The CDPD Public Domain Collection for CDTV 3/CDPDIII.bin/books/plutarch/otho

Text File | 1992-07-31 | 35KB | 539 lines

                                      75 AD
                                      OTHO
                                   A.D. 32-69
                                  by Plutarch
                           translated by John Dryden
OTHO

  THE new emperor went early in the morning to the capitol, and
sacrificed; and, having commanded Marius Celsus to be brought, he
saluted him, and with obliging language desired him rather to forget
his accusation than remember his acquittal; to which Celsus answered
neither meanly nor ungratefully, that his very crime ought to
recommend his integrity, since his guilt had been his fidelity to
Galba, from whom he had never received any personal obligations.
Upon which they were both of them admired by those that were
present, and applauded by the soldiers.
  In the senate, Otho said much in a gentle and popular strain. He was
to have been consul for part of that year himself, but he gave the
office to Virginius Rufus, and displaced none that had been named
for the consulship by either Nero or Galba. Those that were remarkable
for their age and dignity he promoted to the priesthoods; and restored
the remains of their fortunes, that had not yet been sold, to all
those senators that were banished by Nero, and recalled by Galba. So
that the nobility and chief of the people, who were at first
apprenhensive that no human creature, but some supernatural, or
penal vindictive power had seized the empire, began now to flatter
themselves with hopes of a government that smiled upon them thus
early.
  Besides, nothing gratified or gained the whole Roman people more
than his justice in relation to Tigellinus. It was not seen how he was
in fact already suffering punishment, not only by the very terror of
retribution which he saw the whole city requiring as a just debt,
but with several incurable diseases also; not to mention those
unhallowed frightful excesses among impure and prostitute women, to
which, at the very close of life, his lewd nature clung, and in them
gasped out, as it were, its last; these, in the opinion of all
reasonable men, being themselves the extremest punishment, and equal
to many deaths. But it was felt like a grievance by people in
general that he continued yet to see the light of day, who had been
the occasion of the loss of it to so many persons, and such persons,
as had died by his means. Wherefore Otho ordered him to be sent for,
just as he was contriving his escape of means of some vessels that lay
ready for him on the coast near where he lived, in the neighbourhood
of Sinuessa. At first he endeavoured to corrupt the messenger, by a
large sum of money, to favour his design; but when he found this was
to no purpose, he made him as considerable a present as if he had
really connived at it, only entreating him to stay till he had shaved;
and so took that opportunity, and with his razor despatched himself.
  And while giving the people this most righteous satisfaction of
their desires, for himself he seemed to have no sort of regard for any
private injuries of his own. And at first, to please the populace,
he did not refuse to be called Nero in the theatre, and did not
interfere when some persons displayed Nero's statues to public view.
And Cluvius Rufus says, imperial letters, such as are sent with
couriers, went into Spain with the name of Nero affixed adoptively
to that of Otho; but as soon he perceived this gave offence to the
chief and most distinguished citizens, it was omitted.
  After he had begun to model the government in this manner, the
paid soldiers began to murmur, and endeavoured to make him suspect and
chastise the nobility, either really out of a concern for his
safety, or wishing, upon this pretence, to stir up trouble and
warfare. Thus, whilst Crispinus, whom he had ordered to bring him
the seventeenth cohort from Ostia, began to collect what he wanted
after it was dark, and was putting the arms upon the wagons, some of
the most turbulent cried out that Crispinus was disaffected, that
the senate was practising something against the emperor, and that
those arms were to be employed against Caesar, and not for him. When
this report was once set afoot, it got the belief and excited the
passions of many; they broke out into violence; some seized the
wagons, and others slew Crispinus and two centurions that opposed
them; and the whole number of them, arraying themselves in their arms,
and encouraging one another to stand by Caesar, marched to Rome. And
hearing there that eighty of the senators were at supper with Otho,
they flew into the palace, and declared it was a fair opportunity to
take off Caesar's enemies at one stroke. A general alarm ensued of
an immediate coming sack of the city. All were in confusion about
the palace, and Otho himself in no small consternation, being not only
concerned for the senators (some of whom had brought their wives to
supper thither), but also feeling himself to be an object of alarm and
suspicion to them, whose eyes he saw fixed on him in silence and
terror. Therefore he gave orders to the prefects to address the
soldiers and do their best to pacify them, while he bade the guests
rise, and leave by another door. They had only just made their way
out, when the soldiers rushed into the room, and called out, "Where
are Caesar's enemies?" Then Otho, standing up on his couch, made use
both of arguments and entreaties, and by actual tears at last, with
great difficulty, persuaded them to desist. The next day he went to
the camp, and distributed a bounty of twelve hundred and fifty
drachmas a man amongst them; then commended them for the regard and
zeal they had for his safety, but told them that there were some who
were intriguing among them, who not only accused his own clemency, but
had also misrepresented their loyalty; and, therefore, he desired
their assistance in doing justice upon them. To which, when they all
consented, he was satisfied with the execution of two only, whose
deaths he knew would be regretted by no one man in the whole army.
