The CDPD Public Domain Collection for CDTV 3/CDPDIII.bin/books/plutarch/cicero

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                                      75 AD
                                     CICERO
                                  106-43 B.C.
                                  by Plutarch
                           translated by John Dryden
CICERO

  IT is generally said, that Helvia, the mother of Cicero, was both
well-born and lived a fair life; but of his father nothing is reported
but in extremes. For whilst some would have him the son of a fuller,
and educated in that trade, others carry back the origin of his family
to Tullus Attius, an illustrious king of the Volscians, who waged
war not without honour against the Romans. However, he who first of
that house was surnamed Cicero seems to have been a person worthy to
be remembered; since those who succeeded him not only did not
reject, but were fond of that name, though vulgarly made a matter of
reproach. For the Latins call a vetch Cicer, and a nick or dent at the
tip of his nose, which resembled the opening in a vetch, gave him
the surname of Cicero.
  Cicero, whose story I am writing, is said to have replied with
spirit to some of his friends, who recommended him to lay aside or
change the name when he first stood for office and engaged in
politics, that he would make it his endeavour to render the name of
Cicero more glorious than that of the Scauri and Catuli. And when he
was quaestor in Sicily, and was making an offering of silver plate
to the gods, and had inscribed his two names, Marcus and Tullius,
instead of the third, he jestingly told the artificer to engrave the
figure of a vetch by them. Thus much is told us about his name.
  Of his birth it is reported that his mother was delivered, without
pain or labour, on the third of the new Calends, the same day on which
now the magistrates of Rome pray and sacrifice for the emperor. It
is said also, that a vision appeared to his nurse, and foretold the
child she then suckled should afterwards become a great benefit to the
Roman states. To such presages, which might in general be thought mere
fancies and idle talk, he himself ere long gave the credit of true
prophecies. For as soon as he was of an age to begin to have
lessons, he became so distinguished for his talent, and got such a
name and reputation among the boys, that their fathers would often
visit the school that they might see young Cicero, and might be able
to say that they themselves had witnessed the quickness and
readiness in learning for which he was renowned. And the more rude
among them used to be angry with their children, to see them, as
they walked together, receiving Cicero with respect into the middle
place. And being, as Plato would have the scholar-like and
philosophical temper, eager for every kind of learning, and indisposed
to no description of knowledge or instruction, he showed, however, a
more peculiar propensity to poetry; and there is a poem now extant
made by him when a boy, in tetrameter verse, called Pontius Glaucus.
And afterwards, when he applied himself more curiously to these
accomplishments, he had the name of being not only the best orator,
but also the best poet of Rome. And the glory of his rhetoric still
remains, notwithstanding the many new modes in speaking since his
time; but his verses are forgotten and out of all repute, so many
ingenious poets have followed him.
  Leaving his juvenile studies, he became an auditor of Philo the
Academic, whom the Romans, above all the other scholars of
Clitomachus, admired for his eloquence and loved for his character. He
also sought the company of the Mucii, who were eminent statesmen and
leaders in the senate, and acquired from them a knowledge of the laws.
For some short time he served in arms under Sylla, in the Marsian war.
But perceiving the commonwealth running into factions, and from
faction all things tending to an absolute monarchy, he betook
himself to a retired and contemplative life, and conversing with the
learned Greeks, devoted himself to study, till Sylla had obtained
the government, and the commonwealth was in some kind of settlement.
  At this time, Chrysogonus, Sylla's emancipated slave, having laid an
information about an estate belonging to one who was said to have been
put to death by proscription, had bought it himself for two thousand
drachmas. And when Roscius, the son and heir of the dead,
complained, and demonstrated the estate to be worth two hundred and
fifty talents, Sylla took it angrily to have his actions questioned,
and preferred a process against Roscius for the of his father,
Chrysogonus managing the evidence. None of the advocates durst
assist him, but, fearing the cruelty of Sylla, avoided the cause.
The young man, being thus deserted, came for refuge to Cicero.
Cicero's friends encouraged him, saying he was not likely ever to have
a fairer and more honourable introduction to public life; he therefore
undertook the defence, carried the cause, and got much renown for it.
  But fearing Sylla, he travelled into Greece, and gave it out that he
did so for the benefit of his health. And indeed he was lean and
meagre, and had such a weakness in his stomach that he could take
nothing but a spare and thin diet, and that not till late in the
evening. His voice was loud and good, but so harsh and unmanaged
that in vehemence and heat of speaking he always raised it to so
high a tone that there seemed to be reason to fear about his health.
  When he came to Athens he was a hearer of Antiochus of Ascalon, with
whose fluency and elegance of diction he was much taken, although he
did not approve of his innovations in doctrine. For Antiochus had
now fallen off from the New Academy, as they call it, and forsaken the
sect of Carneades, whether that he was moved by the argument of
manifestness and the senses, or, as some say, had been led by feelings
of rivalry and opposition to the followers of Clitomachus and Philo to
change his opinions, and in most things to embrace the doctrine of the
Stoics. But Cicero rather affected and adhered to the doctrines of the
New Academy; and purposed with himself, if he should be disappointed
of any employment in the commonwealth, to retire hither from
pleading and political affairs, and to pass his life with quiet in the
study of philosophy.
  But after he had received the news of Sylla's death, and his body,
strengthened again by exercise, was come to a vigorous habit, his
voice managed and rendered sweet and full to the ear and pretty well
brought into keeping with his general constitution, his friends at
Rome earnestly soliciting him by letters, and Antiochus also urging
him to return to public affairs, he again prepared for use his
orator's instrument of rhetoric, and summoned into action his
political faculties, diligently exercising himself in declamations and
attending the most celebrated rhetoricians of the time. He sailed from
Athens for Asia and Rhodes. Amongst the Asian masters, he conversed
with Xenocles of Adramyttium, Dionysius of Magnesia, and Menippus of
Caria; at Rhodes, he studied oratory with Apollonius, the son of
Molon, and philosophy with Posidonius. Apollonius, we are told, not
understanding Latin, requested Cicero to declaim in Greek. He complied
willingly, thinking that his faults would thus be better pointed out
to him. And after he finished, all his other hearers were
astonished, and contended who should praise him most, but
Apollonius, who had shown no signs of excitement whilst he was hearing
him, so also now, when it was over, sate musing for some
considerable time, without any remark. And when Cicero was discomposed
at this, he said, "You have my praise and admiration, Cicero, and
Greece my pity and commiseration, since those arts and that
eloquence which are the only glories that remain to her, will now be
transferred by you to Rome."
  And now when Cicero, full of expectation, was again bent upon
political affairs, a certain oracle blunted the edge of his
inclination for consulting the god of Delphi how he should attain most
glory, the Pythoness answered, by making his own genius and not the
opinion of the people the guide of his life; and therefore at first he
passed his time in Rome cautiously, and was very backward in
pretending to public offices, so that he was at that time in little
esteem, and had got the names, so readily given by low and ignorant
people in Rome, of Greek and Scholar. But when his own desire of
fame and the eagerness of his father and relations had made him take
in earnest to pleading, he made no slow or gentle advance to the first
place, but shone out in full lustre at once, and far surpassed all the
advocates of the bar. At first, it is said, he, as well as
Demosthenes, was defective in his delivery, and on that account paid
much attention to the instructions sometimes of Roscius the
comedian, and sometimes of Aesop the tragedian. They tell of this
Aesop, that whilst he was representing on the theatre Atreus
deliberating the revenge of Thyestes, he was so transported beyond
himself in the beat of action, that he struck with his sceptre one
of the servants, who was running across the stage, so violently that
he laid him dead upon the place. And such afterwards was Cicero's
delivery that it did not a little contribute to render his eloquence
persuasive. He used to ridicule loud speakers, saying that they
shouted because they could not speak, like lame men who get on
horseback because they cannot walk. And his readiness and address in
sarcasm, and generally in witty sayings, was thought to suit a pleader
very well, and to be highly attractive, but his using it to excess
offended many, and gave him the repute of ill-nature.
  He was appointed quaestor in a great scarcity of corn and had Sicily
for his province, where though at first he displeased many, by
compelling them to send in their provisions to Rome, yet after they
had had experience of his care, justice, and clemency, they honoured
him more than ever they did any of their governors before. It
happened, also, that some young Romans of good and noble families,
charged with neglect of discipline and misconduct in military service,
were brought before the praetor in Sicily. Cicero undertook their
defence, which he conducted admirably, and got them acquitted. So
returning to Rome with a great opinion of himself for these things,
a ludicrous incident befell him, as he tells us himself. Meeting an
eminent citizen in Campania, whom he accounted his friend, he asked
him what the Romans said and thought of his actions, as if the whole
city had been filled with the glory of what he had done. His friend
asked him in reply, "Where is it you have been, Cicero?" This for
the time utterly mortified and cast him down to perceive that the
report of his actions had sunk into the city of Rome as into an
immense ocean, without any visible effect or result in reputation. And
afterwards considering with himself that the glory he contended for
was an infinite thing, and that there was no fixed end nor measure
in its pursuit, he abated much of his ambitious thoughts.
Nevertheless, he was always excessively pleased with his own praise,
and continued to the very last to be passionately fond of glory; which
often interfered with the prosecution of his wisest resolutions.
