The CDPD Public Domain Collection for CDTV 3/CDPDIII.bin/books/plutarch/lucullus

Text File | 1992-07-31 | 106KB | 1,584 lines

                                      75 AD
                                    LUCULLUS
                                  110?-56 B.C.
                                  by Plutarch
                           translated by John Dryden
LUCULLUS

  THE grandfather of Lucullus had been consul; his uncle by the
mother's side was Metellus, surnamed Numidicus. As for his parents,
his father was convicted of extortion, and his mother Caecilia's
reputation was bad. The first thing that Lucullus did before ever he
stood for any office, or meddled with the affairs of state, being then
but a youth, was to accuse the accuser of his father, Servilius the
augur, having caught him in offence against the state. This thing
was much taken notice of among the Romans, who commended it as an
act of high merit. Even without the provocation the accusation was
esteemed no unbecoming action, for they delighted to see young men
as eagerly attacking injustice as good dogs do wild beasts. But when
great animosities ensued, insomuch that some were wounded and killed
in the fray, Servilius escaped. Lucullus followed his studies and
became a competent speaker, in both Greek and Latin, insomuch that
Sylla, when composing the commentaries of his own life and actions,
dedicated them to him, as one who could have performed the task better
himself. His speech was not only elegant and ready for purposes of
mere business, like the ordinary oratory which will in the public
market-place-

        "Lash as a wounded tunny does the sea,"

but on every other occasion shows itself-

        "Dried up and perished with the want of wit;"

but even in his younger days he addicted himself to the study,
simply for its own sake, of the liberal arts; and when advanced in
years, after a life of conflicts, he gave his mind, as it were, its
liberty, to enjoy in full leisure the refreshment of philosophy; and
summoning up his contemplative faculties, administered a timely check,
after his difference with Pompey, to his feelings of emulation and
ambition. Besides what has been said of his love of learning
already, one instance more was, that in his youth, upon a suggestion
of writing the Marsian war in Greek and Latin verse and prose, arising
out of some pleasantry that passed into a serious proposal, he
agreed with Hortensius the lawyer and Sisenna the historian, that he
would take his lot; and it seems that the lot directed him to the
Greek tongue, for a Greek history of that war is still extant.
  Among the many signs of the great love which he bore to his
brother Marcus, one in particular is commemorated by the Romans.
Though he was elder brother, he would not step into authority
without him, but deferred his own advance until his brother was
qualified to bear a share with him, and so won upon the people as,
when absent, to be chosen Aedile with him.
  He gave many and early proofs of his valour and conduct in the
Marsian war, and was admired by Sylla for his constancy and
mildness, and always employed in affairs of importance, especially
in the mint; most of the money for carrying on the Mithridatic war
being coined by him in Peloponnesus, which, by the soldiers' wants,
was brought into rapid circulation and long continued current under
the name of Lucullean coin. After this, when Sylla conquered Athens,
and was victorious by land but found the supplies for his army cut
off, the enemy being master at sea, Lucullus was the man whom he
sent into Libya and Egypt to procure him shipping. It was the depth of
winter when he ventured with but three small Greek vessels, and as
many Rhodian galleys, not only into the main sea, but also among
multitudes of vessels belonging to the enemies who were cruising about
as absolute masters. Arriving at Crete he gained it, and finding the
Cyrenians harassed by long tyrannies and wars, he composed their
troubles, and settled their government; putting the city in mind of
that saying which Plato once had oracularly uttered of them, who,
being requested to prescribe laws to them, and mould them into some
sound form of government, made answer that it was a hard thing to give
laws to the Cyrenians, abounding, as they did, in wealth and plenty.
For nothing is more intractable than man when in felicity, nor
anything more docile, when he has been reduced and humbled by fortune.
This made the Cyrenians so willingly submit to the laws which Lucullus
imposed upon them. From thence sailing into Egypt, and pressed by
pirates, he lost most of his vessels; but he himself narrowly
escaping, made a magnificent entry into Alexandria. The whole fleet, a
compliment due only to royalty, met him in full array, and the young
Ptolemy showed wonderful kindness to him, appointing him lodging and
diet in the palace, where no foreign commander before him had been
received. Besides, he gave him gratuities and presents, not such as
were usually given to men of his condition, but four times as much; of
which, however, he took nothing more than served his necessity and
accepted of no gift, though what was worth eighty talents was
offered him. It is reported he neither went to see Memphis, nor any of
the celebrated wonders of Egypt. It was for a man of no business and
much curiosity to see such things, not for him who had left his
commander in the field lodging under the ramparts of his enemies.
  Ptolemy, fearing the issue of that war, deserted the confederacy,
but nevertheless sent a convoy with him as far as Cyprus, and at
parting, with much ceremony, wishing him a good voyage, gave him a
very precious emerald set in gold. Lucullus at first refused it, but
when the king showed him his own likeness cut upon it, he thought he
could not persist in a denial, for had he parted with such open
offence, it might have endangered his passage. Drawing a
considerable squadron together, which he summoned as he sailed by
out of all the maritime towns except those suspected of piracy, he
sailed for Cyprus, and there understanding that the enemy lay in
wait under the promontories for him, he laid up his fleet, and sent to
the cities to send in provisions for his wintering among them. But
when time served, he launched his ships suddenly, and went off and
hoisting all his sails in the night, while he kept them down in the
day, thus came safe to Rhodes. Being furnished with ships at Rhodes,
he also prevailed upon the inhabitants of Cos and Cnidus to leave
the king's side, and join in an expedition against the Samians. Out of
Chios he himself drove the king's party, and set the Colophonians at
liberty, having seized Epigonus the tyrant, who oppressed them.
  About this time Mithridates left Pergamus, and retired to Pitane,
where being closely besieged by Fimbria on the land. and not daring to
engage with so bold and victorious a commander, he was concerting
means for escape by sea, and sent for all his fleets from every
quarter to attend him. Which when Fimbria perceived, having no ships
of his own, he sent to Lucullus, entreating him to assist him with
his, in subduing the most odious and warlike of kings, lest the
opportunity of humbling Mithridates, the prize which the Romans had
pursued with so much blood and trouble, should now at last be lost,
when he was within the net and easily to be taken. And were he caught,
no one would be more highly commended than Lucullus, who stopped his
passage and seized him in his flight. Being driven from the land by
the one, and met in the sea by the other, he would give matter of
renown and glory to them both, and the much applauded actions of Sylla
at Orchomenus and about Chaeronea would no longer be thought of by the
Romans. The proposal was no unreasonable thing; it being obvious to
all men, that if Lucullus had hearkened to Fimbria, and with his navy,
which was then near at hand, had blocked up the haven, the war soon
had been brought to an end, and infinite numbers of mischiefs
prevented thereby. But he, whether from the sacredness of friendship
between himself and Sylla, reckoning all other considerations of
public or of private advantage inferior to it, or out of detestation
of the wickedness of Fimbria, whom he abhorred for advancing himself
by the late death of his friend and the general of the army, or by a
divine fortune sparing Mithridates then, that he might have him an
adversary for a time to come, for whatever reason, refused to
comply, and suffered Mithridates to escape and laugh at the attempts
of Fimbria. He himself alone first, near Lectum, in Troas, in a
sea-fight, overcame the king's ships; and afterwards, discovering
Neoptolemus lying in wait for him near Tenedos, with a greater
fleet, he went aboard a Rhodian quinquereme galley, commanded by
Damagoras, a man of great experience at sea, and friendly to the
Romans, and sailed before the rest. Neoptolemus made up furiously at
him, and commanded the master, with all imaginable might, to charge;
but Damagoras, fearing the bulk and massy stem of the admiral, thought
it dangerous to meet him prow to prow, and, rapidly wheeling round,
bid his men back water, and so received him astern; in which place,
though violently borne upon, he received no manner of harm, the blow
being defeated by falling on those parts of the ship which lay under
water. By which time, the rest of the fleet coming up to him, Lucullus
gave order to turn again, and vigorously falling upon the enemy, put
them to flight, and pursued Neoptolemus. After this he came to
Sylla, in Chersonesus, as he was preparing to pass the strait, and
brought timely assistance for the safe transportation of the army.
  Peace being presently made, Mithridates sailed off to the Euxine
sea, but Sylla taxed the inhabitants of Asia twenty thousand
talents, and ordered Lucullus to gather and coin the money. And it was
no small comfort to the cities under Sylla's severity, that a man of
not only incorrupt and just behaviour, but also of moderation,
should be employed in so heavy and odious an office. The Mitylenaeans,
who absolutely revolted, he was willing should return to their duty,
and submit to a moderate penalty for the offence they had given in the
case of Marius. But finding them bent upon their own destruction, he
came up to them, defeated them at sea, blocked them up in their city
and besieged them; then sailing off from them openly in the day to
Elaea, he returned privately, and posting an ambush near the city, lay
quiet himself. And on the Mitylenaeans coming out eagerly and in
disorder to plunder the deserted camp, he fell upon them, took many of
them, and slew five hundred, who stood upon their defence. He gained
six thousand slaves and a very rich booty.
  He was no way engaged in the great and general troubles of Italy
which Sylla and Marius created, a happy providence at that time
detaining him in Asia upon business. He was as much in Sylla's favour,
however, as any of his other friends; Sylla, as was said before,
dedicated his Memoirs to him as a token of kindness, and at his death,
passing by Pompey, made him guardian to his son; which seems,
indeed, to have been the rise of the quarrel and jealousy between them
two, being both young men, and passionate for honour.
  A little after Sylla's death, he was made consul with Marcus
Cotta, about the one hundred and seventy-sixth Olympiad. The
Mithridatic war being then under debate, Marcus declared that it was
not finished, but only respited for a time, and therefore, upon choice
of provinces, the lot falling to Lucullus to have Gaul within the
Alps, a province where no great action was to be done, he was
ill-pleased. But chiefly, the success of Pompey in Spain fretted
him, as, with the renown he got there, if the Spanish war were
finished in time, he was likely to be chosen general before any one
else against Mithridates. So that when Pompey sent for money, and
signified by letter that, unless it were sent him, he would leave
the country and Sertorius, and bring his forces home to Italy,
Lucullus most zealously supported his request, to prevent any pretence
of his returning home during his own consulship; for all things
would have been at his disposal, at the head of so great an army.
For Cethegus, the most influential popular leader at that time,
owing to his always both acting and speaking to please the people,
had, as it happened, a hatred to Lucullus, who had not concealed his
disgust at his debauched, insolent, and lawless life. Lucullus,
therefore, was at open warfare with him. And Lucius Quintius, also,
another demagogue, who was taking steps against Sylla's
constitution, and endeavouring to put things out of order, by
private exhortations and public admonitions he checked in his designs,
and repressed his ambition, wisely and safely remedying a great evil
at the very outset.