  Such conduct, so little expected from him, was regarded by some with
gratitude and confidence; others looked upon his behaviour as a course
to which necessity drove him, to gain the people to the support of the
war. For now there were certain tidings that Vitellius had assumed the
sovereign title and authority, and frequent expresses brought accounts
of new accessions to him; others, however, came, announcing that the
Pannonian, Dalmatian, and Moesian legions, with their officers,
adhered to Otho. Ere long also came favourable letters from Mucianus
and Vespasian, generals of two formidable armies, the one in Syria,
the other in Judaea, to assure him of their firmness to his
interest: in confidence whereof he was so exalted, that he wrote to
Vitellius not to attempt anything beyond his post; and offered him
large sums of money and a city, where he might live his time out in
pleasure and ease. These overtures at first were responded to by
Vitellius with equivocating civilities; which soon, however, turned
into an interchange of angry words; and letters passed between the
two, conveying bitter and shameful terms of reproach, which were not
false indeed, for that matter, only it was senseless and ridiculous
for each to assail the other with accusations to which both alike must
plead guilty. For it were hard to determine which of the two had
been most profuse, most effeminate, which was most a novice in
military affairs, and most involved in debt through previous want of
means.
  As to the prodigies and apparitions that happened about this time,
there were many reported which none could answer for, or which were
told in different ways; but one which everybody actually saw with
their eyes, was the statue, in the capitol, of Victory carried in a
chariot, with the reins dropped out of her hands, as if she were grown
too weak to hold them any longer; and a second, that Caius Caesar's
statue in the island of Tiber, without any earthquake or wind to
account for it, turned round from west to east; and this, they say,
happened about the time when Vespasian and his party first openly
began to put themselves forward. Another incident, which the people in
general thought an evil sign, was the inundation of the Tiber; for
though it happened at a time when rivers are usually at their fullest,
yet such height of water and so tremendous a flood had never been
known before, nor such a destruction of property, great part of the
city being under water, and especially the corn market, so that it
occasioned a great dearth for several days.
  But when news was now brought that Caecina and Valens, commanding
for Vitellius, had possessed themselves of the Alps, Otho sent
Dolabella (a patrician, who was suspected by the soldiery of some evil
purpose), for whatever reason, whether it were fear of him or of any
one else, to the town of Aquinum, to give encouragement there; and
proceeding then to choose which of the magistrates should go with
him to the war, he named amongst the rest Lucius, Vitellius's brother,
without distinguishing him by any new marks either of his favour or
displeasure. He also took the greatest precautions for Vitellius's
wife and mother, that they might be safe, and free from all
apprehension for themselves. He made Flavius Sabinus, Vespasian's
brother, governor of Rome, either in honour to the memory of Nero, who
had advanced him formerly to that command, which Galba had taken away,
or else to show his confidence in Vespasian by his favour to his
brother.