  On beginning to apply himself more resolutely to public business, he
remarked it as an and absurd thing that artificers, using vessels
and instruments inanimate, should know the name, place, and use of
every one of them, and yet the statesman, whose instruments for
carrying out public measures are men, should be negligent and careless
in the knowledge of persons. And so be not only acquainted himself
with the names, but also knew the particular place where every one
of the more eminent citizens dwelt, what lands he possessed, the
friends he made use of, and those that were of his neighbourhood,
and when he travelled on any road in Italy, he could readily name
and show the estates and seats of his friends and acquaintance. Having
so small an estate, though a sufficient competency for his own
expenses, it was much wondered at that he took neither fees nor
gifts from his clients, and more especially that he did not do so when
he undertook the prosecution of Verres. This Verres, who had been
praetor of Sicily, and stood charged by the Sicilians of many evil
practices during his government there, Cicero succeeded in getting
condemned, not by speaking, but in a manner by holding his tongue. For
the praetors, favouring Verres, had deferred the trial by several
adjournments to the last day, in which it was evident there could
not be sufficient time for the advocates to be heard, and the cause
brought to an issue. Cicero, therefore, came forward, and said there
was no need of speeches; and after producing and examining
witnesses, he required the judges to proceed to sentence. However,
many witty sayings are on record, as having been used by Cicero on the
occasion. When a man named Caecilius, one of the freed slaves, who was
said to be given to Jewish practices, would have put by the Sicilians,
and undertaken the prosecution of Verres himself, Cicero asked,
"What has a Jew to do with swine?" verres being the Roman word for a
boar. And when Verres began to reproach Cicero with effeminate living,
"You ought," replied he, "to use this language at home, to your sons;"
Verres having a son who had fallen into disgraceful courses.
Hortensius the orator, not daring directly to undertake the defence of
Verres, was yet persuaded to appear for him at the laying on of the
fine, and received an ivory sphinx for his reward; and when Cicero
in some passage of the speech, obliquely reflected on him, and
Hortensius told him he was not skilful in solving riddles, "No,"
said Cicero, "and yet you have the sphinx in your house!"
  Verres was thus convicted; though Cicero, who set the fine at
seventy-five myriads, lay under the suspicion of being corrupted by
bribery to lessen the sum. But the Sicilians, in testimony of their
gratitude, came and brought him all sorts of presents from the island,
when he was aedile; of which he made no private profit himself, but
used their generosity only to reduce the public price of provisions.
  He had a very pleasant seat at Arpi, he had also a farm near Naples,
and another about Pompeii, but neither of any great value. The portion
of his wife, Terentia, amounted to ten myriads, and he had a bequest
valued at nine myriads of denarii; upon these he lived in a liberal
but temperate style with the learned Greeks and Romans that were his
familiars. He rarely, if at any time, sat down to meat till sunset,
and that not so much on account of business, as for his health and the
weakness of his stomach. He was otherwise in the care of his body nice
and delicate, appointing himself, for example, a set number of walks
and rubbings. And after this manner managing the habit of his body, he
brought it in time to be healthful, and capable of supporting many
great fatigues and trials. His father's house he made over to his
brother, living himself near the Palatine hill, that he might not give
the trouble of long journeys to those that made suit to him. And,
indeed, there were not fewer daily appearing at his door, to do
their court to him, than there were that came to Crassus for his
riches, or to Pompey for his power amongst the soldiers, these being
at that time the two men of the greatest repute and influence in Rome.
Nay, even Pompey himself used to pay court to Cicero, and Cicero's
public actions did much to establish Pompey's authority and reputation
in the state.
  Numerous distinguished competitors stood with him for the
praetor's office; but he was chosen before them all, and managed the
decision of causes with justice and integrity. It is related that
Licinius Macer, a man himself of great power in the city, and
supported also by the assistance of Crassus, was accused before him of
extortion, and that, in confidence on his own interest and the
diligence of his friends, whilst the judges were debating about the
sentence, he went to his house, where hastily trimming his hair and
putting on a clean gown as already acquitted, he was setting off again
to go to the Forum; but at his hall door meeting Crassus, who told him
that he was condemned by all the votes, he went in again, threw
himself upon his bed, and died immediately. This verdict was
considered very creditable to Cicero, as showing his careful
management of the courts of justice. On another occasion, Vatinius,
a man of rude manners and often insolent in court to the
magistrates, who had large swellings on his neck, came before his
tribunal and made some request, and on Cicero's desiring further
time to consider it, told him that he himself would have made no
question about it had he been praetor. Cicero, turning quickly upon
him, answered, "But I, you see, have not the neck that you have."
  When there were but two or three days remaining in his office,
Manilius was brought before him, and charged with peculation. Manilius
had the good opinion and favour of the common people, and was
thought to be prosecuted only for Pompey's sake, whose particular
friend he was. And therefore, when he asked a space of time before his
trial, and Cicero allowed him but one day, and that the next only, the
common people grew highly offended, because it had been the custom
of the praetors to allow ten days at least to the accused; and the
tribunes of the people, having called him before the people and
accused him, he, desiring to be heard, said, that as he had always
treated the accused with equity and humanity, as far as the law
allowed, so he thought it hard to deny the same to Manilius, and
that he had studiously appointed that day of which alone, as
praetor, he was master, and that it was not the part of those that
were desirous to help him to cast the judgment of his cause upon
another praetor. These things being said made a wonderful change in
the people, and commending him much for it they desired that he
himself would undertake the defence of Manilius; which he willingly
consented to, and that principally for the sake of Pompey, who was
absent. And, accordingly, taking his place before the people again, he
delivered a bold invective upon the oligarchical party and on those
who were jealous of Pompey.
  Yet he was preferred to the consulship no less by the nobles than
the common people, for the good of the city; and both parties
jointly assisted his promotion, upon the following reasons. The change
of government made by Sylla, which at first seemed a senseless one
by time and usage had now come to be considered by the people no
unsatisfactory settlement. But there were some that endeavoured to
alter and subvert the whole present state of affairs, not from any
good motives, but for their own private gain; and Pompey being at this
time employed in the wars with the kings of Pontus and Armenia,
there was no sufficient force at Rome to suppress any attempts at a
revolution. These people had for their head a man of bold, daring, and
restless character, Lucius Catiline, who was accused, besides other
great offences, of deflowering his virgin daughter, and killing his
own brother; for which latter crime, fearing to be prosecuted at
law, he persuaded Sylla to set him down, as though he were yet
alive, amongst those that were to be put to death by proscription.
This man the profligate citizens choosing for their captain, gave
faith to one another, amongst other pledges, by sacrificing a man, and
eating of his flesh; and a great part of the young men of the city
were corrupted by him, he providing for every one pleasures, drink,
and women, and profusely supplying the expense of these debauches.
Etruria, moreover, had all been excited to revolt, as well as a
great part of Gaul within the Alps. But Rome itself was in the most
dangerous inclination to change on account of the unequal distribution
of wealth and property, those of highest rank and greatest spirit
having impoverished themselves by shows, entertainments, ambition of
offices, and sumptuous buildings, and the riches of the city having
thus fallen into the hands of mean and low-born persons. So that there
wanted but a slight impetus to set all in motion, it being in the
power of every daring man to overturn a sickly commonwealth.
  Catiline, however, being desirous of procuring a strong position
to carry out his designs, stood for the consulship, and had great
hopes of success, thinking he should be appointed with Caius
Antonius as his colleague, who was a man fit to lead neither in a good
cause nor in a bad one, but might be a valuable accession to another's
power. These things the greatest part of the good and honest
citizens apprehending, put Cicero upon standing for the consulship;
whom the people readily receiving Catiline was put by, so that he
and Caius Antonius were chosen, although amongst the competitors he
was the only man descended from a father of the equestrian and not
of the senatorial order.
  Though the designs of Catiline were not yet publicly known, yet
considerable preliminary troubles immediately followed upon Cicero's
entrance upon the consulship. For, on the one side, those who were
disqualified by the laws of Sylla from holding any public offices,
being neither inconsiderable in power nor in number, came forward as
candidates and caressed the people for them; speaking many things
truly and justly against the tyranny of Sylla, only that they
disturbed the government at an improper and unseasonable time; on
the other hand, the tribunes of the people proposed laws to the same
purpose, constituting a commission of ten persons, with unlimited
powers, in whom as supreme governors should be vested the right of
selling the public lands of all Italy and Syria and Pompey's new
conquest, of judging and banishing whom they pleased, of planting
colonies, of taking moneys out of the treasury, and of levying and
paying what soldiers should be thought needful. And several of the
nobility favoured this law, but especially Caius Antonius, Cicero's
colleague, in hopes of being one of the ten. But what gave the
greatest fear to the nobles was, that he was thought privy to the
conspiracy of Catiline, and not to dislike it because of his great
debts.
  Cicero, endeavouring in the first place to provide a remedy
against this danger, procured a decree assigning to him the province
of Macedonia, he himself declining that of Gaul, which was offered
to him. And this piece of favour so completely won over Antonius, that
he was ready to second and respond to, like a hired player, whatever
Cicero said for the good of the country. And now, having made his
colleague thus tame and tractable, he could with greater courage
attack the conspirators. And, therefore, in the senate, making an
oration against the law of the ten commissioners, he so confounded
those who proposed it, that they had nothing to reply. And when they
again endeavoured, and, having prepared things beforehand, had
called the consuls before the assembly of the people, Cicero,
fearing nothing, went first out, and commanded the senate to follow
him, and not only succeeded in throwing out the law, but so entirely
overpowered the tribunes by his oratory, that they abandoned all
thought of their other projects.
  For Cicero, it may be said, was the one man, above all others who
made the Romans feel how great a charm eloquence lends to what is
good, and how invincible justice is, if it be well spoken; and that it
is necessary for him who would dexterously govern a commonwealth, in
action, always to prefer that which is honest before that which is
popular, and in speaking, to free the right and useful measure from
everything that may occasion offence. An incident occurred in the
theatre, during his consulship, which showed what his speaking could
do. For whereas formerly the knights of Rome were mingled in the
theatre with the common people, and took their places among them as it
happened, Marcus Otho, when he was praetor, was the first who
distinguished them from the other citizens and appointed them a proper
seat, which they still enjoy as their special place in the theatre.
This the common people took as an indignity done to them, and,
therefore, when Otho appeared in the theatre they hissed him; the
knights, on the contrary, received him with loud clapping. The
people repeated and increased their hissing; the knights continued
their clapping. Upon this, turning upon one another, they broke out
into insulting words, so that the theatre was in great disorder.