  At this time news came that Octavius, the governor of Cilicia, was
dead, and many were eager for the place, courting Cethegus, as the man
best able to serve them. Lucullus set little value upon Cilicia
itself, no otherwise than as he thought, by his acceptance of it, no
other man besides himself might be employed in the war against
Mithridates, by reason of its nearness to Cappadocia. This made him
strain every effort that that province might be allotted to himself,
and to none other; which led him at last into an expedient not so
honest or commendable, as it was serviceable for compassing his
design, submitting to necessity against his own inclination. There was
one Praecia, a celebrated wit and beauty, but in other respects
nothing better than an ordinary harlot; who, however, to the charms of
her person adding the reputation of one that loved and served her
friends, by making use of those who visited her to assist their
designs and promote their interests, had thus gained great power.
She had seduced Cethegus, the first man at that time in reputation and
authority of all the city, and enticed him to her love, and so had
made all authority follow her. For nothing of moment was done in which
Cethegus was not concerned, and nothing by Cethegus without Praecia.
This woman Lucullus gained to his side by gifts and flattery (and a
great price it was in itself to so stately and magnificent a dame,
to be seen engaged in the same cause with Lucullus), and thus he
presently found Cethegus his friend, using his utmost interest to
procure Cilicia for him; which when once obtained, there was no more
need of applying himself either of Praecia or Cethegus; for all
unanimously voted him to the Mithridatic war, by no hands likely to be
so successfully managed as his. Pompey was still contending with
Sertorius, and Metellus by age unfit for service; which two alone were
the competitors who could prefer any claim with Lucullus for that
command. Cotta, his colleague, after much ado in the senate, was
sent away with a fleet to guard the Propontis, and defend Bithynia.
  Lucullus carried with him a legion under his own orders, and crossed
over into Asia and took the command of the forces there, composed of
men who were all thoroughly disabled by dissoluteness and rapine,
and the Fimbrians, as they were called, utterly unmanageable by long
want of any sort of discipline. For these were they who under
Fimbria had slain Flaccus, the consul and general, and afterwards
betrayed Fimbria to Sylla; a willful and lawless set of men, but
warlike, expert and hardy in the field. Lucullus in a short time
took down the courage of these, and disciplined the others, who then
first, in all probability, knew what a true commander and governor
was; whereas in former times they had been courted to service, and
took up arms at nobody's command, but their own wills.
  The enemy's provisions for war stood thus: Mithridates, like the
Sophists, boastful and haughty at first, set upon the Romans, with a
very inefficient army, such, indeed, as made a good show, but was
nothing for use; but being shamefully routed, and taught a lesson
for a second engagement, he reduced his forces to a proper,
serviceable shape. Dispensing with the mixed multitudes, and the noisy
menaces of barbarous tribes of various languages, and with the
ornaments of gold and precious stones, a greater temptation to the
victors than security to the bearers, he gave his men broad swords
like the Romans', and massy shields; chose horses better for service
than show, drew up an hundred and twenty thousand foot in the figure
of the Roman phalanx, and had sixteen thousand horse, besides chariots
armed with scythes, no less than a hundred. Besides which, he set
out a fleet not at all cumbered with gilded cabins, luxurious baths,
and women's furniture, but stored with weapons and darts, and other
necessaries, and thus made a descent upon Bithynia. Not only did these
parts willingly receive him again, but almost all Asia regarded him as
their salvation from the intolerable miseries which they were
suffering from the Roman money-lenders and revenue farmers. These,
afterwards, who like harpies stole away their very nourishment,
Lucullus drove away, and at this time, by reproving them, did what
he could to make them more moderate, and to prevent a general
secession, then breaking out in all parts. While Lucullus was detained
in rectifying these matters, Cotta, finding affairs ripe for action,
prepared for battle with Mithridates; and news coming from all hands
that Lucullus had already entered Phrygia, on his march against the
enemy, he, thinking he had a triumph all but actually in his hands,
lest his colleague should share in the glory of it, hasted to battle
without him. But being routed, both by sea and land, he lost sixty
ships with their men, and four thousand foot, and himself was forced
into and besieged in Chalcedon, there waiting for relief from
Lucullus. There were those about Lucullus who would have had him leave
Cotta, and go forward, in hope of surprising the defenceless kingdom
of Mithridates. And this was the feeling of the soldiers in general,
who were indignant that Cotta should by his ill-counsel not only
lose his own army, but hinder them also from conquest, which at that
time, without the hazard of a battle, they might have obtained. But
Lucullus, in a public address, declared to them that he would rather
save one citizen from the enemy, than be master of all that they had.
  Archelaus, the former commander in Boeotia under Mithridates, who
afterwards deserted him and accompanied the Romans, protested to
Lucullus that, upon his bare coming, he would possess himself of all
Pontus. But he answered, that it did not become him to be more
cowardly than huntsmen, to leave the wild beasts abroad and seek after
sport in their deserted dens. Having so said, he made towards
Mithridates with thirty thousand foot and two thousand five hundred
horse. But on being come in sight of his enemies, he was astonished at
their numbers, and thought to forbear fighting, and wear out time. But
Marius, whom Sertorius had sent out of Spain to Mithridates with
forces under him, stepping out and challenging him, he prepared for
battle. In the very instant before joining battle, without any
perceptible alteration preceding, on a sudden the sky opened, and a
large luminous body fell down in the midst between the armies, in
shape like a hogshead, but in colour like melted silver, insomuch that
both armies in alarm withdrew. This wonderful prodigy happened in
Phrygia, near Otryae. Lucullus after this began to think with
himself that no human power and wealth could suffice to sustain such
great numbers as Mithridates had for any long time in the face of an
enemy, and commanded one of the captives to be brought before him, and
first of all asked him how many companions had been quartered with him
and how much provision he had left behind him, and when he had
answered him, commanded him to stand aside; then asked a second and
a third the same question; after which, comparing the quantity of
provision with the men, he found that in three or four days' time
his enemies would be brought to want. This all the more determined him
to trust to time, and he took measures to store his camp with all
sorts of provision, and thus living in plenty, trusted to watch the
necessities of his hungry enemy.
  This made Mithridates set out against the Cyzicenians, miserably
shattered in the fight at Chalcedon, where they lost no less than
three thousand citizens and ten ships. And that he might the safer
steal away unobserved by Lucullus, immediately after supper, by the
help of a dark and wet night, he went off, and by the morning gained
the neighbourhood of the city, and sat down with his forces upon the
Adrastean mount. Lucullus, on finding him gone, pursued, but was
well pleased not to over-take him with his own forces in disorder; and
he sat down near what is called the Thracian village, an admirable
position for commanding all the roads and the places whence, and
through which, the provisions for Mithridates's camp must of necessity
come. And judging now of the event, he no longer kept his mind from
his soldiers, but when the camp was fortified and their work finished,
called them together, and with great assurance told them that in a few
days, without the expense of blood, he would give them victory.
  Mithridates besieged the Cyzicenians with ten camps by land, and
with his ships occupied the strait that was betwixt their city and the
mainland, and so blocked them up on all sides; they, however, were
fully prepared stoutly to receive him, and resolved to endure the
utmost extremity, rather than forsake the Romans. That which
troubled them most was, that they knew not where Lucullus was, and
heard nothing of him, though at that time his army was visible
before them. But they were imposed upon by the Mithridatians, who,
showing them the Romans encamped on the hills, said, "Do you see
those? those are the auxiliary Armenians and Medes, whom Tigranes
has sent to Mithridates." They were thus overwhelmed with thinking
of the vast numbers round them, and could not believe any way of
relief was left them, even if Lucullus should come up to their
assistance. Demonax, a messenger sent in by Archelaus, was the first
who told them of Lucullus's arrival; but they disbelieved his
report, and thought he came with a story invented merely to
encourage them. At which time it happened that a boy, a prisoner who
had run away from the enemy, was brought before them; who, being asked
where Lucullus was, laughed at their jesting, as he thought, but,
finding them in earnest, with his finger pointed to the Roman camp;
upon which they took courage. The lake Dascylitis was navigated with
vessels of some little size; one, the biggest of them, Lucullus drew
ashore, and carrying her across in a wagon to the sea, filled her with
soldiers, who, sailing along unseen in the dead of the night, came
safe into the city.
  The gods themselves, too, in admiration of the constancy of the
Cyzicenians, seem to have animated them with manifest signs, more
especially now in the festival of Proserpine, where a black heifer
being wanting for sacrifice, they supplied it by a figure made of
dough, which they set before the altar. But the holy heifer set
apart for the goddess, and at that time grazing with the other herds
of the Cyzicenians, on the other side of the strait, left the herd and
swam over to the city alone, and offered herself for sacrifice. By
night, also, the goddess appearing to Aristagoras, the town clerk,
"I am come," said she, "and have brought the Libyan piper against
the Pontic trumpeter; bid the citizens, therefore, be of good
courage." While the Cyzicenians were wondering what the words could
mean, a sudden wind sprung up and caused a considerable motion on
the sea. The king's battering engines, the wonderful contrivance of
Niconides of Thessaly, then under the walls, by their cracking and
rattling soon demonstrated what would follow; after which an
extraordinarily tempestuous south wind succeeding shattered, in a
short space of time, all the rest of the works, and, by a violent
concussion, threw down the wooden tower a hundred cubits high. It is
said that in Ilium Minerva appeared to many that night in their sleep,
with the sweat running down her person, and showed them her robe
torn in one place, telling them that she had just arrived from
relieving the Cyzicenians; and the inhabitants to this day show a
monument, with an inscription, including a public decree, referring to
the fact.
  Mithridates, through the knavery of his officers, not knowing for
some time the want of provision in his camp, was troubled in mind that
the Cyzicenians should hold out against him. But his ambition and
anger fell, when he saw his soldiers in the extremity of want, and
feeding on men's flesh; as, in truth, Lucullus was not carrying on the
war as mere matter of show and stage-play, but, according to the
proverb, made the seat of war in the belly, and did everything to
cut off their supplies of food. Mithridates, therefore, took advantage
of the time while Lucullus was storming a fort, and sent away almost
all his horse to Bithynia, with the sumpter cattle, and as many of the
foot as were unfit for service. On intelligence of which, Lucullus,
while it was yet night, came to his camp, and in the morning, though
it was stormy weather, took with him ten cohorts of foot, and the
horse, and pursued them under falling snow and in cold so severe
that many of his soldiers were unable to proceed; and with the rest
coming upon the enemy, near the river Rhyndacus, he overthrew them
with so great a slaughter that the very women of Apollonia came out to
seize on the booty and strip the slain. Great numbers, as we may
suppose, were slain; six thousand horses were taken, with an
infinite number of beasts of burden, and no less than fifteen thousand
men. All which he led along by the enemy's camp. I cannot but wonder
on this occasion at Sallust, who says that this was the first time
camels were seen by the Romans, as if he thought those who, long
before, under Scipio defeated Antiochus, or those who lately had
fought against Archelaus near Orchomenus and Chaeronea, had not
known what a camel was. Mithridates himself, fully determined upon
flight, as mere delays and diversions for Lucullus, sent his admiral
Aristonicus to the Greek sea; who, however, was betrayed in the very
instant of going off, and Lucullus became master of him, and ten
thousand pieces of gold which he was carrying with him to corrupt some
of the Roman army. After which, Mithridates himself made for the
sea, leaving the foot officers to conduct the army, upon whom Lucullus
fell, near the river Granicus, where he took a vast number alive,
and slew twenty thousand. It is reported that the total number killed,
of fighting men and of others who followed the camp, amounted to
something not far short of three hundred thousand.
