The CDPD Public Domain Collection for CDTV 3/CDPDIII.bin/books/plutarch/camillus

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                                      75 AD
                                    CAMILLUS
                                 445?-365 B.C.
                                  by Plutarch
                           translated by John Dryden
CAMILLUS

  AMONG the many remarkable things that are related of Furius
Camillus, it seems singular and strange above all, that he, who
continually was in the highest commands, and obtained the greatest
successes, was five times chosen dictator, triumphed four times, and
was styled a second founder of Rome, yet never was so much as once
consul. The reason of which was the state and temper of the
commonwealth at that time; for the people, being at dissension with
the senate, refused to return consuls, but in their stead elected
other magistrates, called military tribunes, who acted, indeed, with
full consular power, but were thought to exercise a less obnoxious
amount of authority, because it was divided among a larger number; for
to have the management of affairs intrusted to the hands of six
persons rather than two was some satisfaction to the opponents of
oligarchy. This was the condition of the times when Camillus was in
the height of his actions and glory, and, although the government in
the meantime had often proceeded to consular elections, yet he could
never persuade himself to be consul against the inclination of the
people. In all his other administrations, which were many and various,
he so behaved himself, that, when alone in authority, he exercised his
power as in common, but the honour of all actions redounded entirely
to himself, even when in joint commission with others; the reason of
the former was his moderation in command; of the latter, his great
judgment and wisdom, which gave him without controversy the first
place.
  The house of the Furii was not, at that time, of any considerable
distinction; he, by his own acts, first raised himself to honour,
serving under Postumius Tubertis, dictator, in the great battle
against the Aequians and Volscians. For riding out from the rest of
the army, and in the charge receiving a wound in his thigh, he for all
that did not quit the fight, but, letting the dart drag in the
wound, and engaging with the bravest of the enemy, put them to flight;
for which action, among other rewards bestowed on him, he was
created censor, an office in those days of great repute and authority.
During his censorship one very good act of his is recorded, that,
whereas the wars had made many widows, he obliged such as had no
wives, some by fair persuasion, others by threatening to set fines
on their heads, to take them in marriage; another necessary one, in
causing orphans to be rated, who before were exempted from taxes,
the frequent wars requiring more than ordinary expenses to maintain
them. What, however, pressed them most was the siege of Veii. Some
call this people Veientani. This was the head city of Tuscany, not
inferior to Rome, either in number of arms or multitude of soldiers,
insomuch that, presuming on her wealth and luxury, and priding herself
upon her refinement and sumptuousness, she engaged in many
honourable contests with the Romans for glory and empire. But now they
abandoned their former ambitious hopes, having been weakened by
great defeats, so that, having fortified themselves with high and
strong walls, and furnished the city with all sorts of weapons
offensive and defensive, as likewise with corn and all manner of
provisions, they cheerfully endured a siege, which, though tedious
to them, was no less troublesome and distressing to the besiegers. For
the Romans, having never been accustomed to stay away from home except
in summer, and for no great length of time, and constantly to winter
at home, were then first compelled by the tribunes to build forts in
the enemy's country, and raising strong works about their camp, to
join winter and summer together. And now, the seventh year of the
war drawing to an end, the commanders began to be suspected as too
slow and remiss in driving on the siege, insomuch that they were
discharged and others chosen for the war, among whom was Camillus,
then second time tribune. But at present he had no hand in the
siege, the duties that fell by lot to him being to make war upon the
Faliscans and Capenates, who, taking advantage of the Romans being
occupied on all hands, had carried ravages into their country, and,
through all the Tuscan war, given them much annoyance, but were now
reduced by Camillus, and with great loss shut up within their walls.
  And now, in the very heat of the war, a strange phenomenon in the
Alban lake, which, in the absence of any known cause and explanation
by natural reasons, seemed as great a prodigy as the most incredible
that are reported, occasioned great alarm. It was the beginning of
autumn, and the summer now ending had, to all observation, been
neither rainy nor much troubled with southern winds; and many of the
lakes, brooks, and springs of all sorts with which Italy abounds, some
were wholly dried up, others drew very little water with them; all the
rivers, as is usual in summer, ran in a very low and hollow channel.
But the Alban lake, that is fed by no other waters but its own, and is
on all sides encircled with fruitful mountains, without any cause,
unless it were divine, began visibly to rise and swell, increasing
to the feet of the mountains, and by degrees reaching the level of the
very tops of them, and all this without any waves or agitation. At
first it was the wonder of shepherds and herdsmen; but when the earth,
which, like a great dam, held up the lake from falling into the
lower grounds, through the quantity and weight of water was broken
down, and in a violent stream it ran through the ploughed fields and
plantations to discharge itself in the sea, it not only struck
terror into the Romans, but was thought by all the inhabitants of
Italy to portend some extraordinary event. But the greatest talk of it
was in the camp that besieged Veii, so that in the town itself,
also, the occurrence became known.
