The CDPD Public Domain Collection for CDTV 3/CDPDIII.bin/books/plutarch/pompey&agesilaus

Text File | 1992-07-31 | 12KB | 180 lines

                                      75 AD
                    THE COMPARISON OF POMPEY WITH AGESILAUS
                                  by Plutarch
                           translated by John Dryden

  THUS having drawn out the history of the lives of Agesilaus and
Pompey, the next thing is to compare them; and in order to this, to
take a cursory view, and bring together the points in which they
chiefly disagree; which are these. In the first place, Pompey
attained to all his greatness and glory by the fairest and justest
means, owing his advancement to his own efforts, and to the frequent
and important aid which he rendered Sylla, in delivering Italy from
its tyrants. But Agesilaus appears to have obtained his kingdom, not
without offence both towards gods and towards men, towards these, by
procuring judgment of bastardy against Leotychides, whom his brother
had declared his lawful son, and towards those, by putting a false
gloss upon the oracle, and eluding its sentence against his
lameness. Secondly, Pompey never ceased to display his respect for
Sylla during his lifetime, and expressed it also after his death, by
enforcing the honourable interment of his corpse, in despite of
Lepidus, and by giving his daughter in marriage to his son Faustus.
But Agesilaus, upon a slight pretence, cast off Lysander with
reproach and dishonour. Yet Sylla in fact had owed to Pompey services
as much as Pompey ever received from him, whereas Lysander made
Agesilaus King of Sparta and general of all Greece. Thirdly, Pompey's
transgressions of right and justice in his political life were
occasioned chiefly by his relations with other people, and most of
his errors had some affinity, as well as himself to Caesar and
Scipio, his fathers-in-law. But Agesilaus, to gratify the fondness of
his son, saved the life of Sphodrias by a sort of violence, when he
deserved death for the wrong he had done to the Athenians; and when
Phoebidas treacherously broke the peace with Thebes, zealously
abetted him for the sake, it was clear, of the unjust act itself. In
short, what mischief soever Pompey might be said to have brought on
Rome through compliance with the wishes of his friends or through
inadvertency, Agesilaus may be said to have brought on Sparta out of
obstinacy and malice, by kindling the Boeotian war. And if, moreover,
we are to attribute any part of these disasters to some personal
ill-fortune, attaching to the men themselves, in the case of Pompey,
certainly the Romans had no reason to anticipate it. Whereas
Agesilaus would not suffer the Lacedaemonians to avoid what they
foresaw and were forewarned must attend the "lame sovereignty." For
had Leotychides been chargeable ten thousand times as foreign and
spurious, yet the race of the Eurypontidae was still in being, and
could easily have furnished Sparta with a lawful king that was sound
in his limbs, had not Lysander darkened and disguised the true sense
of the oracle in favour of Agesilaus.
  Such a politic piece of sophistry as was devised by Agesilaus, in
that great perplexity of the people as to the treatment to be given
to those who had played the coward at the battle of Leuctra, when
after that unhappy defeat he decreed that the laws should sleep for
that day, it would be hard to find any parallel to; neither have we
the fellow of it in all Pompey's story. But on the contrary, Pompey
for a friend thought it no sin to break those very laws which he
himself had made, as if to show at once the force of his friendship,
and the greatness of his power; whereas Agesilaus, under the
necessity, as it seemed, of either rescinding the laws, or not saving
the citizens, contrived an expedient by the help of which the laws
should not touch these citizens, and yet should not, to avoid it, be
overthrown. Then I must commend it as an incomparable act of civil
virtue and obedience in Agesilaus, that immediately upon the receipt
of the scytala, he left the wars in Asia and returned into his
country. For he did not, like Pompey, merely advance his country's
interest by acts that contributed at the same time to promote his
own greatness, but looking to his country's good, for its sake laid
aside as great authority and honour as ever any man had before or
since, except Alexander the Great.
  But now to take another point of view, if we sum up Pompey's
military expeditions and exploits of war, the number of his
trophies, and the greatness of the powers which he subdued, and the
multitude of battles in which he triumphed, I am persuaded even
Xenophon himself would not put the victories of Agesilaus in balance
with his, though Xenophon has this privilege allowed him, as a sort
of special reward for his other excellences, that he may write and
speak, in favour of his hero, whatever he pleases. Methinks, too,
there is  a great deal of difference betwixt these men in their
clemency and moderation towards their enemies. For Agesilaus, while
attempting to enslave Thebes and exterminate Messene, the latter, his
country's ancient associate, and Thebes, the mother-city of his own
royal house, almost lost Sparta itself, and did really lose the
government of Greece; whereas Pompey gave cities to those of the
pirates who were willing to change their manner of life; and when it
was in his power to lead Tigranes, King of Armenia, in triumph, he
chose rather to make him a confederate of the Romans, saying, that a
single day was worth less than all future time. But if the
pre-eminence in that which relates to the office and virtues of a
general should be determined by the greatest and most important acts
and counsels of war, the Lacedaemonian would not a little exceed the