  Lucullus first went to Cyzicus, where he was received with all the
joy and gratitude suiting the occasion, and then collected a navy,
visiting the shores of the Hellespont. And arriving at Troas, he
lodged in the temple of Venus, where, in the night, he thought he
saw the goddess coming to him, and saying-

        "Sleep'st thou, great lion, when the fawns are nigh?"

Rising up hereupon, he called his friends to him, it being yet
night, and told them his vision; at which instant some Ilians came
up and acquainted him that thirteen of the king's quinqueremes were
seen off the Achaean harbour, sailing for Lemnos. He at once put to
sea, took these, and slew their admiral Isidorus. And then he made
after another squadron, who were just come into port, and were hauling
their vessels ashore, but fought from the decks, and sorely galled
Lucullus's men; there being neither room to sail round them, nor to
bear upon them for any damage, his ships being afloat, while their
stood secure and fixed on the sand. After much ado, at the only
landing-place of the island, he disembarked the choicest of his men,
who, falling upon the enemy behind, killed some, and forced others
to cut their cables, and thus making from the shore, they fell foul
upon one another, or came within the reach of Lucullus's fleet. Many
were killed in the action. Among the captives was Marius, the
commander sent by Sertorius, who had but one eye. And it was
Lucullus's strict command to his men before the engagement, that
they should kill no man who had but one eye, that he might rather
die under disgrace and reproach.
  This being over, he hastened his pursuit after Mithridates, whom
he hoped to still find in Bithynia, intercepted by Voconius, whom he
sent out before to Nicomedia with part of the fleet to stop his
flight. But Voconius, loitering in Samothrace to get initiated and
celebrate a feast, let slip his opportunity, Mithridates being
passed by with all his fleet. He, hastening into Pontus before
Lucullus should come up to him, was caught in a storm, which dispersed
his fleet and sunk several ships. The wrecks floated on all the
neighbouring shore for many days after. The merchant ship, in which he
himself was, could not well in that heavy swell be brought ashore by
the masters for its bigness, and it being heavy with water and ready
to sink, he left it and went aboard a pirate vessel, delivering
himself into the hands of pirates, and thus unexpectedly and
wonderfully came safe to Heraclea, in Pontus.
  Thus the proud language Lucullus had used to the senate ended
without any mischance. For they having decreed him three thousand
talents to furnish out a navy, he himself was against it, and sent
them word that without any such great and costly supplies, by the
confederate shipping alone, he did not in the least doubt but to
rout Mithridates from the sea. And so he did, by divine assistance,
for it is said that the wrath of Diana of Priapus brought the great
tempest upon the men of Pontus, because they had robbed her temple and
removed her image.
  Many were persuading Lucullus to defer the war, but he rejected
their counsel, and marched through Bithynia and Galatia into the
king's country, in such great scarcity of provision at first, that
thirty thousand Galatians followed, every man carrying a bushel of
wheat at his back. But subduing all in his progress before him, he
at last found himself in such great plenty that an ox was sold in
the camp for a single drachma, and a slave for four. The other booty
they made no account of, but left it behind or destroyed it; there
being no disposing of it, where all had such abundance. But when
they had made frequent incursions with their cavalry, and had advanced
as far as Themiscyra, and the plains of the Thermodon, merely laying
waste the country before them, they began to find fault with Lucullus,
asking "why he took so many towns by surrender, and never one by
storm, which might enrich them with the plunder? and now, forsooth,
leaving Amisus behind, a rich and wealthy city, of easy conquest, if
closely besieged, he will carry us into the Tibarenian and Chaldean
wilderness, to fight with Mithridates." Lucullus, little thinking this
would be of such dangerous consequence as it afterwards proved, took
no notice and slighted it; and was rather anxious to excuse himself to
those who blamed his tardiness, in losing time about small, pitiful
places not worth the while, and allowing Mithridates opportunity to
recruit. "That is what I design," said he, "and sit here contriving by
my delay, that he may grow great again, and gather a considerable
army, which may induce him to stand, and not fly away before us. For
do you not see the wide and unknown wilderness behind? Caucasus is not
far off, and a multitude of vast mountains, enough to conceal ten
thousand kings that wished to avoid a battle. Besides this, a
journey but of few days leads from Cabira to Armenia, where Tigranes
reigns, king of kings, and holds in his hands a power that has enabled
him to keep the Parthians in narrow bounds, to remove Greek cities
bodily into Media, to conquer Syria and Palestine, to put to death the
kings of the royal line of Seleucus, and carry away their wives and
daughters by violence. This same is relation and son-in-law to
Mithridates, and cannot but receive him upon entreaty, and enter
into war with us to defend him; so that, while we endeavour to dispose
Mithridates, we shall endanger the bringing in of Tigranes against us,
who already has sought occasion to fall out with us, but can never
find one so justifiable as the succour of a friend and prince in his
necessity. Why, therefore, should we put Mithridates upon this
resource, who as yet does not see how he may best fight with us, and
disdains to stoop to Tigranes; and not rather allow him time to gather
a new army and grow confident again, that we may thus fight with
Colchians and Tibarenians whom we have often defeated already, and not
with Medes and Armenians."
  Upon these motives, Lucullus sat down before Amisus, and slowly
carried on the siege. But the winter being well spent, he left
Murena in charge of it, and went himself against Mithridates, then
rendezvousing at Cabira, and resolving to await the Romans, with forty
thousand foot about him and fourteen thousand horse, on whom he
chiefly confided. Passing the river Lycus, he challenged the Romans
into the plains, where the cavalry engaged, and the Romans were
beaten. Pomponius, a man of some note, was taken wounded; and sore,
and in pain as he was, was carried before Mithridates, and asked by
the king if he would become his friend if he saved his life. He
answered, "Yes, if you become reconciled to the Romans; if not, your
enemy." Mithridates wondered at him, and did him no hurt. The enemy
being with their cavalry master of the plains, Lucullus was
something afraid, and hesitated to enter the mountains, being very
large, woody, and almost inaccessible, when by good-luck, some
Greeks who had fled into a cave were taken, the eldest of whom,
Artemidorus by name, promised to bring Lucullus, and seat him in a
place of safety for his army, where there was a fort that overlooked
Cabira. Lucullus, believing him, lighted his fires, and marched in the
night; and safely passing the defile, gained the place, and in the
morning was seen above the enemy, pitching his camp in a place
advantageous to descend upon them if he desired to fight, and secure
from being forced if he preferred to lie still. Neither side was
willing to engage at present. But it is related that some of the
king's party were hunting a stag, and some Romans wanting to cut
them off, came out and met them. Whereupon they skirmished, more still
drawing together to each side, and at last the king's party prevailed,
on which the Romans, from their camp seeing their companions fly, were
enraged, and ran to Lucullus with entreaties to lead them out,
demanding that the sign might be given for battle. But he, that they
might know of what consequence the presence and appearance of a wise
commander is in time of conflict and danger, ordered them to stand
still. But he went down himself into the plains, and meeting with
the foremost that fled, commanded them to stand and turn back with
him. These obeying, the rest also turned and formed again in a body,
and thus, with no great difficulty, drove back the enemies, and
pursued them to their camp. After his return, Lucullus inflicted the
customary punishment upon the fugitives, and made them dig a trench of
twelve foot, working in their frocks unfastened, while the rest
stood by and looked on.
  There was in Mithridates's camp one Olthacus, a chief of the
Dandarians, a barbarous people living near the lake Maeotis, a man
remarkable for strength and courage in fight, wise in council, and
pleasant and ingratiating in conversation. He, out of emulation, and a
constant eagerness which possessed him to outdo one of the other
chiefs of his country, promised a great piece of service to
Mithridates, no less than the death of Lucullus. The king commended
his resolution, and, according to agreement, counterfeited anger,
and put some disgrace upon him; whereupon he took horse, and fled to
Lucullus, who kindly received him, being a man of great name in the
army. After some short trial of his sagacity and perseverance, he
found way to Lucullus's board and council. The Dandarian, thinking
he had a fair opportunity, commanded his servants to lead his horse
out of the camp, while he himself, as the soldiers were refreshing and
resting themselves, it being then high noon, went to the general's
tent, not at all expecting that entrance would be denied to one who
was so familiar with him, and came under pretence of extraordinary
business with him. He had certainly been admitted had not sleep, which
has destroyed many captains, saved Lucullus. For so it was, and
Menedemus, one of the bedchamber, was standing at the door, who told
Olthacus that it was altogether unseasonable to see the general,
since, after long watching and hard labour, he was but just before
laid down to repose himself. Olthacus would not go away upon this
denial, but still persisted, saying that he must go in to speak of
some necessary affairs, whereupon Menedemus grew angry, and replied
that nothing was more necessary than the safety of Lucullus, and
forced him away with both hands. Upon which, out of fear, he
straightway left the camp, took horse, and without effect returned
to Mithridates. Thus in action as in physic, it is the critical moment
that gives both the fortunate and the fatal effect.
  After this, Sornatius being sent out with ten companies for
forage, and pursued by Menander, one of Mithridates's captains,
stood his ground, and after a sharp engagement, routed and slew a
considerable number of the enemy. Adrianus being sent afterward,
with some forces, to procure food enough and to spare for the camp,
Mithridates did not let the opportunity slip, but despatched
Menemachus and Myro, with a great force, both horse and foot,
against him, all which except two men, it is stated, were cut off by
the Romans. Mithridates concealed the loss, giving it out that it
was a small defeat, nothing near so great as reported, and
occasioned by the unskillfulness of the leaders. But Adrianus in great
pomp passed by his camp, having many wagons full of corn and other
booty, filling Mithridates with distress, and the army with
confusion and consternation. It was resolved, therefore, to stay no
longer. But when the king's servants sent away their own goods
quietly, and hindered others from doing so too, the soldiers in
great fury thronged and crowded to the gates, seized on the king's
servants and killed them, and plundered the baggage. Dorylaus, the
general, in this confusion, having nothing else besides his purple
cloak, lost his life for that, and Hermaeus the priest was trod
underfoot in the gate.