  After he came to Brixillum, a town of Italy near the Po, he stayed
behind himself, and ordered the army to march under the conduct of
Marius Celsus, Suetonius Paulinus, Gallus, and Spurina, all men of
experience and reputation, but unable to carry their own plans and
purposes into effect, by reason of the ungovernable temper of the
army, which would take orders from none but the emperor whom they
themselves had made their master. Nor was the enemy under much
better discipline, the soldiers there also being haughty and
disobedient upon the same account, but they were more experienced
and used to hard work; whereas Otho's men were soft from their long
easy living and lack of service, having spent most of their time in
the theatres and at state shows and on the stage; while moreover
they tried to cover their deficiencies by arrogance and vain
display, pretending to decline their duty, not because they were
unable to do the thing commanded, but because they thought
themselves above it. So that Spurina had like to have been cut in
pieces for attempting to force them to their work; they assailed him
with insolent language, accusing him of a design to betray and ruin
Caesar's interest; nay, some of them that were in drink forced his
tent in the night, and demanded money for the expenses of their
journey, which they must at once take, they said, to the emperor, to
complain of him.
  However, the contemptuous treatment they met with at Placentia did
for the present good service to Spurina, and to the cause of Otho. For
Vitellius's men marched up to the walls, and upbraided Otho's upon the
ramparts, calling them players, dancers, idle spectators of Pythian
and Olympic games, but novices in the art of war, who never so much as
looked on at a battle; mean souls, that triumphed in the beheading
of Galba, an old man unarmed, but had no desire to look real enemies
in the face. Which reproaches so inflamed them that they kneeled at
Spurina's feet, entreated him to give his orders, and assured him no
danger or toil should be too great or too difficult for them.
Whereupon when Vitellius's forces made a vigorous attack on the
town, and brought up numerous engines against the walls, the
besieged bravely repulsed them, and, repelling the enemy with great
slaughter, secured the safety of a noble city, one of the most
flourishing places in Italy.
  Besides, it was observed that Otho's officers were much more
inoffensive, both towards the public and to private men, than those of
Vitellius; among whom was Caecina, who used neither the language nor
the apparel of a citizen, an overbearing, foreign-seeming man, of
gigantic stature, and always dressed in trews and sleeves, after the
manner of the Gauls, whilst he conversed with Roman officials and
magistrates. His wife, too, travelled along with him, riding in
splendid attire on horseback, with a chosen body of cavalry to
escort her. And Fabius Valens, the other general, was so rapacious
that neither what he plundered from enemies, nor what he stole or
got as gifts and bribes from his friends and allies, could satisfy his
wishes. And it was said that it was in order to have time to raise
money that he had marched so slowly that he was not present at the
former attack. But some lay the blame on Caecina, saying, that out
of a desire to gain the victory by himself before Fabius joined him,
he committed sundry other errors of lesser consequence, and by
engaging unseasonably and when he could not do so thoroughly, he
very nearly brought all to ruin.
  When he found himself beat off at Placentia, he set off to attack
Cremona, another large and rich city. In the meantime, Annius Gallus
marched to join Spurina at Placentia; but having intelligence that the
siege was raised, and that Cremona was in danger, he turned to its
relief, and encamped just by the enemy, where he was daily
reinforced by other officers. Caecina placed a strong ambush of
heavy infantry in some rough and woody country, and gave orders to his
horse to advance, and if the enemy should charge them, then to make
a slow retreat, and draw them into the snare. But his stratagem was
discovered by some deserters to Celsus, who attacked with a good
body of horse, but followed the pursuit cautiously, and succeeded in
surrounding and routing the troops in the ambuscade; and if the
infantry which he ordered up from the camp had come soon enough to
sustain the horse, Caecina's whole army, in all appearance, had been
totally routed. But Paulinus, moving too slowly, was accused of acting
with a degree of needless caution not to have been expected from one
of his reputation. So that the soldiers incensed Otho against him,
accused him of treachery, and boasted loudly that the victory had been
in their power, and that if it was not complete, it was owing to the
mismanagement of their generals; all which Otho did not so much
believe as he was willing to appear not to disbelieve. He therefore
sent his brother Titianus, with Proculus, the prefect of the guards,
to the army, where the latter was general in reality, and the former
in appearance. Celsus and Paulinus had the title of friends and
counsellors, but not the least authority or power. At the same time,
there was nothing but quarrel and disturbance amongst the enemy,
especially where Valens commanded; for the soldiers here, being
informed of what had happened at the ambuscade, were enraged because
they had not been permitted to be present to strike a blow in
defence of the lives of so many men that had died in that action;
Valens, with much difficulty, quieted their fury, after they had now
begun to throw missiles at him, and quitting his camp, joined Caecina.