Cicero being informed of it, came himself to the theatre, and
summoning the people into the temple of Bellona, he so effectually
chid and chastised them for it, that again returning into the
theatre they received Otho with loud applause, contending with the
knights who should give him the greatest demonstrations of honour
and respect.
  The conspirators with Catiline, at first cowed and disheartened,
began presently to take courage again. And assembling themselves
together, they exhorted one another boldly to undertake the design
before Pompey's return, who, as it was said, was now on his march with
his forces for Rome. But the old soldiers of Sylla were Catiline's
chief stimulus to action. They had been disbanded all about Italy, but
the greatest number and the fiercest of them lay scattered among the
cities of Etruria entertaining themselves with dreams of new plunder
and rapine amongst the hoarded riches of Italy. These, having for
their leader Manlius, who had served with distinction in the wars
under Sylla, joined themselves to Catiline, and came to Rome to assist
him with their suffrages at the election. For he again pretended to
the consulship, having resolved to kill Cicero in a tumult at the
elections. Also, the divine powers seemed to give intimation of the
coming troubles, by earthquakes, thunderbolts, and strange
appearances. Nor was human evidence wanting certain enough in
itself, though not sufficient for the conviction of the noble and
powerful Catiline. Therefore Cicero, deferring the day of election,
summoned Catiline into the senate, and questioned him as to the
charges made against him. Catiline, believing there were many in the
senate desirous of change, and to give a specimen of himself to the
conspirators present, returned an audacious answer, "What harm,"
said he, "when I see two bodies, the one lean and consumptive with a
head, the other great and strong without one, if I put a head to
that body which wants one?" This covert representation of the senate
and the people excited yet greater apprehensions in Cicero. He put
on armour, and was attended from his house by the noble citizens in
a body; and a number of the young men went with him into the Plain.
Here designedly letting his tunic slip partly off from his
shoulders, he showed his armour underneath, and discovered his
danger to the spectators; who, being much moved at it, gathered
round about him for his defence. At length, Catiline was by a
general suffrage again put by, and Silanus and Murena chosen consuls.
  Not long after this, Catiline's soldiers got together in a body in
Etruria, and began to form themselves into companies, the day
appointed for the design being near at hand. About midnight, some of
the principal and most powerful citizens of Rome, Marcus Crassus,
Marcus Marcellus, and Scipio Metellus went to Cicero's house, where,
knocking at the gate, and calling up the porter, they commanded him to
awake Cicero, and tell him they were there. The business was this:
Crassus's porter after supper had delivered to him letters brought
by an unknown person. Some of them were directed to others, but one to
Crassus, without a name; this only Crassus read, which informed him
that there was a great slaughter intended by Catiline, and advised him
to leave the city. The others he did not open, but went with them
immediately to Cicero, being affrighted at the danger, and to free
himself of the suspicion he lay under for his familiarity with
Catiline. Cicero, considering the matter, summoned the senate at break
of day. The letters he brought with him, and delivered them to those
to whom they were directed, commanding them to read them publicly;
they all alike contained an account of the conspiracy. And when
Quintus Arrius a man of praetorian dignity, recounted to them how
soldiers were collecting in companies in Etruria, and Manlius stated
to be in motion with a large force, hovering about those cities, in
expectation of intelligence from Rome, the senate made a decree to
place all in the hands of the consuls, who should undertake the
conduct of everything, and do their best to save the state. This was
not a common thing, but only done by the senate in case of imminent
danger.
  After Cicero had received this power, he committed all affairs
outside to Quintus Metellus, but the management of the city he kept in
his own hands. Such a numerous attendance guarded him every day when
he went abroad, that the greatest part of the market-place was
filled with his train when he entered it. Catiline, impatient of
further delay, resolved himself to break forth and go to Manlius,
but he commanded Marcius and Cethegus to take their swords, and go
early in the morning to Cicero's gates, as if only intending to salute
him, and then to fall upon him and slay him. This a noble lady,
Fulvia, coming by night, discovered to Cicero, bidding him beware of
Cethegus and Marcius. They came by break of day and being denied
entrance, made an outcry and disturbance at the gates, which excited
all the more suspicion. But Cicero, going forth, summoned the senate
into the temple of Jupiter Stator, which stands at the end of the
Sacred Street, going up to the Palatine. And when Catiline with others
of his party also came, as intending to make his defence, none of
the senators would sit by him, but all of them left the bench where he
had placed himself. And when he began to speak, they interrupted him
with outcries. At length Cicero, standing up, commanded him to leave
the city, for since one governed the commonwealth with words, the
other with arms, it was necessary there should be a wall betwixt them.
Catiline, therefore, immediately left the town, with three hundred
armed men; and assuming, as if he had been a magistrate, the rods,
axes, and military ensigns, he went to Manlius, and having got
together a body of near twenty thousand men, with these he marched
to the several cities, endeavouring to persuade or force them to
revolt. So it being now come to open war, Antonius was sent forth to
fight him.
  The remainder of those in the city whom he had corrupted,
Cornelius Lentulus kept together and encouraged. He had the surname
Sura, and was a man of a noble family, but a dissolute liver, who
for his debauchery was formerly turned out of the senate, and was
now holding the office of praetor for the second time, as the custom
is with those who desire to regain the dignity of senator. It is
said that he got the surname Sura upon this occasion; being quaestor
in the time of Sylla, he had lavished away and consumed a great
quantity of the public moneys, at which Sylla being provoked, called
him to give an account in the senate; he appeared with great
coolness and contempt, and said he had no account to give, but they
might take this, holding up the calf of his leg, as boys do at ball,
when they have missed. Upon which he was surnamed Sura, sura being the
Roman word for the calf of the leg. Being at another time prosecuted
at law, and having bribed some of the judges, he escaped only by two
votes and complained of the needless expense he had gone to in
paying for a second, as one would have sufficed to acquit him. This
man, such in his own nature, and now inflamed by Catiline, false
prophets and fortune-tellers had also corrupted with vain hopes,
quoting to him fictitious verses and oracles, and proving from the
Sibylline prophecies that there were three of the name Cornelius
designed by fate to be monarchs of Rome; two of whom, Cinna and Sylla,
had already fulfilled the decree, and that divine fortune was now
advancing with the gift of monarchy for the remaining third Cornelius;
and that therefore he ought by all means to accept it, and not lose
opportunity by delay, as Catiline had done.
  Lentulus, therefore, designed no mean or trivial matter, for he
had resolved to kill the whole senate, and as many other citizens as
he could, to fire the city, and spare nobody, except only Pompey's
children, intending to seize and keep them as pledges of his
reconciliation with Pompey. For there was then a common and strong
report that Pompey was on his way homeward from his great
expedition. The night appointed for the design was one of the
Saturnalia; swords, flax, and sulphur they carried and hid in the
house of Cethegus; and providing one hundred men, and dividing the
city into as many parts, they had allotted to every one singly his
proper place, so that in a moment, many kindling the fire, the city
might be in a flame all together. Others were appointed to stop up the
aqueducts, and to kill those who should endeavour to carry water to
put it out. Whilst these plans were preparing, it happened there
were two ambassadors from the Allobroges staying in Rome; a nation
at that time in a distressed condition, and very uneasy under the
Roman government. These Lentulus and his party judging useful
instruments to move and seduce Gaul to revolt, admitted into the
conspiracy and they gave them letters to their own magistrates, and
letters to Catiline; in those they promised liberty, in these they
exhorted Catiline to set all slaves free, and to bring them along with
him to Rome. They sent also to accompany them to Catiline, one
Titus, a native of Croton, who was to carry those letters to him.
  These counsels of inconsidering men, who conversed together over
wine and with women, Cicero watched with sober industry and
forethought, and with most admirable sagacity, having several
emissaries abroad, who observed and traced with him all that was done,
and keeping also a secret correspondence with many who pretended to
join in the conspiracy. He thus knew all the discourse which passed
betwixt them and the strangers; and lying in wait for them by night,
he took the Crotonian with his letters, the ambassadors of the
Allobroges acting secretly in concert with him.
  By break of day, he summoned the senate into the temple of
Concord, where he read the letters and examined the informers.
Junius Silanus further stated that several persons had heard
Cethegus say that three consuls and four praetors were to be slain.
Piso, also, a person of consular dignity, testified other matters of
the like nature; and Caius Sulpicius, one of the praetors, being
sent to Cethegus's house, found there a quantity of darts and of
armour, and a still greater number of swords and daggers, all recently
whetted. At length, the senate decreeing indemnity to the Crotonian
upon his confession of the whole matter, Lentulus was convicted,
abjured his office (for he was then praetor), and put off his robe
edged with purple in the senate, changing it for another garment
more agreeable to his present circumstances. He thereupon, with the
rest of his confederates present, was committed to the charge of the
praetors in free custody.
  It being evening, and the common people in crowds expecting without,
Cicero went forth to them, and told them what was done, and then,
attended by them, went to the house of a friend and near neighbour;
for his own was taken up by the women who were celebrating, with
secret rites the feast of the goddess whom the Romans call the Good,
and the Greeks the Women's goddess. For a sacrifice is annually
performed to her in the consul's house, either by his wife or
mother, in the presence of the vestal virgins. And having got into his
friend's house privately, a few only being present, he began to
deliberate how he should treat these men. The severest, and the only
punishment fit for such heinous crimes, he was somewhat shy and
fearful of inflicting, as well from the clemency of his nature, as
also lest he should be thought to exercise his authority too
insolently, and to treat too harshly men of the noblest birth and most
powerful friendships in the city; and yet, if he should use them
more mildly, he had a dreadful prospect of danger from them. For there
was no likelihood, if they suffered less than death, they would be
reconciled, but rather, adding new rage to their former wickedness,
they would rush into every kind of audacity, while he himself, whose
character for courage already did not stand very high with the
multitude, would be thought guilty of the greatest cowardice and
want of manliness.