  Mithridates, having not one of his guards, nor even a groom
remaining with him, got out of the camp in the throng, but had none of
his horses with him; until Ptolemy, the eunuch, some little time
after, seeing him in the press making his way among the others,
dismounted and gave his horse to the king. The Romans were already
close upon him in their pursuit, nor was it through want of speed that
they failed to catch him, but they were as near as possible doing
so. But greediness and a petty military avarice hindered them from
acquiring that booty which in so many fights and hazards they had
sought after, and lost Lucullus the prize of his victory. For the
horse which carried the king was within reach, but one of the mules
that carried the treasure either by accident stepping in, or by
order of the king so appointed to go between him and the pursuers,
they seized and pilfered the gold, and falling out among themselves
about the prey, let slip the great prize. Neither was their greediness
prejudicial to Lucullus in this only, but also they slew Callistratus,
the king's confidential attendant, under suspicion of having five
hundred pieces of gold in his girdle; whereas Lucullus had specially
ordered that he should be conveyed safe into the camp. Notwithstanding
all which, he gave them leave to plunder the camp.
  After this, in Cabira, and other strongholds which he took, he found
great treasures, and private prisons, in which many Greeks and many of
the king's relations had been confined, who, having long since counted
themselves no other than dead men, by the favour of Lucullus met not
with relief so truly as with a new life and second birth. Nyssa, also,
sister of Mithridates, enjoyed the like fortunate captivity; while
those who seemed to be most out of danger, his wives and sisters at
Phernacia, placed in safety as they thought, miserably perished,
Mithridates in his flight sending Bacchides the eunuch to them.
Among others there were two sisters of the king, Roxana and Statira,
unmarried women forty years old, and two Ionian wives. Berenice of
Chios and Monime of Biletus. This latter was the most celebrated among
the Greeks, because she so long withstood the king in his courtship to
her, though he presented her with fifteen thousand pieces of gold,
until a covenant of marriage was made, and a crown was sent her, and
she was saluted queen. She had been a sorrowful woman before, and
often bewailed her beauty, that had procured her a keeper, instead
of a husband, and a watch of barbarians, instead of the home and
attendance of a wife; and, removed far from Greece, she enjoyed the
pleasure which she proposed to herself only in a dream, being in the
meantime robbed of that which is real. And when Bacchides came and
bade them prepare for death, as every one thought most easy and
painless, she took the diadem from her head, and fastening the
string to her neck, suspended herself with it; which soon breaking, "O
wretched headband!" said she, "not able to help me even in this
small thing!" And throwing it away she spat on it, and offered her
throat to Bacchides. Berenice had prepared a potion for herself, but
at her mother's entreaty, who stood by, she gave her part of it.
Both drank the potion, which prevailed over the weaker body. But
Berenice, having drunk too little, was not released by it, but
lingering on unable to die, was strangled by Bacchides for haste. It
is said that one of the unmarried sisters drank the poison, with
bitter execrations and curses; but Statira uttered nothing ungentle or
reproachful, but, on the contrary, commended her brother, who in his
own danger neglected not theirs, but carefully provided that they
might go out of the world without shame or disgrace.
  Lucullus, being a good and humane man, was concerned at these
things. However, going on, he came to Talaura, from whence four days
before his arrival Mithridates had fled, and was got to Tigranes in
Armenia. He turned off, therefore, and subdued the Chaldeans and
Tibarenians, with the lesser Armenia, and having reduced all their
forts and cities, he sent Appius to Tigranes to demand Mithridates. He
himself went to Amisus, which still held out under the command of
Callimachus, who, by his great engineering skill, and his dexterity at
all the shifts and subtleties of a siege, had greatly incommoded the
Romans. For which afterward he paid dear enough, and was now
outmanoeuvred by Lucullus, who, unexpectedly coming upon him at the
time of the day when the soldiers used to withdraw and rest
themselves, gained part of the wall, and forced him to leave the city,
in doing which he fired it; either envying the Romans the booty, or to
secure his own escape the better. No man looked after those who went
off in the ships, but as soon as the fire had seized on most part of
the wall, the soldiers prepared themselves for plunder; while
Lucullus, pitying the ruin of the city, brought assistance from
without, and encouraged his men to extinguish the flames. But all,
being intent upon the prey, and giving no heed to him, with loud
outcries, beat and clashed their arms together, until he was compelled
to let them plunder, that by that means he might at least save the
city from fire. But they did quite the contrary, for in searching
the houses with lights and torches everywhere, they were themselves
the cause of the destruction of most of the buildings, inasmuch that
when Lucullus the next day went in, he shed tears, and said to his
friends, that he had often before blessed the fortune of Sylla, but
never so much admired it as then, because when he was willing he was
also able to save Athens, "but my infelicity is such, that while I
endeavour to imitate him, I become like Mummius." Nevertheless, he
endeavoured to save as much of the city as he could, and at the same
time, also, by a happy providence a fall of rain concurred to
extinguish the fire. He himself while present repaired the ruins as
much as he could, receiving back the inhabitants who had fled, and
settling as many other Greeks as were willing to live there, adding
a hundred furlongs of ground to the place.
  This city was a colony of Athens, built at that time when she
flourished and was powerful at sea, upon which account many who fled
from Aristion's tyranny settled here, and were admitted as citizens,
but had the ill-luck to fly from evils at home into greater abroad. As
many of these as survived Lucullus furnished every one with clothes,
and two hundred drachmas, and sent them away into their own country.
On this occasion Tyrannion the grammarian was taken. Murena begged him
of Lucullus, and took him and made him a freedman; but in this he
abused Lucullus's favour, who by no means liked that a man of high
repute for learning should be first made a slave and then freed; for
freedom thus speciously granted again was a real deprivation of what
he had before. But not in this case alone Murena showed himself far
inferior in generosity to the general.
  Lucullus was now busy in looking after the cities of Asia, and
having no war to divert his time, spent it in the administration of
law and justice, the want of which had for a long time left the
province a prey to unspeakable and incredible miseries; so plundered
and enslaved by tax-farmers and usurers that private people were
compelled to sell their sons in the flower of their youth, and their
daughters in their virginity, and the states publicly to sell their
consecrated gifts, pictures, and statues. In the end their lot was
to yield themselves up slaves to their creditors, but before this
worse troubles befell them, tortures, inflicted with ropes and by
horses, standing abroad to be scorched when the sun was hot, and being
driven into ice and clay in the cold; insomuch that slavery was no
less than a redemption and joy to them. Lucullus in a short time freed
the cities from all these evils and oppressions; for, first of all, he
ordered there should be no more taken than one per cent. Secondly,
where the interest exceeded the principal, he struck it off. The third
and most considerable order was, that the creditor should receive
the fourth part of the debtor's income; but if any lender had added
the interest to the principal, it was utterly disallowed. Insomuch,
that in the space of four years all debts were paid and lands returned
to their right owners. The public debt was contracted when Asia was
fined twenty thousand talents by Sylla, but twice as much was paid
to the collectors, who by their usury had by this time advanced it
to a hundred and twenty thousand talents. And accordingly they
inveighed against Lucullus at Rome, as grossly injured by him, and
by their money's help (as, indeed, they were very powerful, and had
many of the statesmen in their debt), they stirred up several
leading senators against him. But Lucullus was not only beloved by the
cities which he obliged, but was also wished for by other provinces,
who blessed the good-luck of those who had such a governor over them.
  Appius Clodius, who was sent to Tigranes (the same Clodius was
brother to Lucullus's wife), being led by the king's guides a
roundabout way, unnecessarily long and tedious, through the upper
country, being informed by his freedman, a Syrian by nation, of the
direct road, left that lengthy and fallacious one; and bidding the
barbarians, his guides, adieu, in a few days passed over Euphrates,
and came to Antioch upon Daphne. There being commanded to wait for
Tigranes, who at that time was reducing some towns in Phoenicia, he
won over many chiefs to his side, who unwillingly submitted to the
King of Armenia, among whom was Zarbienus, King of the Gordyenians;
also many of the conquered cities corresponded privately with him,
whom he assured of relief from Lucullus, but ordered them to lie still
at present. The Armenian government was an oppressive one, and
intolerable to the Greeks, especially that of the present king, who,
growing insolent and overbearing with his success, imagined all things
valuable and esteemed among men not only were his in fact, but had
been purposely created for him alone. From a small and
inconsiderable beginning, he had gone on to be the conqueror of many
nations, had humbled the Parthian power more than any before him,
and filled Mesopotamia with Greeks, whom he carried in numbers out
of Cilicia and Cappadocia. He transplanted also the Arabs, who lived
in tents, from their country and home, and settled them near him, that
by their means he might carry on the trade.
  He had many kings waiting on him, but four he always carried with
him as servants and guards, who, when he rode, ran by his horse's side
in ordinary under-frocks, and attended him, when sitting on his
throne, and publishing his decrees to the people, with their hands
folded together; which posture of all others was that which most
expressed slavery, it being that of men who had bidden adieu to
liberty, and had prepared their bodies more for chastisement than
the service of their masters. Appius, nothing dismayed or surprised at
this theatrical display, as soon as audience was granted him, said
he came to demand Mithridates for Lucullus's triumph, otherwise to
denounce war against Tigranes: insomuch that though Tigranes
endeavoured to receive him with a smooth countenance and a forced
smile, he could not dissemble his discomposure to those who stood
about him at the bold language of the young man; for it was the
first time, perhaps, in twenty-five years, the length of his reign,
or, more truly, of his tyranny, that any free speech had been
uttered to him. However, he made answer to Appius, that he would not
desert Mithridates, and would defend himself, if the Romans attacked
him. He was angry, also, with Lucullus for calling him only king in
his letter, and not king of kings, and, in his answer, would not
give him his title of imperator. Great gifts were sent to Appius,
which he refused; but on their being sent again and augmented, that he
might not seem to refuse in anger, he took one goblet and sent the
rest back, and without delay went off to the general.
