned
a full council which he called a senate, where, when others joyfully
approved of the conditions, and were desirous immediately to accept of
his offer, seeing that he desired nothing of them but a name, and an
empty title to places not in their power to dispose of, in
recompense of which they should be supplied with what they then
stood most in need of, Sertorius would by no means agree to it;
declaring that he was willing that King Mithridates should exercise
all royal power and authority over Bithynia and Cappadocia,
countries accustomed to a monarchical government, and not belonging to
Rome, but he could never consent that he should seize or detain a
province, which, by the justest right and title, was possessed by
the Romans, which Mithridates had formerly taken away from them, and
had afterwards lost in open war to Fimbria, and quitted upon a
treaty of peace with Sylla. For he looked upon it as his duty to
enlarge the Roman possessions by his conquering arms, and not to
increase his own power by the diminution of the Roman territories.
Since a noble-minded man, though he willingly accepts of victory
when it comes with honour, will never so much as endeavour to save his
own life upon any dishonourable terms.
  When this was related to Mithridates, he was struck with
amazement, and said to his intimate friends, "What will Sertorius
enjoin us to do when he comes to be seated in the Palatium in Rome,
who at present, when he is driven out to the borders of the Atlantic
Sea, sets bounds to our kingdoms in the east, and threatens us with
war if we attempt the recovery of Asia?" However, they solemnly,
upon oath, concluded a league between them, upon these terms: that
Mithridates should enjoy the free possessions of Cappadocia and
Bithynia, and that Sertorius should send him soldiers and a general
for his army, in recompense of which the king was to supply him with
three thousand talents and forty ships. Marcus Marius, a Roman senator
who had quitted Rome to follow Sertorius, was sent general into
Asia, in company with whom, when Mithridates had reduced divers of the
Asian cities, Marius made his entrance with rods and axes carried
before him, and Mithridates followed in the second place,
voluntarily waiting upon him. Some of these cities he set at
liberty, and others he freed from taxes, signifying to them that these
privileges were granted to them by the favour of Sertorius, and hereby
Asia, which had been miserably tormented by the revenue farmers, and
oppressed by the insolent pride and covetousness of the soldiers,
began to rise again to new hopes and to look forward with joy to the
expected change of government.
  But in Spain, the senators about Sertorius, and others of the
nobility, finding themselves strong enough for their enemies, no
sooner laid aside fear, but their minds were possessed by envy and
irrational jealousies of Sertorius's power. And chiefly Perpenna,
elevated by the thoughts of his noble birth, and carried away with a
fond ambition of commanding the army, threw out villainous
discourses in private amongst his acquaintance. "What evil genius," he
would say, "hurries us perpetually from worse to worse? We who
disdained to obey the dictates of Sylla, the ruler of the sea and
land, and thus to live at home in peace and quiet, are come hither
to our destruction, hoping to enjoy our liberty, and have made
ourselves slaves of our own accord; and are become the contemptible
guards and attendants of the banished Sertorius, who, that he may
expose us the further, gives us a name that renders us ridiculous to
all that hear it, and calls us the Senate, when at the same time he
makes us undergo as much hard labour, and forces us to be as subject
to his haughty commands and insolences, as any Spaniards and
Lusitanians." With these mutinous discourses he seduced them; and
though the greater number could not be led into open rebellion against
Sertorius, fearing his power, they were prevailed with to endeavour to
destroy his interest secretly. For by abusing the Lusitanians and
Spaniards, by inflicting severe punishments upon them, by raising
exorbitant taxes, and by pretending that all this was done by the
strict command of Sertorius, they caused great troubles, and made many
cities to revolt; and those who were sent to mitigate and heal these
differences did rather exasperate them, and increase the number of his
enemies, and left them at their return more obstinate and rebellious
than they found them. And Sertorius, incensed with all this, now so
far forgot his former clemency and goodness as to lay hands on the
sons of the Spaniards educated in the city of Osca; and, contrary to
all justice, he cruelly put some of them to death, and sold others.