  As in long sieges it commonly happens that parties on both sides
meet often and converse with one another, so it chanced that a Roman
had gained much confidence and familiarity with one of the besieged, a
man versed in ancient prophecies, and of repute for more than ordinary
skill in divination. The Roman, observing, him to be overjoyed at
the story of the lake, and to mock at the siege, told him that this
was not the only prodigy that of late had happened to the Romans;
others more wonderful yet than this had befallen them, which he was
willing to communicate to him, that he might the better provide for
his private interests in these public distempers. The man greedily
embraced the proposal, expecting to hear some wonderful secrets; but
when, by little and little, he had led him on in conversation and
insensibly drawn him a good way from the gates of the city, he
snatched him up by the middle, being stronger than he, and, by the
assistance of others that came running from the camp, seized and
delivered him to the commanders. The man, reduced to this necessity,
and sensible now that destiny was not to be avoided, discovered to
them the secret oracles of Veii; that it was not possible the city
should be taken, until the Alban lake, which now broke forth and had
found out new passages, was drawn back from that course, and so
diverted that it could not mingle with the sea. The senate, having
heard and satisfied themselves about the matter, decreed to send to
Delphi, to ask counsel of the god. The messengers were persons of
the highest repute, Licinius Cossus, Valerius Potitus, and Fabius
Ambustus; who, having made their voyage by sea and consulted the
god, returned with other answers, particularly that there had been a
neglect of some of their national rites relating to the Latin
feasts; but the Alban water the oracle commanded, if it were possible,
they should keep from the sea, and shut it up in its ancient bounds;
but if that was not to be done, then they should carry it off by
ditches and trenches into the lower grounds, and so dry it up; which
message being delivered, the priests performed what related to the
sacrifices, and the people went to work and turned the water.
  And now the senate, in the tenth year of the war, taking away all
other commands, created Camillus dictator, who chose Cornelius
Scipio for his general of horse. And in the first place he made vows
unto the gods, that, if they would grant a happy conclusion of the
war, he would celebrate to their honour the great games, and
dedicate a temple to the goddess whom the Romans call Matuta, the
Mother, though, from the ceremonies which are used, one would think
she was Leucothea. For they take a servant-maid into the secret part
of the temple, and there cuff her, and drive her out again, and they
embrace their brothers' children in place of their own; and, in
general, the ceremonies of the sacrifice remind one of the nursing
of Bacchus by Ino, and the calamities occasioned by her husband's
concubine. Camillus, having made these vows, marched into the
country of the Faliscans, and in a great battle overthrew them and the
Capenates, their confederates; afterwards he turned to the siege of
Veii, and, finding that to take it by assault would prove a
difficult and hazardous attempt, proceeded to cut mines underground,
the earth about the city being easy to break up, and allowing such
depth for the works as would prevent their being discovered by the
enemy. This design going on in a hopeful way, he openly gave
assaults to the enemy, to keep them to the walls, whilst they that
worked underground in the mines were, without being perceived, arrived
within the citadel, close to the temple of Juno, which was the
greatest and most honoured in all the city. It is said that the prince
of the Tuscans was at that very time at sacrifice, and that the
priest, after he had looked into the entrails of the beast, cried
out with a loud voice that the gods would give victory to those that
should complete those offerings; and that the Romans who were in the
mines, hearing the words, immediately pulled down the floor, and,
ascending with noise and clashing weapons, frightened away the
enemy, and, snatching up the entrails, carried them to Camillus. But
this may look like a fable. The city, however, being taken by storm,
and the soldiers busied in pillaging and gathering an infinite
quantity of riches and spoils, Camillus, from the high tower,
viewing what was done, at first wept for pity; and when they that were
by congratulated his success, he lifted up his hands to heaven, and
broke out into this prayer: "O most mighty Jupiter, and ye gods that
are judges of good and evil actions ye know that not without just
cause, but constrained by necessity, we have been forced to revenge
ourselves on the city of our unrighteous and wicked enemies. But if,
in the vicissitude of things, there may be any calamity due, to
counterbalance this great felicity, I beg that it may be diverted from
the city and army of the Romans, and fall, with as little hurt as
may be, upon my own head." Having said these words, and just turning
about (as the custom of the Romans is to turn to the right after
adoration or prayer), he stumbled and fell, to the astonishment of all
that were present. But, recovering himself presently from the fall, he
told them that he had received what he had prayed for, a small
mischance, in compensation for the greatest good fortune.