  Tigranes before this neither vouchsafed to see nor speak with
Mithridates, though a near kinsman, and forced out of so
considerable a kingdom, but proudly and scornfully kept him at a
distance, as a sort of prisoner, in a marshy and unhealthy district;
but now, with much profession of respect and kindness, he sent for
him, and at a private conference between them in the palace, they
healed up all private jealousies between them, punishing their
favourites, who bore all the blame; among whom Metrodorus of Scepsis
was one, an eloquent and learned man, and so close an intimate as
commonly to be called the king's father. This man, as it happened,
being employed in an embassy by Mithridates to solicit help against
the Romans, Tigranes asked him, "What would you, Metrodorus, advise me
to in this affair?" In return to which, either out of good-will to
Tigranes, or a want of solicitude for Mithridates, he made answer,
that as ambassador he counselled him to it, but as a friend
dissuaded him from it. This Tigranes reported and affirmed to
Mithridates, thinking that no irreparable harm would come of it to
Metrodorus. But upon this he was presently taken off, and Tigranes was
sorry for what he had done, though he had not, indeed, been absolutely
the cause of his death; yet he had given the fatal turn to the anger
of Mithridates, who had privately hated him before, as appeared from
his cabinet papers when taken, among which there was an order that
Metrodorus should die. Tigranes buried him splendidly, sparing no cost
to his dead body, whom he betrayed when alive. In Tigranes's court
died, also, Amphicrates the orator (if, for the sake of Athens, we may
also mention him), of whom it is told that he left his country and
fled to Seleucia, upon the river Tigris, and, being desired to teach
logic among them, arrogantly replied, that the dish was too little
to hold a dolphin. He, therefore, came to Cleopatra, daughter of
Mithridates, and queen to Tigranes, but, being accused of
misdemeanours, prohibited all commerce with his countrymen, ended
his days by starving himself. He, in like manner, received from
Cleopatra an honourable burial, near Sapha, a place so called in
that country.
  Lucullus, when he had re-established law and a lasting peace in
Asia, did not altogether forget pleasure and mirth, but, during his
residence at Ephesus, gratified the cities with sports, festival
triumphs, wrestling games, and single combats of gladiators. And they,
in requital, instituted others, called Lucullean games, in honour to
him, thus manifesting their love to him, which was of more value to
him than all the honour. But when Appius came to him and told him he
must prepare for war with Tigranes, he went again into Pontus, and,
gathering together his army, besieged Sinope, or rather the
Cilicians of the king's side who held it; who thereupon killed a
number of the Sinopians, and set the city on fire, and by night
endeavoured to escape. Which when Lucullus perceived, he entered the
city, and killed eight thousand of them who were still left behind;
but restored to the inhabitants what was their own, and took special
care for the welfare of the city. To which he was chiefly prompted
by this vision. One seemed to come to him in his sleep, and say, "Go
on a little further, Lucullus, for Autolycus is coming to see thee."
When he arose he could not imagine what the vision meant. The same day
he took the city, and as he was pursuing the Cilicians, who were
flying by sea, he saw a statue lying on the shore, which the Cilicians
carried so far, but had not time to carry aboard. It was one of the
masterpieces of Sthenis. And one told him that it was the statue of
Autolycus, the founder of the city. This Autolycus is reported to have
been son to Deimachus, and one of those who, under Hercules, went on
the expedition out of Thessaly against the Amazons; from whence in his
return with Demoleon and Phlogius, he lost his vessel on a point of
the Chersonesus, called Pedalium. He himself, with his companions
and their weapons, being saved, came to Sinope, and dispossessed the
Syrians there. The Syrians held it, descended from Syrus, as is the
story, the son of Apollo and Sinope, the daughter of Asopus. Which
as soon as Lucullus heard he remembered the admonition of Sylla, whose
advice it is in his Memoirs to treat nothing as so certain and so
worthy of reliance as an intimation given in dreams.
  When it was now told him that Mithridates and Tigranes were just
ready to transport their forces into Lycaonia and Cilicia, with the
object of entering Asia before him, he wondered much why the Armenian,
supposing him to entertain any real intentions to fight with the
Romans, did not assist Mithridates in his flourishing condition, and
join forces when he was fit for service, instead of suffering him to
be vanquished and broken in pieces, and now at last beginning the war,
when its hopes were grown cold, and throwing himself down headlong
with them, who were irrevocably fallen already. But when Machares, the
son of Mithridates, and governor of Bosporus, sent him a crown, valued
at a thousand pieces of gold, and desired to be enrolled as a friend
and confederate of the Romans, he fairly reputed that war at an end,
and left Sornatius, his deputy, with six thousand soldiers, to take
care of Pontus. He himself, with twelve thousand foot and a little
less than three thousand horse, went forth to the second war,
advancing, it seemed very plain, with too great and ill-advised speed,
into the midst of warlike nations and many thousands upon thousands of
horse, into an unknown extent of country, every way inclosed with deep
rivers and mountains, never free from snow; which made the soldiers,
already far from orderly, follow him with great unwillingness and
opposition. For the same reason, also, the popular leaders at home
publicly inveighed and declaimed against him, as one that raised up
war after war, not so much for the interest of the republic, as that
he himself, being still in commission, might not lay down arms, but go
on enriching himself by the public dangers. These men, in the end,
effected their purpose. But Lucullus, by long journeys, came to the
Euphrates, where, finding the waters high and rough from the winter,
he was much troubled for fear of delay and difficulty while he
should procure boats and make a bridge of them. But in the evening the
flood beginning to retire, and decreasing all through the night, the
next day they saw the river far down within his banks, so much so that
the inhabitants, discovering the little islands in the river, and
the water stagnating among them, a thing which had rarely happened
before, made obeisance to Lucullus, before whom the very river was
humble and submissive, and yielded an easy and swift passage. Making
use of the opportunity, he carried over his army, and met with a lucky
sign at landing. Holy heifers are pastured on purpose for Diana
Persia, whom, of all the gods, the barbarians beyond Euphrates chiefly
adore. They use these heifers only for her sacrifices. At other
times they wander up and down undisturbed, with the mark of the
goddess, a torch, branded on them; and it is no such light or easy
thing, when occasion requires, to seize one of them. But one of these,
when the army had passed the Euphrates, coming to a rock consecrated
to the goddess, stood upon it, and then, laying down her neck, like
others that are forced down with a rope, offered herself to Lucullus
for sacrifice. Besides which, he offered also a bull to Euphrates, for
safe passage. That day he tarried there, but on the next, and those
that followed, he travelled through Sophene, using no manner of
violence to the people who came to him and willingly received his
army. And when the soldiers were desirous to plunder a castle that
seemed to be well stored within, "That is the castle," said he,
"that we must storm," showing them Taurus at a distance; "the rest
is reserved for those who conquer there." Wherefore hastening his
march, and passing the Tigris, he came over into Armenia.
  The first messenger that gave notice of Lucullus's coming was so far
from pleasing Tigranes that he had his head cut off for his pains; and
no man daring to bring further information, without any intelligence
at all, Tigranes sat while war was already blazing around him,
giving ear only to those who flattered him, by saying that Lucullus
would show himself a great commander if he ventured to wait for
Tigranes at Ephesus, and did not at once fly out of Asia at the mere
sight of the many thousands that were come against him. He is a man of
a strong body that can carry off a great quantity of wine, and of a
powerful constitution of mind that can sustain felicity.
Mithrobarzanes, one of his chief favourites, first dared to tell him
the truth, but had no more thanks for his freedom of speech than to be
immediately sent out against Lucullus with three thousand horse, and a
great number of foot, with peremptory demands to bring him alive and
trample down his army. Some of Lucullus's men were then pitching their
camp, and the rest were coming up to them, when the scouts gave notice
that the enemy was approaching, whereupon he was in fear lest they
should fall upon him, while his men were divided and unarranged; which
made him stay to pitch the camp himself, and send out Sextilius the
legate, with sixteen hundred horse, and about as many heavy and
light arms, with orders to advance towards the enemy, and wait until
intelligence came to him that the camp was finished. Sextilius
designed to have kept this order; but Mithrobarzanes coming
furiously upon him, he was forced to fight. In the engagement,
Mithrobarzanes himself was slain, fighting, and all his men, except
a few who ran away, were destroyed. After this, Tigranes left
Tigranocerta, a great city built by himself, and retired to Taurus,
and called all his forces about him.
  But Lucullus, giving him no time to rendezvous, sent out Murena to
harass and cut off those who marched to Tigranes, and Sextilius, also,
to disperse a great company of Arabians then on the way to the king.
Sextilius fell upon the Arabians in their camp, and destroyed most
of them, and also Murena, in his pursuit after Tigranes through a
craggy and narrow pass, opportunely fell upon him. Upon which
Tigranes, abandoning all his baggage, fled; many of the Armenians were
killed and more taken. After this success, Lucullus went to
Tigranocerta, and sitting down before the city, besieged it. In it
were many Greeks carried away out of Cilicia, and many barbarians in
like circumstances with the Greeks, Adiabenians, Assyrians,
Gordyenians, and Cappadocians, whose native cities he had destroyed,
and forced away the inhabitants to settle here. It was a rich and
beautiful city, every common man, and every man of rank, in
imitation of the king, studied to enlarge and adorn it. This made
Lucullus more vigorously press the siege, in the belief that
Tigranes would not patiently endure it, but even against his own
judgment would come down in anger to force him away; in which he was
not mistaken. Mithridates earnestly dissuaded him from it, sending
messengers and letters to him not to engage, but rather with his horse
to try and cut off the supplies. Taxiles, also, who came from
Mithridates, and who stayed with his army, very much entreated the
king to forbear, and to avoid the Roman arms, things it was not safe
to meddle with. To this he hearkened at first, but when the
Armenians and Gordyenians in a full body, and the whole force of Medes
and Adiabenians, under their respective kings, joined him; when many
Arabians came up from the sea beyond Babylon; and from the Caspian
sea, the Albanians and the Iberians their neighbours, and not a few of
the free people, without kings, living about the Araxes, by entreaty
and hire also came together to him; and all the king's feasts and
councils rang of nothing but expectations, boastings, and barbaric
threatenings, Taxiles went in danger of his life for giving council
against fighting, and it was imputed to envy in Mithridates thus to
discourage him from so glorious an enterprise. Therefore Tigranes
would by no means tarry for him, for fear he should share in the
glory, but marched on with all his army, lamenting to his friends,
as it is said, that he should fight with Lucullus alone and not with
all the Roman generals together. Neither was his boldness to be
accounted wholly frantic or unreasonable when he had so many nations
and kings attending him, and so many tens of thousands of well-armed
foot and horse about him. He had twenty thousand archers and slingers,
fifty-five thousand horse, of which seventeen thousand were in
complete armour, as Lucullus wrote to the senate, a hundred and
fifty thousand heavy-armed men, drawn up partly into cohorts, partly
into phalanxes, besides various divisions of men appointed to make
roads and lay bridges, to drain off waters and cut wood, and to
perform other necessary services, to the number of thirty-five
thousand, who, being quartered behind the army, added to its strength,
and made it the more formidable to behold.