  In the meantime, Perpenna, having increased the number of his
conspirators, drew in Manlius, a commander in the army, who, at that
time being attached to a youth, to gain his affections the more,
discovered the confederacy to him, bidding him neglect others, and
be constant to him alone; who, in a few days, was to be a person of
great power and authority. But the youth having a greater
inclination for Aufidius, disclosed all to him, which much surprised
and amazed him. For he was also one of the confederacy, but knew not
that Manlius was anyways engaged in it; but when the youth began to
name Perpenna, Gracinus, and others, whom he new very well to be sworn
conspirators, he was very much terrified and astonished; but made
light of it to the youth, and bade him not regard what Manlius said, a
vain, boasting fellow. However, he went presently to Perpenna, and
giving him notice of the danger they were in, and of the shortness
of their time, desired him immediately to put their designs in
execution. When all the confederates had consented to it, they
provided a messenger who brought feigned letters to Sertorius, in
which he had notice of a victory obtained, it said, by one of his
lieutenants, and of the great slaughter of his enemies: and as
Sertorius, being extremely well pleased, was sacrificing and giving
thanks to the gods for his prosperous success, Perpenna invited him,
and those with him, who were also of the conspiracy, to an
entertainment, and being very importunate, prevailed with him to come.
At all suppers and entertainments where Sertorius was present, great
order and decency was wont to be observed; for he would not endure
to hear or see anything that was rude or unhandsome, but made it the
habit of all who kept his company to entertain themselves with quiet
and inoffensive amusements. But in the middle of this entertainment,
those who sought occasion to quarrel fell into dissolute discourse
openly, and making as if they were very drunk, committed many
insolences on purpose to provoke him. Sertorius, being offended with
their ill-behaviour, or perceiving the state of their minds by their
way of speaking and their unusually disrespectful manner changed the
posture of his lying, and leaned backward, as one that neither heard
nor regarded them. Perpenna now took a cup full of wine, and, as he
was drinking, let it fall out of his hand and made a noise, which
was the sign agreed upon amongst them; and Antonius, who was next to
Sertorius, immediately wounded him with his sword. And whilst
Sertorius, upon receiving the wound, turned himself, and strove to get
up, Antonius threw himself upon his breast, and held both his hands,
so that he died by a number of blows, without being able even to
defend himself.
  Upon the first news of his death, most of the Spaniards left the
conspirators, and sent ambassadors to Pompey and Metellus, and yielded
themselves up to them. Perpenna attempted to do something with those
that remained, but he made only so much use of Sertorius's arms and
preparations for war as to disgrace himself in them, and to let it
be evident to all that he understood no more how to command than he
knew how to obey; and when he came against Pompey, he was soon
overthrown and taken prisoner. Neither did he bear this last
affliction with any bravery, but having Sertorius's papers and
writings in his hands, he offered to show Pompey letters from
persons of consular dignity, and of the highest quality in Rome,
written with their own hands, expressly to call Sertorius into
Italy, and to let him know what great numbers there were that
earnestly desired to alter the present state of affairs, and to
introduce another manner of government. Upon this occasion, Pompey
behaved not like a youth, or one of a light inconsiderate mind, but as
a man of a confirmed, mature, and solid judgment; and so freed Rome
from great fears and dangers of change. For he put all Sertorius's
writings and letters together and read not one of them, nor suffered
any one else to read them, but burnt them all, and caused Perpenna
immediately to be put to death, lest by discovering their names
further troubles and revolutions might ensue.
  Of the rest of the conspirators with Perpenna, some were taken and
slain by the command of Pompey, others fled into Africa, and were
set upon by the Moors, and run through with their darts: and in a
short time not one of them was left alive, except only Aufidius, the
rival of Manlius, who, hiding himself, or not being much inquired
after, died an old man, in an obscure village in Spain, in extreme
poverty, and hated by all.


                                THE END