  About this time, Otho came to Bedriacum, a little town near Cremona,
to the camp, and called a council of war; where Proculus and
Titianus declared for giving battle, while the soldiers were flushed
with their late success, saying they ought not to lose their time
and opportunity and present height of strength, and wait for Vitellius
to arrive out of Gaul. But Paulinus told them that the enemy's whole
force was present, and that there was no body of reserve behind; but
that Otho, if he would not be too precipitate, and chose the enemy's
time, instead of his own, for the battle, might expect
reinforcements out of Moesia and Pannonia, not inferior in numbers
to the troops that were already present. He thought it probable,
too, that the soldiers, who were then in heart before they were
joined, would not be less so when the forces were all come up.
Besides, the deferring battle could not be inconvenient to them that
were sufficiently provided with all necessaries; but the others, being
in an enemy's country, must needs be exceedingly straitened in a
little time. Marius Celsus was of Paulinus's opinion; Annius Gallus,
being absent and under the surgeon's hands through a fall from his
horse, was consulted by letter, and advised Otho to stay for those
legions that were marching from Moesia. But after all he did not
follow the advice; and the opinion of those that declared for a battle
prevailed.
  There are several reasons given for this determination, but the most
apparent is this; that the praetorian soldiers, as they are called,
who serve as guards, not relishing the military discipline which
they now had begun a little more to experience, and longing for
their amusements and unwarlike life among the shows of Rome, would not
be commanded, but were eager for a battle, imagining that upon the
first onset they should carry all before them. Otho also himself seems
not to have shown the proper fortitude in bearing up against the
uncertainty, and, out of effeminacy and want of use, had not
patience for the calculations of danger, and was so uneasy at the
apprehension of it that he shut his eyes, and like one going to leap
from a precipice, left everything to fortune. This is the account
Secundus the rhetorician, who was his secretary, gave of the matter.
But others would tell you that there were many movements in both
armies for acting in concert; and if it were possible for them to
agree, then they should proceed to choose one of their most
experienced officers that were present; if not, they should convene
the senate, and invest it with the power of election. And it is not
improbable that, neither of the emperors then bearing the title having
really any reputation, such purposes were really entertained among the
genuine, serviceable, and sober-minded part of the soldiers. For
what could be more odious and unreasonable than that the evils which
the Roman citizens had formerly thought it so lamentable to inflict
upon each other for the sake of a Sylla or a Marius, a Caesar or a
Pompey, should now be undergone anew, for the object of letting the
empire pay the expenses of the gluttony and intemperance of Vitellius,
or the looseness and effeminacy of Otho? It is thought that Celsus,
upon such reflections, protracted the time in order to a possible
accommodation; and that Otho pushed on things to an extremity to
prevent it.
  He himself returned to Brixillum, which was another false step, both
because he withdrew from the combatants all the motives of respect and
desire to gain his favour which his presence would have supplied,
and because he weakened the army by detaching some of his best and
most faithful troops for his horse and foot guards.
  About the same time also happened a skirmish on the Po. As Caecina
was laying a bridge over it, Otho's men attacked him, and tried to
prevent it. And when they did not succeed, on their putting into their
boats torchwood, with a quantity of sulphur and pitch, the wind on the
river suddenly caught their material that they had prepared against
the enemy, and blew it into a light. First came smoke, and then a
clear flame, and the men, getting into great confusion and jumping
overboard, upset the boats, and put themselves ludicrously at the
mercy of their enemies. Also the Germans attacked Otho's gladiators
upon a small island in the river, routed them, and killed a good many.