  As soon as he had passed Taurus, and appeared with his forces, and
saw the Romans beleaguering Tigranocerta, the barbarous people within,
with shoutings and acclamations, received the sight, and threatening
the Romans from the walls, pointed to the Armenians. In a council of
war, some advised Lucullus to leave the siege, and march up to
Tigranes, others that it would not be safe to leave the siege, and
so many enemies behind. He answered that neither side by itself was
right, but together both gave sound advice; and accordingly he divided
his army, and left Murena with six thousand foot in charge of the
siege, and himself went out with twenty-four cohorts, in which were no
more than ten thousand men-at-arms, and with all the horse and
slingers and archers and about a thousand sitting down by the river in
a large plain, he appeared, indeed, very inconsiderable to Tigranes,
and a fit subject for the flattering wits about him. Some of whom
jeered, others cast lots for the spoil, and every one of the kings and
commanders came and desired to undertake the engagement alone, and
that he would be pleased to sit still and behold. Tigranes himself,
wishing to be witty and pleasant upon the occasion, made use of the
well-known saying, that they were too many for ambassadors, and too
few for soldiers. Thus they continued sneering and scoffing. As soon
as day came, Lucullus brought out his forces under arms. The barbarian
army stood on the eastern side of the river, and there being a bend of
the river westward in that part of it, where it was easiest forded,
Lucullus, while he led his army on in haste, seemed to Tigranes to
be flying; who thereupon called Taxiles, and in derision said, "Do you
not see these invincible Romans flying?" But Taxiles replied,
"Would, indeed, O king, that some such unlikely piece of fortune might
be destined you; but the Romans do not, when going on a march, put
on their best clothes, nor use bright shields, and naked headpieces,
as now you see them, with the leathern coverings all taken off, but
this is a preparation for war of men just ready to engage with their
enemies." While Taxiles was thus speaking, as Lucullus wheeled
about, the first eagle appeared, and the cohorts, according to their
divisions and companies, formed in order to pass over, when with
much ado, and like a man that is just recovering from a drunken fit,
Tigranes cried out twice or thrice, "What, are they upon us?" In great
confusion, therefore, the army got in array, the king keeping the main
body to himself, while the left wing giving in charge to the
Adiabenian, and the right to the Mede, in front of which latter were
posted most of the heavy-armed cavalry. Some officers advised
Lucullus, just as he was going to cross the river, to lie still,
that day being one of the unfortunate ones which they call black days,
for on it the army under Caepio, engaging with the Cimbrians was
destroyed. But he returned the famous answer, "I will make it a
happy day to the Romans." It was the day before the Nones of October.
  Having so said, he bade them take courage, passed over the river,
and himself first of all led them against the enemy, clad in a coat of
mail, with shining steel scales and a fringed mantle; and his sword
might already be seen out of the scabbard, as if to signify that
they must without delay come to a hand-to-hand combat with an enemy
whose skill was in distant fighting, and by the speed of their advance
curtail the space that exposed them to the archery. But when he saw
the heavy-armed horse, the flower of the army, drawn up under a
hill, on the top of which was a broad and open plain about four
furlongs distant, and of no very difficult or troublesome access, he
commanded his Thracian and Galatian horse to fall upon their flank,
and beat down their lances with their swords. The only defence of
these horsemen-at-arms are their lances; they have nothing else that
they can use to protect themselves or annoy their enemy, on account of
the weight and stiffness of their armour, with which they are, as it
were, built up. He himself, with two cohorts, made to the mountain,
the soldiers briskly following, when they saw him in arms afoot
first toiling and climbing up. Being on the top and standing in an
open place, with a loud voice he cried out, "We have overcome, we have
overcome, fellow-soldiers!" And having so said, he marched against the
armed horsemen, commanding his men not to throw their javelins, but
coming up hand-to-hand with the enemy, to hack their shins and thighs,
which parts alone were unguarded in these heavy-armed horsemen. But
there was no need of this way of fighting, for they stood not to
receive the Romans, but with great clamour and worse flight they and
their heavy horses threw themselves upon the ranks of the foot, before
ever these could so much as begin the fight, insomuch that without a
wound or bloodshed, so many thousands were overthrown. The greatest
slaughter was made in the flight, or rather in the endeavouring to fly
away, which they could not well do by reason of the depth and
closeness of their own ranks, which hindered them. Tigranes at first
fled with a few, but seeing his son in the same misfortune, he took
the diadem from his head, and with tears gave it him, bidding him save
himself by some other road if he could. But the young man, not
daring to put it on, gave it to one of his trustiest servants to
keep for him. This man, as it happened, being taken, was brought to
Lucullus, and so, among the captives, the crown of Tigranes was also
taken. It is stated that above a hundred thousand foot were lost,
and that of the horse but very few escaped at all. Of the Romans, a
hundred were wounded and five killed. Antiochus the philosopher,
making mention of this fight in his book about the gods, says that the
sun never saw the like. Strabo, a second philosopher, in his
historical collection, says that the Romans could not but blush and
deride themselves for putting on armour against such pitiful slaves.
Livy also says that the Romans never fought an enemy with such unequal
forces, for the conquerors were not so much as one-twentieth part of
the number of the conquered. The most sagacious and experienced
Roman commanders made it a chief commendation of Lucullus that he
had conquered two great and potent kings by two most opposite ways,
haste and delay. For he wore out the flourishing power of
Mithridates by delay and time, and crushed that of Tigranes by
haste; being one of the rare examples of generals who made use of
delay for active achievement and speed for security.
  On this account it was that Mithridates had made no haste to come up
to fight, imagining Lucullus would, as he had done before, use caution
and delay, which made him march at his leisure to join Tigranes. And
first, as he began to meet some straggling Armenians in the way,
making off in great fear and consternation, he suspected the worst,
and when greater numbers of stripped and wounded men met him and
assured him of the defeat, he set out to seek for Tigranes. And
finding him destitute and humiliated, he by no means requited him with
insolence, but alighting from his horse, and condoling with him on
their common loss, he gave him his own royal guard to attend him,
and animated him for the future. And they together gathered fresh
forces about them. In the city Tigranocerta, the Greeks meantime,
dividing from the barbarians, sought to deliver it up to Lucullus, and
he attacked and took it. He seized on the treasure himself, but gave
the city to be plundered by the soldiers, in which were found, amongst
other property, eight thousand talents of coined money. Besides
this, also, he distributed eight hundred drachmas to each man out of
the spoils. When he understood that many players were taken in the
city, whom Tigranes had invited from all parts for opening the theatre
which he had built, he made use of them for celebrating his
triumphal games and spectacles. The Greeks he sent home, allowing them
money for their journey, and the barbarians also, as many as had
been forced away from their own dwellings. So that by this one city
being dissolved, many, by the restitution of their former inhabitants,
were restored. By all of which Lucullus was beloved as a benefactor
and founder. Other successes, also, attended him, such as he well
deserved, desirous as he was far more of praise for acts of justice
and clemency, than for feats in war, these being due partly to the
soldiers, and very greatly to fortune, while those are the sure proofs
of a gentle and liberal soul; and by such aids Lucullus, at that time,
even without the help of arms, succeeded in reducing the barbarians.
For the kings of the Arabians came to him, tendering what they had,
and with them the Sophenians also submitted. And he so dealt with
the Gordyenians, that they were willing to leave their own
habitations, and to follow him with their wives and children. Which
was for this cause. Zarbienus, King of the Gordyenians, as has been
told, being impatient under the tyranny of Tigranes, had by Appius
secretly made overtures of confederacy with Lucullus, but, being
discovered, was executed, and his wife and children with him, before
the Romans entered Armenia. Lucullus forgot not this, but coming to
the Gordyenians made a solemn interment in honour of Zarbienus, and
adorning the funeral pile with royal robes, and gold, and the spoils
of Tigranes, he himself in person kindled the fire, and poured in
perfumes with the friends and relations of the deceased, calling him
his companion and the confederate of the Romans. He ordered, also, a
costly monument to be built for him. There was a large treasure of
gold and silver found in Zarbienus's palace, and no less than three
million measures of corn, so that the soldiers were provided for,
and Lucullus had the high commendation of maintaining the war at its
own charge, without receiving one drachma from the public treasury.
  After this came an embassy from the King of Parthia to him, desiring
amity and confederacy; which being readily embraced by Lucullus,
another was sent by him in return to the Parthian, the members of
which discovered him to be a double-minded man, and to be dealing
privately at the same time with Tigranes, offering to take part with
him, upon condition Mesopotamia were delivered up to him. Which as
soon as Lucullus understood, he resolved to pass by Tigranes and
Mithridates as antagonists already overcome, and to try the power of
Parthia, by leading his army against them, thinking it would be a
glorious result, thus in one current of war, like an athlete in the
games, to throw down three kings one after another, and successively
to deal as a conqueror with three of the greatest power under
heaven. He sent, therefore, into Pontus to Sornatius and his
colleagues, bidding them bring the army thence, and join with him in
his expedition out of Gordyene. The soldiers there, however, who had
been restive and unruly before, now openly displayed their mutinous
temper. No manner of entreaty or force availed with them, but they
protested and cried out that they would stay no longer even there, but
would go away and desert Pontus. The news of which, when reported to
Lucullus, did no small harm to the soldiers about him, who were
already corrupted with wealth and plenty, and desirous of ease. And on
hearing the boldness of the others, they called them men, and declared
they themselves ought to follow their example, for the actions which
they had done did now well deserve release from service and repose.
  Upon these and worse words, Lucullus gave up the thoughts of
invading Parthia, and in the height of summer-time went against
Tigranes. Passing over Taurus, he was filled with apprehension at
the greenness of the fields before him, so long is the season deferred
in this region by the coldness of the air. But nevertheless, he went
down, and twice or thrice putting to flight the Armenians who dared to
come out against him, he plundered and burnt their villages, and
seizing on the provision designed for Tigranes, reduced his enemies to
the necessity which he had feared for himself. But when, after doing
all he could to provoke the enemy to fight, by drawing entrenchments
round their camp and by burning the country before them, he could by
no means bring them to venture out, after their frequent defeats
before, he rose up and marched to Artaxata, the royal city of
Tigranes, where his wives and young children were kept, judging that
Tigranes would never suffer that to go without the hazard of a battle.
It is related that Hannibal the Carthaginian, after the defeat of
Antiochus by the Romans, coming to Artaxas, King of Armenia, pointed
out to him many other matters to his advantage, and observing the
great natural capacities and the pleasantness of the site, then
lying unoccupied and neglected, drew a model of a city for it, and
bringing Artaxas thither, showed it to him and encouraged him to
build. At which the king being pleased, and desiring him to oversee
the work, erected a large and stately city which was called after
his own name, and made metropolis of Armenia.