  Having sacked the city, he resolved, according as he had vowed, to
carry Juno's image to Rome; and, the workmen being ready for that
purpose, he sacrificed to the goddess, and made his supplications that
she would be pleased to accept of their devotion toward her, and
graciously vouchsafe to accept of a place among the gods that presided
at Rome; and the statue, they say, answered in a low voice that she
was ready and willing to go. Livy writes, that, in praying, Camillus
touched the goddess, and invited her, and that some of the standers-by
cried out that she was willing and would come. They who stand up for
the miracle and endeavour to maintain it have one great advocate on
their side in the wonderful fortune of the city, which, from a small
and contemptible beginning, could never have attained to that
greatness and power without many signal manifestations of the divine
presence and co-operation. Other wonders of the like nature, drops
of sweat seen to stand on statues, groans heard from them, the figures
seen to turn round and to close their eyes, are recorded by many
ancient historians; and we ourselves could relate divers wonderful
things, which we have been told by men of our own time, that are not
lightly to be rejected; but to give too easy credit to such things, or
wholly to disbelieve them, is equally dangerous, so incapable is human
infirmity of keeping any bounds, or exercising command over itself,
running off sometimes to superstition and dotage, at other times to
the contempt and neglect of all that is supernatural. But moderation
is best, and to avoid all extremes.
  Camillus, however, whether puffed up with the greatness of his
achievement in conquering a city that was the rival of Rome, and had
held out a ten years' siege, or exalted with the felicitations of
those that were about him, assumed to himself more than became a civil
and legal magistrate; among other things, in the pride and haughtiness
of his triumph, driving through Rome in a chariot drawn with four
white horses, which no general either before or since ever did; for
the Romans consider such a mode of conveyance to be sacred and
specially set apart to the king, and father of the gods. This
alienated the hearts of his fellow-citizens, who were not accustomed
to such pomp and display.
  The second pique they had against him was his opposing the law by
which the city was to be divided; for the tribunes of the people
brought forward a motion that the people and senate should be
divided into two parts, one of which should remain at home, the
other as the lot should decide, remove to the new-taken city. By which
means they should not only have much more room, but, by the
advantage of two great and magnificent cities, be better able to
maintain their territories and their fortunes in general. The
people, therefore, who were numerous and indigent, greedily embraced
it, and crowded continually to the forum, with tumultuous demands to
have it put to the vote. But the senate and the noblest citizens,
judging the proceedings of the tribunes to tend rather to a
destruction than a division of Rome, greatly averse to it, went to
Camillus for assistance, who, fearing the result if it came to a
direct contest, contrived to occupy the people with other business,
and so staved it off. He thus became unpopular. But the greatest and
most apparent cause of their dislike against him arose from the tenths
of the spoil; the multitude having here, if not a just, yet a
plausible case against him. For it seems, as he went to the siege of
Veii, he had vowed to Apollo that if he took the city he would
dedicate to him the tenth of the spoil. The city being taken and
sacked, whether he was loth to trouble the soldiers at that time, or
that through the multitude of business he had forgotten his vow, he
suffered them to enjoy that part of the spoils also. Some time
afterwards, when his authority was laid down, he brought the matter
before the senate, and the priests, at the same time, reported, out of
the sacrifices, that there were intimations of divine anger, requiring
propitiations and offerings. The senate decreed the obligations to
be in force.
  But seeing it was difficult for every one to produce the very same
things they had taken, to be divided anew, they ordained that every
one upon oath should bring into the public the tenth part of his
gains. This occasioned many annoyances and hardships to the
soldiers, who were poor men, and had endured much in the war, and
now were forced, out of what they had gained and spent, to bring in so
great a proportion. Camillus, being assaulted by their clamour and
tumults, for want of a better excuse, betook himself to the poorest of
defences, confessing he had forgotten his vow; they in turn complained
that he had vowed the tenth of the enemy's goods, and now levied it
out of the tenth of the citizens'. Nevertheless, every one having
brought in his due proportion, it was decreed that out of it a bowl of
massy gold should be made, and sent to Delphi. And when there was
great scarcity of gold in the city, and the magistrates were
considering where to get it, the Roman ladies, meeting together and
consulting among themselves, out of the golden ornaments they wore
contributed as much as went to the making of the offering, which in
weight came to eight talents of gold. The senate, to give them the
honour they had deserved, ordained that funeral orations should be
used at the obsequies of women as well as men, it having never
before been a custom that any women after death should receive any
public eulogy. Choosing out, therefore, three of the noblest
citizens as a deputation, they sent them in a vessel of war, well
manned and sumptuously adorned. Storm and calm at sea may both, they
say, alike be dangerous; as they at this time experienced, being
brought almost to the very brink of destruction, and, beyond all
expectation, escaping. For near the isles of Aeolus the wind slacking,
galleys of the Lipareans came upon them, taking them for pirates; and,
when they held up their hands as suppliants, forbore indeed from
violence, but took their ship in tow, and carried her into the
harbour, where they exposed to sale their goods and persons as
lawful prize, they being pirates; and scarcely, at last, by the virtue
and interest of one man, Timasitheus by name, who was in office as
general, and used his utmost persuasion, they were, with much ado,
dismissed. He, however, himself sent out some of his own vessels
with them, to accompany them in their voyage and assist them at the
dedication; for which he received honours at Rome, as he had deserved.