  Whilst Cicero was doubting what course to take, a portent happened
to the women in their sacrificing. For on the altar, where the fire
seemed wholly extinguished, a great and bright flame issued forth from
the ashes of the burnt wood; at which others were affrighted, but
the holy virgins called to Terentia, Cicero's wife, and bade her haste
to her husband, and command him to execute what he had resolved for
the good of his country, for the goddess had sent a great light to the
increase of his safety and glory. Terentia, therefore, as she was
otherwise in her own nature neither tender-hearted nor timorous, but a
woman eager for distinction (who, as Cicero himself says, would rather
thrust herself into his public affairs, than communicate her
domestic matters to him), told him these things, and excited him
against the conspirators. So also did Quintus his brother, and Publius
Nigidius, one of his philosophical friends, whom he often made use
of in his greatest and most weighty affairs of state.
  The next day, a debate arising in the senate about the punishment of
the men, Silanus, being the first who was asked his opinion, said it
was fit they should be all sent to the prison, and there suffer the
utmost penalty. To him all consented in order till it came to Caius
Caesar, who was afterwards dictator. He was then but a young man,
and only at the outset of his career, but had already directed his
hopes and policy to that course by which he afterwards changed the
Roman state into a monarchy. Of this others foresaw nothing; but
Cicero had seen reason for strong suspicion, though without
obtaining any sufficient means of proof. And there were some indeed
that said that he was very near being discovered, and only just
escaped him; others are of opinion that Cicero voluntarily
overlooked and neglected the evidence against him, for fear of his
friends and power; for it was very evident to everybody that if Caesar
was to be accused with the conspirators, they were more likely to be
saved with him, than he to be punished with them.
  When, therefore, it came to Caesar's turn to give his opinion, he
stood up and proposed that the conspirators should not be put to
death, but their estates confiscated, and their persons confined in
such cities in Italy as Cicero should approve, there to be kept in
custody till Catiline was conquered. To this sentence, as it was the
most moderate, and he that delivered it a most powerful speaker,
Cicero himself gave no small weight, for he stood up and, turning
the scale on either side, spoke in favour partly of the former, partly
of Caesar's sentence. And all Cicero's friends, judging Caesar's
sentence most expedient for Cicero, because he would incur the less
blame if the conspirators were not put to death, chose rather the
latter; so that Silanus, also changing his mind, retracted his
opinion, and said he had not declared for capital, but only the utmost
punishment, which to a Roman senator is imprisonment. The first man
who spoke Against Caesar's motion was Catulus Lutatius. Cato followed,
and so vehemently urged in his speech the strong suspicion against
Caesar himself, and so filled the senate with anger and resolution,
that a decree was passed for the execution of the conspirators. But
Caesar opposed the confiscation of their goods, not thinking it fair
that those who rejected the mildest part of his sentence should
avail themselves of the severest. And when many insisted upon it, he
appealed to the tribunes, but they would do nothing; till Cicero
himself yielding, remitted that part of the sentence.
  After this, Cicero went out with the senate to the conspirators;
they were not all together in one place, but the several praetors
had them, some one, some another, in custody. And first he took
Lentulus from the Palatine, and brought him by the Sacred Street,
through the middle of the market-place, a circle of the most eminent
citizens encompassing and protecting him. The people, affrighted at
what was doing, passed along in silence, especially the young men;
as if, with fear and trembling, they were undergoing a rite of
initiation into some ancient sacred mysteries of aristocratic power.
Thus passing from the market-place, and coming to the gaol, he
delivered Lentulus to the officer, and commanded him to execute him;
and after him Cethegus, and so all the rest in order, he brought and
delivered up to execution. And when he saw many of the conspirators in
the market-place, still standing together in companies, ignorant of
what was done, and waiting for the night, supposing the men were still
alive and in a possibility of being rescued, he called out in a loud
voice, and said, "They did live;" for so the Romans, to avoid
inauspicious language, name those that are dead.
  It was now evening, when he returned from the market-place to his
own house, the citizens no longer attending him with silence, nor in
order, but receiving him, as he passed, with acclamations and
applauses, and saluting him as the saviour and founder of his country.
A bright light shone through the streets from the lamps and torches
set up at the doors, and the women showed lights from the tops of
the houses, to honour Cicero, and to behold him returning home with
a splendid train of the most principal citizens; amongst whom were
many who had conducted great wars, celebrated triumphs, and added to
the possessions of the Roman empire, both by sea and land. These, as
they passed along with him, acknowledged to one another, that though
the Roman people were indebted to several officers and commanders of
that age for riches, spoils, and power, yet to Cicero alone they
owed the safety and security of all these, for delivering them from so
great and imminent a danger. For though it might seem no wonderful
thing to present the design, and punish the conspirators, yet to
defeat the greatest of all conspiracies with so little disturbance,
trouble, and commotion, was very extraordinary. For the greater part
of those who had flocked in to Catiline, as soon as they heard the
fate of Lentulus and Cethegus, left and forsook him, and he himself,
with his remaining forces, joining battle with Antonius, was destroyed
with his army.
  And yet there were some who were very ready both to speak ill of
Cicero, and to do him hurt for these actions; and they had for their
leaders some of the magistrates of the ensuing year, as Caesar, who
was one of the praetors, and Metellus and Bestia, the tribunes. These,
entering upon their office some few days before Cicero's consulate
expired, would not permit him to make any address to the people, but
throwing the benches before the rostra, hindered his speaking, telling
him he might, if he pleased, make the oath of withdrawal from
office, and then come down again. Cicero, accordingly, accepting the
conditions, came forward to make his withdrawal; and silence being
made, he recited his oath, not in the usual, but in a new and peculiar
form, namely, that he had saved his country and preserved the
empire; the truth of which oath all the people confirmed with
theirs. Caesar and the tribunes, all the more exasperated by this,
endeavoured to create him further trouble, and for this purpose
proposed a law for calling Pompey home with his army, to put an end to
Cicero's usurpation. But it was a very great advantage for Cicero
and the whole commonwealth that Cato was at that time one of the
tribunes. For he, being of (equal power with the rest and of greater
reputation, could oppose their designs. He easily defeated their other
projects, and in an oration to the people so highly extolled
Cicero's consulate, that the greatest honours were decreed him, and he
was publicly declared the Father of his Country, which title he
seems to have obtained, the first man who did so, when Cato gave it to
him in this address to the people.
  At this time, therefore, his authority was very great in the city;
but he treated himself much envy, and offended very many, not by any
evil action, but because he was always lauding and magnifying himself.
For neither senate, nor assembly of the people, nor court of
judicature could meet, in which he was not heard to talk of Catiline
and Lentulus. Indeed, he also filled his books and writings with his
own praises, to such an excess as to render a style, in itself most
pleasant and delightful, nauseous and irksome to his hearers; this
ungrateful humour like a disease, always cleaving to him.
Nevertheless, though he was intemperately fond of his own glory, he
was very free from envying others, and was, on the contrary, most
liberally profuse in commending both the ancients and his
contemporaries, as any one may see in his writings. And many such
sayings of his are also remembered; as that he called Aristotle a
river of flowing gold, and said of Plato's Dialogues, that if
Jupiter were to speak, it would be in language like theirs. He used to
call Theophrastus his special luxury. And being asked which of
Demosthenes's orations he liked best, he answered, the longest. And
yet some affected imitators of Demosthenes have complained of some
words that occur in one of his letters, to the effect that Demosthenes
sometimes falls asleep in his speeches; forgetting the many high
encomiums he continually passes upon him, and the compliment he paid
him when he named the most elaborate of all his orations, those he
wrote against Antony, Philippics. And as for the eminent men of his
own time, either in eloquence or philosophy, there was not one of them
whom he did not, by writing or speaking favourably of him, render more
illustrious. He obtained of Caesar, when in power, the Roman
citizenship for Cratippus, the Peripatetic, and got the court of
Areopagus, by public decree, to request his stay at Athens, for the
instruction of their youth and the honour of their city. There are
letters extant from Cicero to Herodes, and others to his son, in which
he recommends the study of philosophy under Cratippus. There is one in
which he blames Gorgias, the rhetorician, for enticing his son into
luxury and drinking, and, therefore, forbids him his company. And
this, and one other to Pelops, the Byzantine, are the only two of
his Greek epistles which seem to be written in anger. In the first, he
justly reflects on Gorgias, if he were what he was thought to be, a
dissolute and profligate character; but in the other, he rather meanly
expostulates and complains with Pelops for neglecting to procure him a
decree of certain honours from the Byzantines.
  Another illustration of his love of praise is the way in which
sometimes, to make his orations more striking, he neglected decorum
and dignity. When Munatius, who had escaped conviction by his
advocacy, immediately prosecuted his friend Sabinus, he said in the
warmth of his resentment, "Do you suppose you were acquitted for
your own merits, Munatius, and was it not that I so darkened the case,
that the court could not see your guilt?" When from the rostra he
had made a eulogy on Marcus Crassus, with much applause, and within
a few days after again as publicly reproached him, Crassus called to
him, and said, "Did not you yourself two days ago, in this same place,
commend me?" "Yes," said Cicero, "I exercised my eloquence in
declaiming upon a bad subject." At another time, Crassus had said that
no one of his family had ever lived beyond sixty years of age, and
afterwards denied it, and asked, "What should put it into my head to
say so?" "It was to gain the people's favour," answered Cicero; "you
knew how glad they would be to hear it." When Crassus expressed
admiration of the Stoic doctrine, that the good man is always rich,
"Do you not mean," said Cicero, "their doctrine that all things belong
to the wise?" Crassus being generally accused of covetousness. One
of Crassus's sons, who was thought so exceedingly like a man of the
name of Axius as to throw some suspicion on his mother's honour,
made a successful speech in the senate. Cicero, on being asked how
he liked it, replied with the Greek words Axios Crassou.