Roman. For Agesilaus never deserted his city, though it was besieged
by an army of seventy thousand men, when there were very few soldiers
within to defend it, and those had been defeated too, but a little
before, at the battle of Leuctra. But Pompey, when Caesar, with a
body only of fifty-three hundred men, had taken but one town in
Italy, departed in a panic out of Rome, either through cowardice,
when there were so few, or at least through a false and mistaken
belief that there were more; and having conveyed away his wife and
children, he left all the rest of the citizens defenceless, and fled;
whereas he ought either to have conquered in fight for the defence of
his country, or yielded upon terms to the conqueror, who was,
moreover, his fellow-citizen and allied to him; but now to the same
man to whom he refused a prolongation of the terms of his government,
and thought it intolerable to grant another consulship, to him he
gave the power, by letting him take the city, to tell Metellus,
together with all the rest, that they were his prisoners.
  That which is chiefly the office of a general, to force the enemy
into fighting when he finds himself the stronger, and to avoid being
driven into it himself when he is the weaker, this excellence
Agesilaus always displayed, and by it kept himself invincible;
whereas in contending with Pompey, Caesar, who was the weaker,
successfully declined the danger, and his own strength being in his
land-forces, drove him into putting the conflict to issue with these,
and thus made himself master of the treasure, stores, and the sea
too, which were all in his enemy's hands, and by the help of which
the victory could have been secured without fighting. And what is
alleged as an apology in vindication of Pompey, is to a general of
his age and standing the greatest of disgraces. For, granting that a
young commander might by clamour and outcry be deprived of his
fortitude and strength of mind, and weakly forsake his better
judgment, and the thing be neither strange nor altogether
unpardonable, yet for Pompey the Great, whose camp the Romans called
their country, and his tent the senate, styling the consuls,
praetors, and all other magistrates who were conducting the
government at Rome by no better title than that of rebels and
traitors, for him, whom they well knew never to have been under the
command of any but himself, having served all his campaigns under
himself as sole general, for him upon so small a provocation as the
scoffs of Favonius and Domitius, and lest he should bear the nickname
of Agamemnon, to be wrought upon, and even forced to hazard the whole
empire and liberty of Rome upon the cast of a die, was surely indeed
intolerable. Who, if he had so much regarded a present infamy, should
have guarded the city at first with his arms, and fought the battle
in defence of Rome, not have left it as he did: nor while declaring
his flight from Italy an artifice in the manner of Themistocles,
nevertheless be ashamed in Thessaly of a prudent delay before
engaging. Heaven had not appointed the Pharsalian fields to be the
stage and theatre upon which they should contend for the empire of
Rome, neither was he summoned thither by any herald upon challenge,
with intimation that he must either undergo the combat or surrender
the prize to another. There were many other fields, thousands of
cities, and even the whole earth placed at his command, by the
advantage of his fleet and his superiority at sea, if he would but
have followed the examples of Maximus, Marius, Lucullus, and even
Agesilaus himself, who endured no less tumults within the city of
Sparta, when the Thebans provoked him to come out and fight in
defence of the land, and sustained in Egypt also numerous calumnies,
slanders, and suspicions on the part of the king, whom he counselled
to abstain from a battle. And thus following always what he had
determined in his own judgment upon mature advice, by that means he
not only preserved the Egyptians against their wills, not only kept
Sparta, in those desperate convulsions, by his sole act, safe from
overthrow, but even was able to set up trophies likewise in the city
over the Thebans, having given his countrymen an occasion of being
victorious afterwards by not at first leading them out, as they
tried to force him to do, to their own destruction. The consequence
was that in the end Agesilaus was commended by the very men, when
they found themselves saved, upon whom he had put this compulsion,
whereas Pompey, whose error had been occasioned by others, found
those his accusers whose advice had misled him. Some indeed profess
that he was deceived by his father-in-law Scipio, who, designing to
conceal and keep to himself the greatest part of that treasure which
he had brought out of Asia, pressed Pompey to battle, upon the
pretence that there would be a want of money. Yet admitting he was
deceived, one in his place ought not to have been so, nor should have
allowed so slight an artifice to cause the hazard of such mighty
interests. And thus we have taken a view of each, by comparing
together their conduct and actions in war.
  As to their voyages into Egypt, one steered his course thither out
of necessity in flight; the other neither honourably, nor of
necessity, but as a mercenary soldier, having enlisted himself into
the service of a barbarous nation for pay, that he might be able
afterwards to wage war upon the Greeks. And secondly, what we charge
upon the Egyptians in the name of Pompey, the Egyptians lay to the
charge of Agesilaus. Pompey trusted them and was betrayed and
murdered by them; Agesilaus accepted their confidence and deserted
them, transferring his aid to the very enemies who were now attacking
those whom he had been brought over to assist.


                               THE END