  And in fact, when Lucullus proceeded against it, Tigranes no
longer suffered it, but came with his army, and on the fourth day
sat down by the Romans, the river Arsanias lying between them, which
of necessity Lucullus must pass in his march to Artaxata. Lucullus,
after sacrifice to the gods, as if victory were already obtained,
carried over his army, having twelve cohorts in the first division
in front, the rest being disposed in the rear to prevent the enemy's
inclosing them. For there were many choice horse drawn up against him;
in the front stood the Mardian horse-archers, and Iberians with long
spears, in whom, being the most warlike, Tigranes more confided than
in any other of his foreign troops. But nothing of moment was done
by them, for though they skirmished with the Roman horse at a
distance, they were not able to stand when the foot came up to them;
but being broken, and flying on both sides, drew the horse in
pursuit after them. Though these were routed, yet Lucullus was not
without alarm when he saw the cavalry about Tigranes with great
bravery and in large numbers coming upon him; he recalled his horse
from pursuing, and he himself, first of all, with the best of his men,
engaged the Satrapenians who were opposite him, and before ever they
came to close fight routed them with the mere terror. Of three kings
in battle against him, Mithridates of Pontus fled away the most
shamefully, being not so much as able to endure the shout of the
Romans. The pursuit reached a long way, and all through the night
the Romans slew and took prisoners, and carried off spoils and
treasure, till they were weary. Livy says there were more taken and
destroyed in the first battle, but in the second, men of greater
distinction.
  Lucullus, flushed and animated by this victory, determined to
march on into the interior and there complete his conquests over the
barbarians, but winter weather came on, contrary to expectation, as
early as the autumnal equinox, with storms and frequent snows, and,
even in the most clear days, hoar frost and ice, which made the waters
scarcely drinkable for the horses by their exceeding coldness, and
scarcely passable through the ice breaking and cutting the horses'
sinews. The country for the most part being quite uncleared, with
difficult passes, and much wood, kept them continually wet, the snow
falling thickly on them as they marched in the day, and the ground
that they lay upon at night being damp and watery. After the battle
they followed not Lucullus many days before they began to be
refractory, first of all entreating and sending the tribunes to him,
but presently they tumultuously gathered together, and made a shouting
all night long in their tents a plain sign of a mutinous army. But
Lucullus as earnestly entreated them, desiring them to have
patience, till they took the Armenian Carthage, and overturned the
work of their great enemy, meaning Hannibal. But when he could not
prevail, he led them back, and crossing Taurus by another road, came
into the fruitful and sunny country of Mygdonia, where was a great and
populous city, by the barbarians called Nisibis, by the Greeks Antioch
of Mygdonia. This was defended by Guras, brother of Tigranes, with the
dignity of governor, and by the engineering skill and dexterity of
Callimachus, the same who so much annoyed the Romans at Amisus.
Lucullus, however, brought his army up to it, and laying close
siege, in a short time took it by storm. He used Guras, who
surrendered himself, kindly, but gave no attention to Callimachus,
though he offered to make discovery of hidden treasures, commanding
him to be kept in chains, to be punished for firing the city of
Amisus, which had disappointed his ambition of showing favour and
kindness to the Greeks.
  Hitherto, one would imagine fortune had attended and fought with
Lucullus, but afterwards, as if the wind had failed of a sudden, he
did all things by force, and as it were against the grain; and
showed certainly the conduct and patience of a wise captain, but in
the results met with no fresh honour or reputation; and indeed, by bad
success and vain embarrassments with his soldiers, he came within a
little of losing even what he had before. He himself was not the least
cause of all this, being far from inclined to seek popularity with the
mass of the soldiers, and more ready to think any indulgence shown
to them an invasion of his own authority. But what was worst of all,
he was naturally unsociable to his great officers in commission with
him, despising others and thinking them worthy of nothing in
comparison with himself. These faults, we are told, he had with all
his many excellences; he was of a large and noble person, an
eloquent speaker, and a wise counsellor, both in the forum and the
camp. Sallust says the soldiers were ill-affected to him from the
beginning of the war, because they were forced to keep the field two
winters at Cyzicus and afterwards at Amisus. Their other winters,
also, vexed them, for they either spent them in an enemy's country, or
else were confined to their tents in the open field among their
confederates; for Lucullus not so much as once went into a Greek
confederate town with his army. To this ill-affection abroad, the
tribunes yet more contributed at home, invidiously accusing Lucullus
as one who for empire and riches prolonged the war, holding, it
might almost be said, under his sole power Cilicia, Asia, Bithynia,
Paphlagonia, Pontus, Armenia, all as far as the river Phasis; and
now of late had plundered the royal city of Tigranes, as if he had
been commissioned not so much to subdue as to strip kings. This is
what we are told was said by Lucius Quintius, one of the praetors,
at whose instance, in particular, the people determined to send one
who should succeed Lucullus in his province, and voted, also, to
relieve many of the soldiers under him from further service.
  Besides these evils, that which most of all prejudiced Lucullus
was Publius Clodius, an insolent man, very vicious and bold, brother
to Lucullus's wife, a woman of bad conduct, with whom Clodius was
himself suspected of criminal intercourse. Being then in the army
under Lucullus, but not in as great authority as he expected (for he
would fain have been the chief of all, but on account of his character
was postponed to many), he ingratiated himself secretly with the
Fimbrian troops, and stirred them up against Lucullus, using fair
speeches to them, who of old had been used to be flattered in such a
manner. These were those whom Fimbria before had persuaded to kill the
consul Flaccus, and choose him their leader. And so they listened
not unwillingly to Clodius, and called him the soldiers' friend, for
the concern he professed for them, and the indignation he expressed at
the prospect that "there must be no end of wars and toils, but in
fighting with all nations, and wandering throughout all the world they
must wear out their lives receiving no other reward for their
service than to guard the carriages and camels of Lucullus, laden with
gold and precious goblets; while as for Pompey's soldiers, they were
all citizens, living safe at home with their wives and children, on
fertile lands, or in towns, and that, not after driving Mithridates
and Tigranes into wild deserts, and overturning the royal cities of
Asia, but after having merely reduced exiles in Spain, or fugitive
slaves in Italy. Nay, if indeed we must never have an end of fighting,
should we not rather reserve the remainder of our bodies and souls for
a general who will reckon his chiefest glory to be the wealth of his
soldiers."
  By such practices the army of Lucullus, being corrupted, neither
followed him against Tigranes, nor against Mithridates, when he now at
once returned into Pontus out of Armenia, and was recovering his
kingdom, but under pretence of the winter, sat idle in Gordyene, every
minute expecting either Pompey, or some other general, to succeed
Lucullus. But when news came that Mithridates had defeated Fabius, and
was marching against Sornatius and Triarius, out of shame they
followed Lucullus. Triarius, ambitiously aiming at victory before ever
Lucullus came to him, though he was then very near, was defeated in
a great battle, in which it is said that above seven thousand Romans
fell, among whom were a hundred and fifty centurions and
four-and-twenty tribunes, and that the camp itself was taken.
Lucullus, coming up a few days after, concealed Triarius from the
search of the angry soldiers. But when Mithridates declined battle,
and waited for the coming of Tigranes, who was then on his march
with great forces, he resolved before they joined their forces to turn
once more and engage with Tigranes. But in the way the mutinous
Fimbrians deserted their ranks, professing themselves released from
service by a decree, and that Lucullus, the provinces being allotted
to others, had no longer any right to command them. There was
nothing beneath the dignity of Lucullus which he did not now submit to
bear, entreating them one by one, from tent to tent, going up and down
humbly and in tears and even taking some like a suppliant by the hand.
But they turned away from his salutes, and threw down their empty
purses, bidding him engage alone with the enemy, as he alone made
advantage of it. At length by the entreaty of the other soldiers,
the Fimbrians, being prevailed upon, consented to tarry that summer
under him, but if during that time no enemy came to fight them, to
be free. Lucullus of necessity was forced to comply with this, or else
to abandon the country to the barbarians. He kept them, indeed, with
him, but without urging his authority upon them; nor did he lead
them out to battle, being contented if they should but stay with
him, though he then saw Cappadocia wasted by Tigranes, and Mithridates
again triumphing, whom not long before he reported to the senate to be
wholly subdued; and commissioners were now arrived to settle the
affairs of Pontus, as if all had been quietly in his possession. But
when they came, they found him not so much as master of himself, but
contemned and derided by the common soldiers, who arrived at that
height of insolence against their general, that at the end of summer
they put on their armour and drew their swords, and defied their
enemies then absent and gone off a long while before, and with great
outcries and waving their swords in the air they quitted the camp,
proclaiming that the time was expired which they promised to stay with
Lucullus. The rest were summoned by letter Pompey to come and join
him; he by the favour of the people and by flattery of their leaders
having been chosen general of the army against Mithridates and
Tigranes, though the senate and the nobility all thought that Lucullus
was injured, having those put over his head who succeeded rather to
his triumph than to his commission, and that he was not so truly
deprived of his command, as of the glory he had deserved in his
command, which he was forced to yield to another.
  It was yet more of just matter of pity and indignation to those
who were present; for Lucullus remained no longer master of rewards or
punishments for any actions done in the war; neither would Pompey
suffer any man to go to him, or pay any respect to the orders and
arrangements he made with advice of his ten commissioners, but
expressly issued edicts to the contrary, and could not but be obeyed
by reason of his greater power. Friends, however, on both sides,
thought it desirable to bring them together, and they met in a village
of Galatia, and saluted each other in a friendly manner, with
congratulations on each other's successes. Lucullus was the elder, but
Pompey the more distinguished by his more numerous commands and his
two triumphs. Both had rods dressed with laurel carried before them
for their victories, and as Pompey's laurels were withered with
passing through hot and droughty countries, Lucullus's lictors
courteously gave Pompey's some of the fresh and green ones which
they had, which Pompey's friends counted a good omen, as indeed, of
a truth, Lucullus's actions furnished the honours of Pompey's command.
The interview however, did not bring them to any amicable agreement;
they parted even less friends than they met. Pompey repealed all the
acts of Lucullus, drew off his soldiers, and left him no more than
sixteen hundred for his triumph, and even those unwilling to go with
him. So wanting was Lucullus, either through natural constitution or
adverse circumstances, in that one first and most important
requisite of a general, which had he but added to his other many and
remarkable virtues, his fortitude, vigilance, wisdom, justice, the
Roman empire had not had Euphrates for its boundary, but the utmost
ends of Asia and the Hyrcanian sea; as other nations were then
disabled by the late conquests of Tigranes, and the power of Parthia
had not in Lucullus's time shown itself so formidable as Crassus
afterwards found it, nor had as yet gained that consistency, being
crippled by wars at home and on its frontiers, and unable even to make
head against the encroachments of the Armenians. And Lucullus, as it
was, seems to me through others' agency to have done Rome greater harm
than he did her advantage by his own. For the trophies in Armenia,
near the Parthian frontier, and Tigranocerta, and Nisibis, and the
great wealth brought from thence to Rome, with the captive crown of
Tigranes carried in triumph, all helped to puff up Crassus, as if
the barbarians had been nothing else but spoil and booty, and he,
falling among the Parthian archers, soon demonstrated that
Lucullus's triumphs were not beholden to the inadvertency and
effeminacy of his enemies, but to his own courage and conduct. But
of this afterwards.