  When Crassus was about to go into Syria, he desired to leave
Cicero rather his friend than his enemy, and, therefore, one day
saluting him, told him he would come and sup with him, which the other
as courteously received. Within a few days after, on some of
Cicero's acquaintances interceding for Vatinius, as desirous of
reconciliation and friendship, for he was then his enemy, "What," he
replied, "does Vatinius also wish to come and sup with me?" Such was
his way with Crassus. When Vatinius, who had swellings in his neck,
was pleading a cause he called him the tumid orator; and having been
told by some one that Vatinius was dead, on hearing, presently
after, that he was alive, "May the rascal perish," said he. "for his
news not being true."
  Upon Caesar's bringing forward a law for the division of the lands
in Campania amongst the soldiers, many in the senate opposed it;
amongst the rest, Lucius Gellius, one of the oldest men in the
house, said it should never pass whilst he lived. "Let us postpone
it," said Cicero, "Gellius does not ask us to wait long." There was
a man of the name of Octavius, suspected to be of African descent.
He once said, when Cicero was pleading, that he could not hear him;
"Yet there are holes" said Cicero, "in your ears." When Metellus Nepos
told him that he had ruined more as a witness than he had saved as
an advocate, "I admit," said Cicero, "that I have more truth than
eloquence." To a young man who was suspected of having given a
poisoned cake to his father, and who talked largely of the
invectives he meant to deliver against Cicero, "Better these"
replied he, "than your cakes." Publius Sextius, having amongst
others retained Cicero as his advocate in a certain cause, was yet
desirous to say all for himself, and would not allow anybody to
speak for him; when he was about to receive his acquittal from the
judges, and the ballots were passing, Cicero called to him, "Make
haste, Sextius, and use your time; to-morrow you will be nobody." He
cited Publius Cotta to bear testimony in a certain cause, one who
affected to be thought a lawyer, though ignorant and unlearned; to
whom, when he had said, "I know nothing of the matter," he answered
"You think, perhaps, we ask you about a point of law." To Metellus
Nepos, who, in a dispute between them, repeated several times, "Who
was your father, Cicero?" he replied, "Your mother has made the answer
to such a question in your case more difficult;" Nepos's mother having
been of ill-repute. The son, also, was of a giddy, uncertain temper.
At one time he suddenly threw up his office of tribune, and sailed off
into Syria to Pompey; and immediately after, with as little reason,
came back again. He gave his tutor Philagrus, a funeral with more than
necessary attention, and then set up the stone figure of a crow over
his tomb. "This," said Cicero, "is really appropriate; as he did not
teach you to speak, but to fly about." When Marcus Appius, in the
opening of some speech in a court of justice said that his friend
had desired him to employ industry, eloquence, and fidelity in that
cause, Cicero answered, "And how have you had the heart not to
accede to any one of his requests?"
  To use this sharp raillery against opponents and antagonists in
judicial pleading seems allowable rhetoric. But he excited much
ill-feeling by his readiness to attack any one for the sake of a jest.
A few anecdotes of this kind may be added. Marcus Aquinius, who had
two sons-in-law in exile, received from him the name of King Adrastus.
Lucius Cotta, an intemperate lover of wine, was censor when Cicero
stood for the consulship. Cicero, being thirsty at the election, his
friends stood round about him while he was drinking. "You have
reason to be afraid," he said, "lest the censor should be angry with
me for drinking water." Meeting one day Voconius with his three very
ugly daughters, he quoted the verse-

         "He reared a race without Apollo's leave."

When Marcus Gellius, who was reputed the son of a slave, had read
several letters in the senate with a very shrill and loud voice,
"Wonder not," said Cicero, "he comes of the criers." When Faustus
Sylla, the son of Sylla the dictator, who had, during his
dictatorship, by public bills proscribed and condemned so many
citizens, had so far wasted his estate, and got into debt, that he was
forced to publish his bills of sale, Cicero told him that he liked
these bills much better than those of his father. By this habit he
made himself odious with many people.
  But Clodius's faction conspired against him upon the following
occasion. Clodius was a member of a noble family, in the flower of his
youth, and of a bold and resolute temper. He, being in love with
Pompeia, Caesar's wife, got privately into his house in the dress
and attire of a music-girl; the women being at that time offering
there the sacrifice which must not be seen by men, and there was no
man present. Clodius, being a youth and beardless, hoped to get to
Pompeia among the women without being taken notice of. But coming into
a great house by night, he missed his way in the passages, and a
servant belonging to Aurelia, Caesar's mother, spying him wandering up
and down, inquired his name. Thus being necessitated to speak, he told
her he was seeking for one of Pompeia's maids, Abra by name; and
she, perceiving it not to be a woman's voice, shrieked out, and called
in the women; who shutting the gates, and searching every place, at
length found Clodius hidden in the chamber of the maid with whom he
had come in. This matter being much talked about, Caesar put away
his wife, Pompeia, and Clodius was prosecuted for profaning the holy
rites.
  Cicero was at this time his friend, for he had been useful to him in
the conspiracy of Catiline, as one of his forwardest assistants and
protectors. But when Clodius rested his defence upon this point,
that he was not then at Rome, but at a distance in the country, Cicero
testified that he had come to his house that day, and conversed with
him on several matters; which thing was indeed true, although Cicero
was thought to testify it not so much for the truth's sake as to
preserve his quiet with Terentia his wife. For she bore a grudge
against Clodius on account of his sister Clodia's wishing, as it was
alleged, to marry Cicero, and having employed for this purpose the
intervention of Tullus, a very intimate friend of Cicero's; and his
frequent visits to Clodia, who lived in their neighbourhood, and the
attentions he paid to her had excited Terentia's suspicions, and,
being a woman of a violent temper and having the ascendant over
Cicero, she urged him on to taking a part against Clodius, and
delivering his testimony. Many other good and honest citizens also
gave evidence against him, for perjuries, disorders, bribing the
people, and debauching women. Lucullus proved, by his
women-servants, that he had debauched his youngest sister when she was
Lucullus's wife; and there was a general belief that he had done the
same with his two other sisters, Tertia, whom Marcius Rex, and Clodia,
whom Metellus Celer had married; the latter of whom was called
Quadrantia, because one of her lovers had deceived her with a purse of
small copper money instead of silver, the smallest copper coin being
called a quadrant. Upon this sister's account, in particular,
Clodius's character was attacked. Notwithstanding all this, when the
common people united against the accusers and witnesses and the
whole party, the judges were affrighted, and a guard was placed
about them for their defence; and most of them wrote their sentences
on the tablets in such a way that they could not well be read. It
was decided, however, that there was a majority for his acquittal, and
bribery was reported to have been employed; in reference to which
Catulus remarked, when he next met the judges, "You were very right to
ask for a guard, to prevent your money being taken from you." And when
Clodius upbraided Cicero that the judges had not believed his
testimony, "Yes," said he, "five-and-twenty of them trusted me and
condemned you, and the other thirty did not trust you, for they did
not acquit you till they had got your money."
  Caesar, though cited, did not give his testimony against Clodius,
and declared himself not convinced of his wife's adultery, but that he
had put her away because it was fit that Caesar's house should not
be only free of the evil fact, but of the fame too.
  Clodius, having escaped this danger, and having got himself chosen
one of the tribunes, immediately attacked Cicero, heaping up all
matters and inciting all persons against him. The common people he
gained over with popular laws; to each of the consuls he decreed large
provinces, to Piso, Macedonia, and to Gabinius, Syria; he made a
strong party among the indigent citizens, to support him in his
proceedings, and had always a body of armed slaves about him. Of the
three men then in greatest power, Crassus was Cicero's open enemy,
Pompey indifferently made advances to both, and Caesar was going
with an army into Gaul. To him, though not his friend (what had
occurred in the time of the conspiracy having created suspicions
between them), Cicero applied, requesting an appointment as one of his
lieutenants in the province. Caesar accepted him, and Clodius,
perceiving that Cicero would thus escape his tribunician authority,
professed to be inclinable to a reconciliation, laid the greatest
fault upon Terentia, made always a favourable mention of him, and
addressed him with kind expressions, as one who felt no hatred or
ill-will, but who merely wished to urge his complaints in a moderate
and friendly way. By these artifices, he so freed Cicero of all his
fears, that he resigned his appointment to Caesar, and betook
himself again to political affairs. At which Caesar, being
exasperated, joined the party of Clodius against him, and wholly
alienated Pompey from him; he also himself declared in a public
assembly of the people, that he did not think Lentulus and Cethegus,
with their accomplices, were fairly and legally put to death without
being brought to trial. And this, indeed, was the crime charged upon
Cicero, and this impeachment he was summoned to answer. And so, as
an accused man, and in danger for the result, he changed his dress,
and went round with his hair untrimmed, in the attire of a
suppliant, to beg the people's grace. But Clodius met him in every
corner, having a band of abusive and daring fellows about him, who
derided Cicero for his change of dress and his humiliation, and often,
by throwing dirt and stones at him, interrupted his supplication to
the people.
  However, first of all, almost the whole equestrian order changed
their dress with him, and no less than twenty thousand young gentlemen
followed him with their hair untrimmed, and supplicating with him to
the people. And then the senate met, to pass a decree that the
people should change their dress as in time of public sorrow. But
the consuls opposing it, and Clodius with armed men besetting the
senate-house, many of the senators ran out, crying out and tearing
their clothes. But this sight moved neither shame nor pity; Cicero
must either fly or determine it by the sword with Clodius. He
entreated Pompey to aid him, who was on purpose gone out of the way,
and was staying at his country-house in the Alban hills; and first
he sent his son-in-law Piso to intercede with him, and afterwards
set out to go himself. Of which Pompey being informed, would not
stay to see him, being ashamed at the remembrance of the many
conflicts in the commonwealth which Cicero had undergone in his
behalf, and how much of his policy he had directed for his
advantage. But being now Caesar's son-in-law, at his instance he had
set aside all former kindness, and, slipping out at another door,
avoided the interview. Thus being forsaken by Pompey, and left alone
to himself, he fled to the consuls. Gabinius was rough with him, as
usual, but Piso spoke more courteously, desiring him to yield and give
place for a while to the fury of Clodius, and to await a change of
times, and to be now, as before, his country's saviour from the
peril of these troubles and commotions which Clodius was exciting.