  All which made the soldiers at Bedriacum full of anger, and
eagerness to be led to battle. So Proculus led them out of Bedriacum
to a place fifty furlongs off, where he pitched his camp so ignorantly
and with such a ridiculous want of foresight that the soldiers
suffered extremely for want of water, though it was the spring time,
and the plains all around were full of running streams and rivers that
never dried up. The next day he proposed to attack the enemy, first
making a march of not less than a hundred furlongs; but to this
Paulinus objected, saying they ought to wait, and not immediately
after a journey engage men who would have been standing in their
arms and arranging themselves for battle at their leisure, whilst they
were making a long march, with all their beasts of burden and their
camp followers to encumber them. As the generals were arguing about
this matter, a Numidian courier came from Otho with orders to lose
no time, but give battle. Accordingly they consented, and moved. As
soon as Caecina had notice, he was much surprised, and quitted his
post on the river to hasten to the camp. In the meantime, the men
had armed themselves mostly, and were receiving the word from
Valens; so while the legions took up their position, they sent out the
best of their horse in advance.
  Otho's foremost troops, upon some groundless rumour, took up the
notion that the commanders on the other side would come over; and
accordingly, upon their first approach, they saluted them with the
friendly title of fellow-soldiers. But the others returned the
compliment with anger and disdainful words; which not only
disheartened those that had given the salutation, but excited
suspicions of their fidelity amongst the others on their side, who had
not. This caused a confusion at the very first onset. And nothing else
that followed was done upon any plan; the baggage-carriers, mingling
up with the fighting men, created great disorder and division; as well
as the nature of the ground, the ditches and pits in which were so
many that they were forced to break their ranks to avoid and go
round them, and so to fight without order, and in small parties. There
were but two legions, one of Vitellius's called The Ravenous, and
another of Otho's, called The Assistant, that got out into the open
outspread level and engaged in proper form, fighting, one main body
against the other, for some length of time. Otho's men were strong and
bold, but had never been in battle before; Vitellius's had seen many
wars, but were old and past their strength. So Otho's legion charged
boldly, drove back their opponents, and took the eagle, killing pretty
nearly every man in the first rank, till the others, full of rage
and shame, returned the charge, slew Orfidius, the commander of the
legion, and took several standards. Varus Alfenus, with his Batavians,
who are the natives of an island of the Rhine, and are esteemed the
best of the German horse, fell upon the gladiators, who had a
reputation both for valour and skill in fighting. Some few of these
did their duty, but the greatest part of them made towards the
river, and, falling in with some cohorts stationed there, were cut
off. But none behaved so ill as the praetorians, who, without ever
so much as meeting the enemy, ran away, broke through their own body
that stood, and put them into disorder. Notwithstanding this, many
of Otho's men routed those that were opposed to them, broke right into
them, and forced their way to the camp through the very middle of
their conquerors.
  As for their commanders, neither Proculus nor Paulinus ventured to
reenter with the troops; they turned aside, and avoided the
soldiers, who had already charged the miscarriage upon their officers.
Annius Gallus received into the town and rallied the scattered
parties, and encouraged them with an assurance that the battle was a
drawn one and the victory had in many parts been theirs. Marius
Celsus, collecting the officers, urged the public interest; Otho
himself, if he were a brave man, would not, after such an expense of
Roman blood, attempt anything further; especially since even Cato
and Scipio, though the liberty of Rome was then at stake, had been
accused of being too prodigal of so many brave men's lives as were
lost in Africa, rather than submit to Caesar after the battle of
Pharsalia had gone against them. For though all persons are equally
subject to the caprice of fortune, yet all good men have one advantage
she cannot deny, which is this, to act reasonably under misfortunes.