  Lucullus, upon his return to Rome, found his brother Marcus
accused by Caius Memmius for his acts as quaestor, done by Sylla's
orders; and on his acquittal, Memmius changed the scene, and
animated the people against Lucullus himself, urging them to deny
him a triumph for appropriating the spoils and prolonging the war.
In this great struggle, the nobility and chief men went down, and
mingling in person among the tribes, with much entreaty and labour,
scarce at length prevailed upon them to consent to his triumph. The
pomp of which proved not so wonderful or so wearisome with the
length of the procession and the number of things carried in it, but
consisted chiefly in vast quantities of arms and machines of the
king's with which he adorned the Flaminian circus, a spectacle by no
means despicable. In his progress there passed by a few horsemen in
heavy armour, ten chariots armed with scythes, sixty friends and
officers of the king's, and a hundred and ten brazen-beaked ships of
war, which were conveyed along with them, a golden image of
Mithridates six feet high, a shield set with precious stones, twenty
loads of silver vessels, and thirty-two of golden cups, armour, and
money, all carried by men. Besides which, eight mules were laden
with golden couches, fifty-six with bullion, and a hundred and seven
with coined silver, little less than two million seven hundred
thousand pieces. There were tablets, also, with inscriptions,
stating what moneys he gave Pompey for prosecuting the piratic war,
what he delivered into the treasury, and what he gave to every
soldier, which was nine hundred and fifty drachmas each. After all
which he nobly feasted the city and adjoining villages or vici.
  Being divorced from Clodia, a dissolute and wicked woman, he married
Servilia, sister to Cato. This also proved an unfortunate match, for
she only wanted one of all of Clodia's vices, the criminality she
was accused of with her brothers. Out of reverence to Cato, he for a
while connived at her impurity and immodesty, but at length
dismissed her. When the senate expected great things from him,
hoping to find in him a check to the usurpations of Pompey, and that
with the greatness of his station and credit he would come forward
as the champion of the nobility, he retired from business and
abandoned public life either because he saw the state to be in a
difficult and diseased condition, or, as others say, because he was as
great as he could well be, and inclined to a quiet and easy life,
after those many labours and toils which had ended with him so far
from fortunately. There are those who highly commend his change of
life, saying that he thus avoided the rock on which Marius split.
For he, after the great and glorious deeds of his Cimbrian
victories, was not contented to retire upon his honours, but out of an
insatiable desire of glory and power, even in his old age, headed a
political party against young men, and let himself fall into miserable
actions, and yet more miserable sufferings. Better in like manner,
they say, had it been for Cicero, after Catiline's conspiracy, to have
retired and grown old, and for Scipio, after his Numantine and
Carthaginian conquests, to have sat down contented. For the
administration of public affairs has, like other things, its proper
term, and statesmen, as well as wrestlers, will break down when
strength and youth fail. But Crassus and Pompey, on the other hand
laughed to see Lucullus abandoning himself to pleasure and expense, as
if luxurious living were not a thing that as little became his years
as government of affairs at home or of an army abroad.
  And, indeed, Lucullus's life, like the Old Comedy, presents us at
the commencement with acts of policy and of war, at the end offering
nothing but good eating and drinking, feastings, and revellings, and
mere play. For I give no higher name to his sumptuous buildings,
porticos, and baths, still less to his paintings and sculptures, and
all his industry about these curiosities, which he collected with vast
expense, lavishly bestowing all the wealth and treasure which he got
in the war upon them, insomuch that even now, with all the advance
of luxury, the Lucullean gardens are counted the noblest the emperor
has. Tubero the stoic, when he saw his buildings at Naples, where he
suspended the hills upon vast tunnels, brought in the sea for moats
and fish-ponds round his house, and built pleasure-houses in the
waters, called him Xerxes in a gown. He had also fine seats in
Tusculum, belvederes, and large open balconies for men's apartments,
and porticos to walk in, where Pompey coming to see him, blamed him
for making a house which would be pleasant in summer, but
uninhabitable in winter; whom he answered with a smile, "You think me,
then, less provident than cranes and storks, not to change my home
with the season." When a praetor, with great expense and pains, was
preparing a spectacle for the people, and asked him to lend him some
purple robes for the performers in a chorus, he told him he would go
home and see, and if he had got any, would let him have them; and the
next day asking how many he wanted, and being told that a hundred
would suffice, bade him to take twice as many: on which the poet
Horace observes, that a house is but a poor one where the valuables
unseen and unthought of do not exceed all those that meet the eye.
  Lucullus's daily entertainments were ostentatiously extravagant, not
only with purple coverlets, and plate adorned with precious stones,
and dancings, and interludes, but with the greatest diversity of
dishes the most elaborate cookery, for the vulgar to admire and
envy. It was a happy thought of Pompey in his sickness, when his
physician prescribed a thrush for his dinner, and his servants told
him that in summer-time thrushes were not to be found anywhere but
in Lucullus's fattening coups, that he would not suffer them to
fetch one thence, but observing to his physician, "So if Lucullus
had not been an epicure, Pompey had not lived," ordered something else
that could easily be got to be prepared for him. Cato was his friend
and connection, but, nevertheless, so hated his life and habits,
that when a young man in the senate made a long and tedious speech
in praise of frugality and temperance, Cato got up and said, "How long
do you mean to go on making money like Crassus, living like
Lucullus, and talking like Cato?" There are some, however, who say the
words were said, but not by Cato.
  It is plain from the anecdotes on record of him that Lucullus was
not only pleased with, but even gloried in his way of living. For he
is said to have feasted several Greeks upon coming to Rome day after
day, who of a true Grecian principle, ashamed, and declining the
invitations, where so great an expense was every day incurred for
them, he with a smile told them, "Some of this, indeed my Grecian
friends, is for your sakes, but more for that of Lucullus." Once
when he supped alone, there being only one course, and that but
moderately furnished, he called his steward and reproved him, who
professing to have supposed that there would be no need of any great
entertainment, when nobody was invited, was answered, "What, did not
you know, then, that to-day Lucullus dines with Lucullus?" Which being
much spoken of about the city Cicero and Pompey one day met him
loitering in the forum, the former his intimate friend and familiar,
and, though there had been some ill-will between Pompey and him
about the command in the war, still they used to see each other and
converse on easy terms together. Cicero accordingly saluted him, and
asked him whether to-day were a good time for asking a favour of
him, and on his answering, "Very much so," and begging to hear what it
was, "Then," said Cicero, "we shall like to dine with you to-day, just
on the dinner that is prepared for yourself." Lucullus being
surprised, and requesting a day's time, they refused to grant it,
neither suffered him to talk with his servants, for fear he should
give order for more than was appointed before. But thus much they
consented to, that before their faces he might tell his servants, that
to-day he would sup in the Apollo (for so one of his best dining-rooms
was called), and by this evasion he outwitted his guests. For every
room, as it seems, had its own assessment of expenditure, dinner at
such a price, and all else in accordance; so that the servants, on
knowing where he would dine, knew also how much was to be expended,
and in what style and form dinner was to be served. The expense for
the Apollo was fifty thousand drachmas, and thus much being that day
laid out, the greatness of the cost did not so much amaze Pompey and
Cicero, as the rapidity of the outlay. One might believe Lucullus
thought his money really captive and barbarian, so wantonly and
contumeliously did he treat it.
  His furnishing a library, however, deserves praise and record, for
he collected very many choice manuscripts; and the use they were put
to was even more magnificent than the purchase, the library being
always open, and the walks and reading-rooms about it free to all
Greeks, whose delight it was to leave their other occupations and
hasten thither as to the habitation of the Muses, there walking about,
and diverting one another. He himself often passed his hours there,
disputing with the learned in the walks, and giving his advice to
statesmen who required it, insomuch that his house was altogether a
home, and in a manner a Greek prytaneum for those that visited Rome.
He was fond of all sorts of philosophy, and was well read and expert
in them all. But he always from the first specially favoured and
valued the Academy; not the New one, which at that time under Philo
flourished with the precepts of Carneades, but the Old one, then
sustained and represented by Antiochus of Ascalon, a learned and
eloquent man. Lucullus with great labour made him his friend and
champion, and set him up against Philo's auditors, among whom Cicero
was one, who wrote an admirable treatise in defence of his sect, in
which he puts the argument in favour of comprehension in the mouth
of Lucullus and the opposite argument in his own. The book is called
Lucullus. For, as has been said, they were great friends, and took the
same side in politics. For Lucullus did not wholly retire from the
republic, but only from ambition, and from the dangerous and often
lawless struggle for political preeminence, which he left to Crassus
and Cato, whom the senators, jealous of Pompey's greatness, put
forward as their champions, when Lucullus refused to head them. For
his friends' sake he came into the forum and into the senate, when
occasion offered to humble the ambition and pride of Pompey, whose
settlement, after his conquests over the kings, he got cancelled, and,
by the assistance of Cato, hindered a division of lands to his
soldiers, which he proposed. So Pompey went over to Crassus and
Caesar's alliance, or rather conspiracy, and filling the city with
armed men, procured the ratification of his decrees by force, and
drove Cato and Lucullus out of the forum. Which being resented by
the nobility, Pompey's party produced one Vettius, pretending they
apprehended him in a design against Pompey's life. Who in the
senate-house accused others, but before the people named Lucullus,
as if he had been suborned by him to kill Pompey. Nobody gave heed
to what he said, and it soon appeared that they had put him forward to
make false charges and accusations. And after a few days the whole
intrigue became yet more obvious, when the dead body of Vettius was
thrown out of prison, he being reported, indeed, to have died a
natural death, but carrying marks of a halter and blows about him, and
seeming rather to have been taken off by those who suborned him. These
things kept Lucullus at a greater distance from the republic.
  But when Cicero was banished the city, and Cato sent to Cyprus, he
quitted public affairs altogether. It is said, too, that before his
death his intellects failed him by degrees. But Cornelius Nepos
denies that either age or sickness impaired his mind, which was
rather affected by a potion, given him by Callisthenes, his freedman.
The potion was meant by Callisthenes to strengthen his affection for
him, and was supposed to have that tendency, but it stood quite
otherwise, and so disabled and unsettled his mind, that while he was
yet alive, his brother took charge of his affairs. At his death, as
though it had been the death of one taken off in the very height of
military and civil glory, the people were much concerned, and
flocked together, and would have forcibly taken his corpse, as it
was carried into the market-place by young men of the highest rank,
and have buried it in the field of Mars, where they buried Sylla.
Which being altogether unexpected, and necessaries not easily to be
procured on a sudden, his brother, after much entreaty and
solicitation, prevailed upon them to suffer him to be buried on his
Tusculan estate as had been appointed. He himself survived him but a
short time, coming not far behind in death, as he did in age and
renown, in all respects, a most loving brother.
                              THE END