  Cicero, receiving this answer, consulted with his friends.
Lucullus advised him to stay, as being sure to prevail at last; others
to fly, because the people would soon desire him again, when they
should have enough of the rage and madness of Clodius. This last
Cicero approved. But first he took a statue of Minerva, which had been
long set up and greatly honoured in his house, and carrying it to
the capitol, there dedicated it, with the inscription, "To Minerva,
Patroness of Rome." And receiving an escort from his friends, about
the middle of the night he left the city and went by land through
Lucania, intending to reach Sicily.
  But as soon as it was publicly known that he was fled, Clodius
proposed to the people a decree of exile, and by his own order
interdicted him fire and water, prohibiting any within five hundred
miles in Italy to receive him into their houses. Most people, out of
respect for Cicero, paid no regard to this edict, offering him every
attention, and escorting him on his way. But at Hipponium, a city of
Lucania now called Vibo, one Vibius, a Sicilian by birth, who, amongst
many other instances of Cicero's friendship, had been made head of the
state engineers when he was consul, would not receive him into his
house, sending him word he would appoint a place in the country for
his reception. Caius Vergilius, the praetor of Sicily, who had been on
the most intimate terms with him, wrote to him to forbear coming
into Sicily. At these things Cicero, being disheartened, went to
Brundusium, whence putting forth with a prosperous wind, a contrary
gale blowing from the sea carried him back to Italy the next day. He
put again to sea, and having reached Dyrrachium, on his coming to
shore there, it is reported that an earthquake and a convulsion in the
sea happened at the same time, signs which the diviners said intimated
that his exile would not be long, for these were prognostics of
change. Although many visited him with respect, and the cities of
Greece contended which should honour him most, he yet continued
disheartened and disconsolate, like an unfortunate lover, often
casting his looks back upon Italy; and, indeed, he was become so
poor-spirited, so humiliated and dejected by his misfortunes, as
none could have expected in a man who had devoted so much of his
life to study and learning. And yet he often desired his friends not
to call him orator, but philosopher, because he had made philosophy
his business, and had only used rhetoric as an instrument for
attaining his objects in public life. But the desire of glory has
great power in washing the tinctures of philosophy out of the souls of
men, and in imprinting the passions of the common people, by custom
and conversation, in the minds of those that take a part in
governing them, unless the politician be very careful so to engage
in public affairs as to interest himself only in the affairs
themselves, but not participate in the passions that are consequent to
them.
  Clodius, having thus driven away Cicero, fell to burning his farms
and villas, and afterwards his city house, and built on the site of it
a temple to Liberty. The rest of his property he exposed to sale by
daily proclamation, but nobody came to buy. By these courses he became
formidable to the noble citizens, and being followed by the
commonalty, whom he had filled with insolence and licentiousness, he
began at last to try his strength against Pompey, some of whose
arrangements in the countries he conquered, he attacked. The
disgrace of this made Pompey begin to reproach himself for his
cowardice in deserting Cicero, and changing his mind, he now wholly
set himself with his friends to contrive his return. And when
Clodius opposed it, the senate made a vote that no public measure
should be ratified or passed by them till Cicero was recalled. But
when Lentulus was consul, the commotions grew so high upon this
matter, that the tribunes were wounded in the Forum, and Quintus,
Cicero's brother, was left as dead, lying unobserved amongst the
slain. The people began to change in their feelings, and Annius
Milo, one of their tribunes, was the first who took confidence to
summon Clodius to trial for acts of violence. Many of the common
people out of the neighbouring cities formed a party with Pompey,
and he went with them, and drove Clodius out of the Forum, and
summoned the people to pass their vote. And, it is said, the people
never passed any suffrage more unanimously than this. The senate,
also, striving to outdo the people, sent letters of thanks to those
cities which had received Cicero with respect in his exile, and
decreed that his house and his country-places, which Clodius had
destroyed, should be rebuilt at the public charge.
  Thus Cicero returned sixteen months after his exile, and the
cities were so glad, and people so zealous to meet him, that what he
boasted of afterwards, that Italy had brought him on her shoulders
home to Rome, was rather less than the truth. And Crassus himself, who
had been his enemy before his exile, went then voluntarily to meet
him, and was reconciled, to please his son Publius, as he said, who
was Cicero's affectionate admirer.
  Cicero had not been long at Rome when, taking the opportunity of
Clodius's absence, he went with a great company to the capitol, and
there tore and defaced the tribunician tables, in which were
recorded the acts done in the time of Clodius. And on Clodius
calling him in question for this, he answered that he, being of the
patrician order, had obtained the office of tribune against law, and
therefore nothing done by him was valid. Cato was displeased at
this, and opposed Cicero, not that he commended Clodius, but rather
disapproved of his whole administration; yet, he contended, it was
an irregular and violent course for the senate to vote the
illegality of so many decrees and acts, including those of Cato's
own government in Cyprus and at Byzantium. This occasioned a breach
between Cato and Cicero, which, though it came not to open enmity, yet
made a more reserved friendship between them.
  After this, Milo killed Clodius, and, being arraigned for the
murder, he procured Cicero as his advocate. The senate, fearing lest
the questioning of so eminent and high-spirited a citizen as Milo
might disturb the peace of the city, committed the superintendence
of this and of the other trials to Pompey, who should undertake to
maintain the security alike of the city and of the courts of
justice. Pompey, therefore, went in the night, and occupying the
high grounds about it, surrounded the Forum with soldiers. Milo,
fearing lest Cicero, being disturbed by such an unusual sight,
should conduct his cause the less successfully, persuaded him to
come in a litter into the Forum, and there repose himself till the
judges were set and the court filled. For Cicero, it seems, not only
wanted courage in arms, but, in his speaking also, began with
timidity, and in many cases scarcely left off trembling and shaking
when he had got thoroughly into the current and the substance of his
speech. Being to defend Licinius Murena against the prosecution of
Cato, and being eager to outdo Hortensius, who had made his plea
with great applause, he took so little rest that night, and was so
disordered with thought and overwatching, that he spoke much worse
than usual. And so now, on quitting his litter to commence the cause
of Milo, at the sight of Pompey, posted as it were, and encamped
with his troops above, and seeing arms shining round about the
Forum, he was so confounded that he could hardly begin his speech
for the trembling of his body and hesitance of his tongue; whereas
Milo, meantime, was bold and intrepid in his demeanour, disdaining
either to let his hair grow or to put on the mourning habit. And this,
indeed, seems to have been one principal cause of his condemnation.
Cicero, however, was thought not so much to have shown timidity for
himself, as anxiety about his friend.
  He was made one of the priests, whom the Romans call Augurs, in
the room of Crassus the younger, dead in Parthia. Then he was
appointed by lot to the province of Cilicia, and set sail thither with
twelve thousand foot and two thousand six hundred horse. He had orders
to bring back Cappadocia to its allegiance to Ariobarzanes, its
king; which settlement he effected very completely without recourse to
arms. And perceiving the Cilicians, by the great loss the Romans had
suffered in Parthia, and the commotions in Syria, to have become
disposed to attempt a revolt, by a gentle course of government he
soothed them back into fidelity. He would accept none of the
presents that were offered him by the kings; he remitted the charge of
public entertainments, but daily at his own house received the
ingenious and accomplished persons of the province, not sumptuously,
but liberally. His house had no porter, nor was he ever found in bed
by any man, but early in the morning, standing or walking before his
door, he received those who came to offer their salutations. He is
said never once to have ordered any of those under his command to be
beaten with rods, or to have their garments rent. He never gave
contumelious language in his anger, nor inflicted punishment with
reproach. He detected an embezzlement, to a large amount, in the
public money, and thus relieved the cities from their burdens, at
the same time that he allowed those who made restitution to retain
without further punishment their rights as citizens. He engaged too,
in war, so far as to give a defeat to the banditti who infested
Mount Amanus, for which he was saluted by his army Imperator. To
Caecilius, the orator, who asked him to send him some panthers from
Cilicia, to be exhibited on the theatre at Rome, he wrote, in
commendation of his own actions, that there were no panthers in
Cilicia, for they were all fled to Caria, in anger that in so
general a peace they had become the sole objects of attack. On leaving
his province, he touched at Rhodes, and tarried for some length of
time at Athens, longing much to renew his old studies. He visited
the eminent men of learning, and saw his former friends and
companions; and after receiving in Greece the honours that were due to
him, returned to the city, where everything was now just as it were in
a flame, breaking out into a civil war.
  When the senate would have decreed him a triumph, he told them he
had rather, so differences were accommodated, follow the triumphal
chariot of Caesar. In private, he gave advice to both, writing many
letters to Caesar, and personally entreating Pompey; doing his best to
soothe and bring to reason both the one and the other. But when
matters became incurable, and Caesar was approaching Rome, and
Pompey durst not abide it, but, with many honest citizens, left the
city, Cicero as yet did not join in the flight, and was reputed to
adhere to Caesar. And it is very evident he was in his thoughts much
divided, and wavered painfully between both, for he writes in his
epistles, "To which side should I turn? Pompey has the fair and
honourable plea for war; and Caesar, on the other hand, has managed
his affairs better, and is more able to secure himself and his
friends. So that I know whom I should fly, not whom I should fly
to." But when Trebatius, one of Caesar's friends, by letter
signified to him that Caesar thought it was his most desirable
course to join his party, and partake his hopes, but if he
considered himself too old a man for this, then he should retire
into Greece, and stay quietly there, out of the way of either party,
Cicero, wondering that Caesar had not written himself, gave an angry
reply, that he should not do anything unbecoming his past life. Such
is the account to be collected from his letters.