  This language was well accepted amongst the officers, who sounded
the private soldiers, and found them desirous of peace; and Titianus
also gave directions that envoys should be sent in order to a
treaty. And accordingly it was agreed that the conference should be
between Celsus and Gallus on one part, and Valens with Caecina on
the other. As the two first were upon their journey, they met some
centurions, who told them the troops were already in motion,
marching for Bedriacum, but that they themselves were deputed by their
generals to carry proposals for an accommodation. Celsus and Gallus
expressed their approval, and requested them to turn back and carry
them to Caecina. However, Celsus, upon his approach, was in danger
from the vanguard, who happened to be some of the horse that had
suffered at the ambush. For as soon as they saw him, they hallooed,
and were coming down upon him; but the centurions came forward to
protect him, and the other officers crying out and bidding them
desist, Caecina came up to inform himself of the tumult, which he
quieted, and giving a friendly greeting to Celsus, took him in his
company and proceeded towards Bedriacum. Titianus, meantime, had
repented of having sent the messengers; and placed those of the
soldiers who were more confident upon the walls once again, bidding
the others also go and support them. But when Caecina rode up on his
horse and held out his hand, no one did or said to the contrary; those
on the walls greeted his men with salutations, others opened the gates
and went out, and mingled freely with those they met; and instead of
acts of hostility, there was nothing but mutual shaking of hands and
congratulations, every one taking the oaths and submitting to
Vitellius.

  This is the account which the most of those that were present at the
battle give of it, yet own that the disorder they were in, and the
absence of any unity of action, would not give them leave to be
certain as to particulars. And when I myself travelled afterwards over
the field of battle, Mestrius Florus, a man of consular degree, one of
those who had been, not willingly, but by command, in attendance on
Otho at the time, pointed out to me an ancient temple, and told me,
that as he went that way after the battle, he observed a heap of
bodies piled up there to such a height that those on the top of it
reached the pinnacles of the roof. How it came to be so, he could
neither discover himself nor learn from any other person; as indeed,
he said, in civil wars it generally happens that greater numbers are
killed when an army is routed, quarter not being given, because
captives are of no advantage to the conquerors; but why the
carcasses should be heaped up after that manner is not easy to
determine.
  Otho, at first, as it frequently happens, received some uncertain
rumours of the issue of the battle. But when some of the wounded
that returned from the field informed him rightly of it, it is not,
indeed, so much to be wondered at that his friends should bid him
not give all up as lost or let his courage sink; but the feeling shown
by the soldiers is something that exceeds all belief. There was not
one of them would either go over to the conqueror or show any
disposition to make terms for himself, as if their leader's cause
was desperate; on the contrary, they crowded his gates, called out
to him the title of emperor, and as soon as he appeared, cried out and
entreated him, catching hold of his band, and throwing themselves upon
the ground, and with all the moving language of tears and
persuasion, besought him to stand by them, not abandon them to their
enemies, but employ in his service their lives and persons, which
would not cease to be his so long as they had breath; so urgent was
their zealous and universal importunity. And one obscure and private
soldier, after he had drawn his sword, addressed himself to Otho:
"By this, Caesar, judge our fidelity; there is not a man amongst us
but would strike thus to serve you;" and so stabbed himself.
Notwithstanding this, Otho stood serene and unshaken, and, with a face
full of constancy and composure, turned himself about and looked at
them, replying thus: "This day, my fellow-soldiers, which gives me
such proofs of your affection, is preferable even to that on which you
saluted me emperor; deny me not, therefore, the yet higher
satisfaction of laying down my life for the preservation of so many
brave men; in this, at least, let me be worthy of the empire, that is,
to die for it. I am of opinion the enemy has neither gained an
entire nor a. decisive victory; I have advice that the Moesian army is
not many days' journey distant, on its march to the Adriatic; Asia,
Syria, and Egypt, and the legions that are serving against the Jews,
declare for us; the senate is also with us, and the wives and children
of our opponents are in our power; but alas, it is not in defence of
Italy against Hannibal or Pyrrhus or the Cimbri that we fight;
Romans combining against Romans, and, whether we conquer or are
defeated, the country suffers and we commit a crime: victory, to
whichever it fall, is gained at her expense. Believe it many times
over, I can die with more honour than I can reign. For I cannot see at
all how I should do any such great good to my country by gaining the
victory, as I shall by dying to establish peace and unanimity and to
save Italy from such another unhappy day."