  But as soon as Caesar was marched into Spain, he immediately
sailed away to join Pompey. And he was welcomed by all but Cato;
who, taking him privately, chid him for coming to Pompey. As for
himself, he said, it had been indecent to forsake that part in the
commonwealth which he had chosen from the beginning; but Cicero
might have been more useful to his country and friends, if,
remaining neuter, he had attended and used his influence to moderate
the result, instead of coming hither to make himself, without reason
or necessity, an enemy to Caesar, and a partner in such great dangers.
  By this language, partly, Cicero's feelings were altered, and
partly, also, because Pompey made no great use of him. Although,
indeed, he was himself the cause of it, by his not denying that he was
sorry he had come, by his depreciating Pompey's resources, finding
fault underhand with his counsels, and continually indulging in
jests and sarcastic remarks on his fellow-soldiers. Though he went
about in the camp with a gloomy and melancholy face himself, he was
always trying to raise a laugh in others, whether they wished it or
not. It may not be amiss to mention a few instances. To Domitius, on
his preferring to a command one who was no soldier, and saying, in his
defence, that he was a modest and prudent person, he replied, "Why did
not you keep him for a tutor for or your children?" On hearing
Theophanes, the Lesbian, who was master of the engineers in the
army, praised for the admirable way in which he had consoled the
Rhodians for the loss of their fleet, "What a thing it is," he said,
"to have a Greek in command!" When Caesar had been acting
successfully, and in a manner blockading Pompey, Lentulus was saying
it was reported that Caesar's friends were out of heart; "Because,"
said Cicero, "they do not wish Caesar well." To one Marcius, who had
just come from Italy, and told them that there was a strong report
at Rome that Pompey was blocked up, he said, "And you sailed hither to
see it with your own eyes." To Nonius, encouraging them after a defeat
to be of good hope, because there were seven eagles still left in
Pompey's camp, "Good reason for encouragement," said Cicero, "if we
were going to fight with jackdaws." Labienus insisted on some
prophecies to the effect that Pompey would gain the victory; "Yes,"
said Cicero; "and the first step in the campaign has been losing our
camp."
  After the battle of Pharsalia was over, at which he was not
present for want of health, and Pompey was fled, Cato, having
considerable forces and a great fleet at Dyrrachium, would have had
Cicero commander-in-chief, according to law and the precedence of
his consular dignity. And on his refusing the command, and wholly
declining to take part in their plans for continuing the war, he was
in the greatest danger of being killed, young Pompey and his friends
calling him traitor, and drawing their swords upon him; only that Cato
interposed, and hardly rescued and brought him out of the camp.
  Afterwards, arriving at Brundusium, he tarried there some time in
expectation of Caesar, who was delayed by his affairs in Asia and
Egypt. And when it was told him that he was arrived at Tarentum, and
was coming thence by land to Brundusium, he hastened towards him,
not altogether without hope, and yet in some fear of making experiment
of the temper of an enemy and conqueror in the presence of many
witnesses. But there was no necessity for him either to speak or do
anything unworthy of himself; for Caesar, as soon as he saw him coming
a good way before the rest of the company, came down to meet him,
saluted him, and, leading the way, conversed with him alone for some
furlongs. And from that time forward he continued to treat him with
honour and respect, so that, when Cicero wrote an oration in praise of
Cato, Caesar in writing an answer to it, took occasion to commend
Cicero's own life and eloquence, comparing him to Pericles and
Theramenes. Cicero's oration was called Cato; Caesar's, anti-Cato.
  So also it is related that when Quintus Ligarius was prosecuted
for having been in arms against Caesar, and Cicero had undertaken
his defence, Caesar said to his friends, "Why might we not as well
once more hear a speech from Cicero? Ligarius, there is no question,
is a wicked man and an enemy." But when Cicero began to speak, he
wonderfully moved him, and proceeded in his speech with such varied
pathos, and such a charm of language, that the colour of Caesar's
countenance often changed, and it was evident that all the passions of
his soul were in commotion. At length, the orator touching upon the
Pharsalian battle, he was so affected that his body trembled, and some
of the papers he held dropped out of his hands. And thus he was
overpowered, and acquitted Ligarius.
  Henceforth, the commonwealth being changed into a monarchy, Cicero
withdrew himself from public affairs, and employed his leisure in
instructing those young men that would, in philosophy; and by the near
intercourse he thus had with some of the noblest and highest in
rank, he again began to possess great influence in the city. The
work and object to which he set himself was to compose and translate
philosophical dialogues and to render logical and physical terms
into the Roman idiom. For he it was, as it is said, who first or
principally gave Latin names to phantasia, syncatathesis, epokhe,
catalepsis, atamon, ameres, kenon, and other such technical terms,
which, either by metaphors or other means of accommodation, he
succeeded in making intelligible and expressible to the Romans. For
his recreation, he exercised his dexterity in poetry, and when he
was set to it would make five hundred verses in a night. He spent
the greatest part of his time at his country-house near Tusculum. He
wrote to his friends that he led the life of Laertes either jestingly,
as his custom was, or rather from a feeling of ambition for public
employment, which made him impatient under the present state of
affairs. He rarely went to the city, unless to pay his court to
Caesar. He was commonly the first amongst those who voted him honours,
and sought out new terms of praise for himself and for his actions.
As, for example, what he said of the statues of Pompey, which had been
thrown down, and were afterwards by Caesar's orders set up again; that
Caesar, by this act of humanity, had indeed set up Pompey's statues,
but he had fixed and established his own.
  He had a design, it is said, of writing the history of his
country, combining with it much of that of Greece, and incorporating
in it all the stories and legends of the past that he had collected.
But his purposes were interfered with by various public and various
private unhappy occurrences and misfortunes; for most of which he
was himself in fault. For first of all, be put away his wife Terentia,
by whom he had been neglected in the time of the war, and sent away
destitute of necessaries for his journey; neither did he find her kind
when he returned into Italy, for she did not join him at Brundusium,
where he stayed a long time, nor would allow her young daughter, who
undertook so long a journey, decent attendance, or the requisite
expenses; besides, she left him a naked and empty house, and yet had
involved him in many and great debts. These were alleged as the
fairest reasons for the divorce. But Terentia, who denied them all,
had the most unmistakable defence furnished her by her husband
himself, who not long after married a young maiden for the love of her
beauty, as Terentia upbraided him; or as Tiro, his emancipated
slave, has written, for her riches, to discharge his debts. For the
young woman was very rich, and Cicero had the custody of her estate,
being left guardian in trust; and being indebted many myriads of
money, he was persuaded by friends and relations to marry her,
notwithstanding his disparity of age, and to use her money to
satisfy his creditors. Antony, who mentions this marriage in his
answer to the Philippics, reproaches him for putting away a wife
with whom he had lived to old age; adding some happy strokes of
sarcasm on Cicero's domestic, inactive, unsoldier-like habits. Not
long after this marriage, his daughter died in childbed at
Lentulus's house, to whom she had been married after the death of
Piso, her former husband. The philosophers from all parts came to
comfort Cicero; for his grief was so excessive, that he put away his
new-married wife, because she seemed to be pleased at the death of
Tullia. And thus stood Cicero's domestic affairs at this time.
  He had no concern in the design that was now forming against Caesar.
although, in general, he was Brutus's most principal confidant, and
one who was as aggrieved at the present, and as desirous of the former
state of public affairs, as any other whatsoever. But they feared
his temper, as wanting courage, and his old age, in which the most
daring dispositions are apt to be timorous.
  As soon, therefore, as the act was committed by Brutus and
Cassius, and the friends of Caesar were got together, so that there
was fear the city would again be involved in a civil war, Antony,
being consul, convened the senate, and made a short address
recommending concord. And Cicero following with various remarks such
as the occasion called for, persuaded the senate to imitate the
Athenians, and decree an amnesty for what had been done in Caesar's
case, and to bestow provinces on Brutus and Cassius. But neither of
these things took effect. For as soon as the common people, of
themselves inclined to pity, saw the dead body of Caesar borne through
the market-place, and Antony showing his clothes filled with blood,
and pierced through in every part with swords, enraged to a degree
of frenzy, they made a search for the murderers, and with firebrands
in their hands ran to their houses to burn them. They, however,
being forewarned, avoided this danger; and expecting many more and
greater to come, they left the city.
  Antony on this was at once in exultation, and every one was in alarm
with the prospect that he would make himself sole ruler, and Cicero in
more alarm than any one. For Antony, seeing his influence reviving
in the commonwealth and knowing how closely he was connected with
Brutus, was ill-pleased to have him in the city. Besides, there had
been some former jealousy between them, occasioned by the difference
of their manners. Cicero, fearing the event, was inclined to go as
lieutenant with Dolabella into Syria. But Hirtius and Pansa, consuls
elect as successors of Antony, good men and lovers of Cicero,
entreated him not to leave them, undertaking to put down Antony if
he would stay in Rome. And he, neither distrusting wholly, nor
trusting them, let Dolabella go without him, promising Hirtius that he
would go and spend his summer at Athens, and return again when he
entered upon his office. So he set out on his journey; but some
delay occurring in his passage, new intelligence, as often happens,
came suddenly from Rome, that Antony had made an astonishing change,
and was doing all things and managing all public affairs at the will
of the senate, and that there wanted nothing but his presence to bring
things to a happy settlement. And therefore, blaming himself for his
cowardice, he returned again to Rome, and was not deceived in his
hopes at the beginning. For such multitudes flocked out to meet him,
that the compliments and civilities which were paid him at the
gates, and at his entrance into the city, took up almost one whole
day's time.
  On the morrow, Antony convened the senate, and summoned Cicero
thither. He came not, but kept his bed, pretending to be ill with
his journey; but the true reason seemed the fear of some design
against him, upon a suspicion and intimation given him on his way to
Rome. Antony, however, showed great offence at the affront, and sent
soldiers, commanding them to bring him or burn his house; but many
interceding and supplicating for him, he was contented to accept
sureties. Ever after, when they met, they passed one another with
silence, and continued on their guard, till Caesar, the younger,
coming from Apollonia, entered on the first Caesar's inheritance,
and was engaged in a dispute with Antony about two thousand five
hundred myriads of money, which Antony detained from the estate.
  Upon this, Philippus, who married the mother, and Marcellus, who
married the sister of young Caesar, came with the young man to Cicero,
and agreed with him that Cicero should give them the aid of his
eloquence and political influence with the senate and people, and
Caesar give Cicero the defence of his riches and arms. For the young
man had already a great party of the soldiers of Caesar about him. And
Cicero's readiness to join him was founded, it is said, on some yet
stronger motives; for it seems, while Pompey and Caesar were yet
alive, Cicero, in his sleep, had fancied himself engaged in calling
some of the sons of the senators into the capitol, Jupiter being
about, according to the dream, to declare one of them the chief
ruler of Rome. The citizens, running up with curiosity, stood about
the temple, and the youths, sitting in their purple-bordered robes,
kept silence. On a sudden the doors opened, and the youths, arising
one by one in order, passed round the god, who reviewed them all, and,
to their sorrow, dismissed them; but when this one was passing by, the
god stretched forth his right hand and said, "O ye Romans, this
young man, when he shall be lord of Rome, shall put an end to all your
civil wars." It is said that Cicero formed from his dream a distinct
image of the youth, and retained it afterwards perfectly, but did
not know who it was. The next day, going down into the Campus Martius,
he met the boys returning from their gymnastic exercises, and the
first was he, just as he had appeared to him in his dream. Being
astonished at it, he asked him who were his parents. And it proved
to be this young Caesar, whose father was a man of no great
eminence, Octavius, and his mother, Attia, Caesar's sister's daughter;
for which reason, Caesar, who had no children, made him by will the
heir of his house and property. From that time, it is said that Cicero
studiously noticed the youth whenever he met him, and he as kindly
received the civility; and by fortune he happened to be born when
Cicero was consul.
  These were the reasons spoken of but it was principally Cicero's
hatred of Antony, and a temper unable to resist honour, which fastened
him to Caesar, with the purpose of getting the support of Caesar's
power for his own public designs. For the young man went so far in his
court to him, that he called him Father; at which Brutus was so highly
displeased, that, in his epistles to Atticus, he reflected on Cicero
saying, it was manifest, by his courting Caesar for fear of Antony, he
did not intend liberty to his country, but an indulgent master to
himself. Notwithstanding, Brutus took Cicero's son, then studying
philosophy at Athens, gave him a command, and employed him in
various ways, with a good result. Cicero's own power at this time
was at the greatest height in the city, and he did whatsoever he
pleased; he completely overpowered and drove out Antony, and sent
the two consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, with an army, to reduce him;
and, on the other hand, persuaded the senate to allow Caesar the
lictors and ensigns of a praetor, as though he were his country's
defender. But after Antony was defeated in battle, and the consuls
slain, the armies united, and ranged themselves with Caesar. And the
senate, fearing the young man, and his extraordinary fortune,
endeavoured, by honours and gifts, to call off the soldiers from
him, and to lessen his power; professing there was no further need
of arms now Antony was put to flight.
  This giving Caesar an affright, he privately sends some friends to
entreat and persuade Cicero to procure the consular dignity for them
both together; saying he should manage the affairs as he pleased,
should have the supreme power, and govern the young man who was only
desirous of name and glory. And Caesar himself confessed that, in fear
of ruin, and in danger of being deserted, he had seasonably made use
of Cicero's ambition, persuading him to stand with him, and to
accept the offer of him aid and interest for the consulship.
  And now, more than at any other time, Cicero let himself be
carried away and deceived, though an old man, by the persuasion of a
boy. He joined him in soliciting votes, and procured the good-will
of the senate, not without blame at the time on the part of his
friends; and he, too, soon enough after, saw that he had ruined
himself, and betrayed the liberty of his country. For the young man,
once established, and possessed of the office of consul, bade Cicero
farewell; and, reconciling himself to Antony and Lepidus, joined his
power with theirs, and divided the government, like a piece of
property, with them. Thus united, they made a schedule of above two
hundred persons who were to be put to death. But the greatest
contention in all their debates was on the question of Cicero's
case. Antony would come to no conditions, unless he should be the
first man to be killed. Lepidus held with Antony, and Caesar opposed
them both. They met secretly and by themselves, for three days
together, near the town of Bononia. The spot was not far from the
camp, with a river surrounding it. Caesar, it is said, contended
earnestly for Cicero the first two days; but on the third day he
yielded, and gave him up. The terms of their mutual concessions were
these: that Caesar should desert Cicero, Lepidus his brother Paulus,
and Antony, Lucius Caesar, his uncle by his mother's side. Thus they
let their anger and fury take from them the sense of humanity, and
demonstrated that no beast is more savage than man when possessed with
power answerable to his rage.
  Whilst these things were contriving, Cicero was with his brother
at his country-house near Tusculum; whence, hearing of the
proscriptions, they determined to pass to Astura, a villa of
Cicero's near the sea, and to take shipping from thence for
Macedonia to Brutus, of whose strength in that province news had
already been heard. They travelled together in their separate litters,
overwhelmed with sorrow; and often stopping on the way till their
litters came together, condoled with one another. But Quintus was
the more disheartened when he reflected on his want of means for his
journey; for, as he said, he had brought nothing with him from home.
And even Cicero himself had but a slender provision. It was judged,
therefore, most expedient that Cicero should make what haste he
could to fly, and Quintus return home to provide necessaries, and thus
resolved, they mutually embraced, and parted with many tears.
  Quintus, within a few days after, betrayed by his servants to
those who came to search for him, was slain, together with his young
son. But Cicero was carried to Astura, where finding a vessel, he
immediately went on board her, and sailed as far as Circaeum with a
prosperous gale; but when the pilots resolved immediately to set
sail from thence, whether fearing the sea, or not wholly distrusting
the faith of Caesar, he went on shore, and passed by land a hundred
furlongs, as if he was going for Rome. But losing resolution and
changing his mind, he again returned to the sea, and there spent the
night in fearful and perplexed thoughts. Sometimes he resolved to go
into Caesar's house privately, and there kill himself upon the altar
of his household gods, to bring divine vengeance upon him; but the
fear of torture put him off this course. And after passing through a
variety of confused and uncertain counsels, at last he let his
servants carry him by sea to Capitie, where he had a house, an
agreeable place to retire to in the heat of summer, when the Etesian
winds are so pleasant.
  There was at that place a chapel of Apollo, not far from the
seaside, from which a flight of crows rose with a great noise, and
made towards Cicero's vessel, as it rowed to land, and lighting on
both sides of the yard, some croaked, others pecked the ends of the
ropes. This was looked upon by all as an ill-omen; and, therefore,
Cicero went again ashore, and entering his house, lay down upon his
bed to compose himself to rest. Many of the crows settled about the
window, making a dismal cawing; but one of them alighted upon the
bed where Cicero lay covered up, and with its bill by little and
little pecked off the clothes from his face. His servants, seeing
this, blamed themselves that they should stay to be spectators of
their master's murder, and do nothing in his defence, whilst the brute
creatures came to assist and take care of him in his undeserved
affliction; and therefore, partly by entreaty, partly by force, they
took him up, and carried him in his litter towards the seaside.
  But in the meantime the assassins were come with a band of soldiers,
Herennius, a centurion, and Popillius, a tribune, whom Cicero had
formerly defended when prosecuted for the murder of his father.
Finding the doors shut, they broke them open, and Cicero not
appearing, and those within saying they knew not where he was, it is
stated that a youth, who had been educated by Cicero in the liberal
arts and sciences, an emancipated slave of his brother Quintus,
Philologus by name, informed the tribune that the litter was on its
way to the sea through the close and shady walks. The tribune,
taking a few with him, ran to the place where he was to come out.
And Cicero, perceiving Herennius running in the walks, commanded his
servants to set down the litter; and stroking his chin, as he used
to do, with his left hand, he looked steadfastly upon his murderers,
his person covered with dust, his beard and hair untrimmed, and his
face worn with his troubles. So that the greatest part of those that
stood by covered their faces whilst Herennius slew him. And thus was
he murdered, stretching forth his neck out of the litter, being now in
his sixty-fourth year. Herennius cut off his head, and, by Antony's
command, his hands also, by which his Philippics were written; for
so Cicero styled those orations he wrote against Antony, and so they
are called to this day.
  When these members of Cicero were brought to Rome, Antony was
holding an assembly for the choice of public officers; and when he
heard it, and saw them, he cried out, "Now let there be an end of
our proscriptions." He commanded his head and hands to be fastened
up over the rostra, where the orators spoke; a sight which the Roman
people shuddered to behold, and they believed they saw there, not
the face of Cicero, but the image of Antony's own soul. And yet amidst
these actions he did justice in one thing, by delivering up Philologus
to Pomponia, the wife of Quintus; who, having got his body into her
power, besides other grievous punishments, made him cut off his own
flesh by pieces, and roast and eat it; for so some writers have
related. But Tiro, Cicero's emancipated slave, has not so much as
mentioned the treachery of Philologus.
  Some long time after, Caesar, I have been told, visiting one of
his daughter's sons, found him with a book of Cicero's in his hand.
The boy for fear endeavoured to hide it under his gown; which Caesar
perceiving, took it from him, and, turning over a great part of the
book standing, gave it him again, and said, "My child, this was a
learned man, and a lover of his country." And immediately after he had
vanquished Antony, being then consul, he made Cicero's son his
colleague in the office; and under that consulship the senate took
down all the statues of Antony, and abolished all the other honours
that had been given him, and decreed that none of that family should
thereafter bear the name of Marcus; and thus the final acts of the
punishment of Antony were, by the divine powers, devolved upon the
family of Cicero.


                             THE END