  As soon as he had done, he was resolute against all manner of
argument or persuasion, and taking leave of his friends and the
senators that were present, he bade them depart, and wrote to those
that were absent, and sent letters to the towns, that they might
have every honour and facility in their journey. Then he sent for
Cocceius, his brother's son, who was yet a boy, and bade him be in
no apprehension of Vitellius, whose mother and wife and family he
had treated with the same tenderness as his own; and also told him
that this had been his reason for delaying to adopt him, which he
had meant to do as his son; he had desired that he might share his
power, if he conquered, but not be involved in his ruin if he
failed. "Take notice," he added, "my boy, of these my last words, that
you neither too negligently forget, nor too zealously remember, that
Caesar was your uncle." By and by he heard a tumult amongst the
soldiers at the door, who were treating the senators with menaces
for preparing to withdraw; upon which, out of regard to their
safety, he showed himself once more in public, but not with a gentle
aspect and in a persuading manner as before; on the contrary, with a
countenance that discovered indignation and authority, he commanded
such as were disorderly to leave the place, and was not disobeyed.
  It was now evening, and feeling thirsty, he drank some water, and
then took two daggers that belonged to him, and when he had
carefully examined their edges, he laid one of them down, and put
the other in his robe, under his arm, then called his servants, and
distributed some money amongst them, but not inconsiderately, nor like
one too lavish of what was not his own; for to some he gave more, to
others less, all strictly in moderation, and distinguishing every
one's particular merit. When this was done, he dismissed them, and
passed the rest of the night in so sound a sleep that the officers
of his bed-chamber heard him snore. In the morning, he called for
one of his freedmen, who had assisted him in arranging about the
senators, and bade him bring him an account if they were safe. Being
informed they were all well and wanted nothing, "Go then," he said
"and show yourself to the soldiers, lest they should cut you to pieces
for being accessory to my death." As soon as he was gone, he held
his sword upright under him with both his hands, and falling upon it
expired with no more than one single groan to express his sense of the
pang, or to inform those that waited without. When his servants,
therefore, raised their exclamations of grief, the whole camp and city
were at once filled with lamentation; the soldiers immediately broke
in at the doors with a loud cry, in passionate distress, and
accusing themselves that they had been so negligent in looking after
that life which was laid down to preserve theirs. Nor would a man of
them quit the body to secure his own safety with the approaching
enemy; but having raised a funeral pile, and attired the body, they
bore it thither, arrayed in their arms, those among them greatly
exulting who succeeded in getting first under the bier and becoming
its bearers. Of the others, some threw themselves down before the body
and kissed his wound, others grasped his hand, and others that were at
a distance knelt down to do him obeisance. There were some who,
after putting their torches to the pile, slew themselves, though
they had not, so far as appeared, either any particular obligations to
the dead, or reason to apprehend ill-usage from the victor. Simply, it
would seem, no king, legal or illegal, had ever been possessed with so
extreme and vehement a passion to command others, as was that of these
men to obey Otho. Nor did their love of him cease with his death; it
survived and changed ere long into a mortal hatred to his successor,
as will be shown in its proper place.
  They placed the remains of Otho in the earth and raised over them
a monument which neither by its size nor the pomp of its inscription
might excite hostility. I myself have seen it, at Brixillum; a plain
structure, and the epitaph only this: To the memory of Marcus Otho. He
died in his thirty-eighth year, after a short reign of about three
months, his death being as much applauded as his life was censured,
for if he lived no better than Nero, he died more nobly. The
soldiers were displeased with Pollio, one of their two prefects, who
bade them immediately swear allegiance to Vitellius; and when they
understood that some of the senators were still upon the spot, they
made no opposition to the departure of the rest, but only disturbed
the tranquillity of Virginius Rufus with an offer of the government,
and moving in one body to his house in town they first entreated
him, and then demanded of him to be head of the empire, or at least to
be their mediator. But he, that refused to command them when
conquerors, thought it ridiculous to pretend to it now they were beat,
and was unwilling to go as their envoy to the Germans, whom in past
time he had compelled to do various things that they had not liked;
and for these reasons he slipped away through a private door. As
soon as the soldiers perceived this, they owned Vitellius, and so
got their pardon, and served under Caecina.


                             THE END