  And now the tribunes of the people again resuming their motion for
the division of the city, the war against the Faliscans luckily
broke out, giving liberty to the chief citizens to choose what
magistrates they pleased, and to appoint Camillus military tribune,
with five colleagues; affairs then requiring a commander of
authority and reputation, as well as experience. And when the people
had ratified the election, he marched with his forces into the
territories of the Faliscans, and laid siege to Falerii, a
well-fortified city, and plentifully stored with all necessaries of
war. And although he perceived it would be no small work to take it,
and no little time would be required for it, yet he was willing to
exercise the citizens and keep them abroad, that they might have no
leisure, idling at home, to follow the tribunes in factions and
seditions; a very common remedy, indeed, with the Romans, who thus
carried off, like good physicians, the ill humours of their
commonwealth. The Falerians, trusting in the strength of their city,
which was well fortified on all sides, made so little account of the
siege, that all, with the exception of those that guarded the walls,
as in times of peace, walked about the streets in their common
dress; the boys went to school, and were led by their master to play
and exercise about the town walls; for the Falerians, like the Greeks,
used to have a single teacher for many pupils, wishing their
children to live and be brought up from the beginning in each
other's company.
  This schoolmaster, designing to betray the Falerians by their
children, led them out every day under the town wall, at first but a
little way, and, when they had exercised, brought them home again.
Afterwards by degrees he drew them farther and farther, till by
practice he had made them bold and fearless, as if no danger was about
them; and at last, having got them all together, he brought them to
the outposts of the Romans, and delivered them up, demanding to be led
to Camillus. Where being come, and standing in the middle, he said
that he was the master and teacher of these children, but preferring
his favour before all other obligations, he was come to deliver up his
charge to him, and, in that, the whole city. When Camillus had heard
him out, he was astounded at the treachery of the act, and, turning to
the standers-by, observed that "war, indeed, is of necessity
attended with much injustice and violence! Certain laws, however,
all good men observe even in war itself, nor is victory so great an
object as to induce us to incur for its sake obligations for base
and impious acts. A great general should rely on his own virtue, and
not on other men's vices." Which said, he commanded the officers to
tear off the man's clothes, and bind his hands behind him, and give
the boys rods and scourges, to punish the traitor and drive him back
to the city. By this time the Falerians had discovered the treachery
of the schoolmaster, and the city, as was likely, was full of
lamentations and cries for their calamity, men and women of worth
running in distraction about the walls and gates; when, behold, the
boys came whipping their master on naked and bound, calling Camillus
their preserver and god and father. Insomuch that it struck not only
into the parents, but the rest of the citizens that saw what was done,
such admiration and love of Camillus's justice, that, immediately
meeting in assembly, they sent ambassadors to him, to resign
whatever they had to his disposal. Camillus sent them to Rome,
where, being brought into the senate, they spoke to this purpose: that
the Romans, preferring justice before victory, had taught them
rather to embrace submission than liberty; they did not so much
confess themselves to be inferior in strength, as they must
acknowledge them to be superior in virtue. The senate remitted the
whole matter to Camillus, to judge and order as he thought fit; who,
taking a sum of money of the Falerians, and, making a peace with the
whole nation of the Faliscans, returned home.
  But the soldiers, who had expected to have the pillage of the
city, when they came to Rome empty-handed, railed against Camillus
among their fellow-citizens, as a hater of the people, and one that
grudged all advantage to the poor. Afterwards, when the tribunes of
the people again brought their motion for dividing the city to the
vote, Camillus appeared openly against it, shrinking from no
unpopularity, and inveighing boldly against the promoters of it, and
so urging and constraining the multitude that contrary to their
inclinations they rejected the proposal but yet hated Camillus.
Insomuch that though a great misfortune befell him in his family
(one of his two sons dying of a disease), commiseration for this could
not in the least make them abate their malice. And indeed he took this
loss with immoderate sorrow being a man naturally of a mild and tender
disposition and when the accusation was preferred against him, kept
his house, and mourned amongst the women of his family.
  His accuser was Lucius Apuleius; the charge, appropriation of the
Tuscan spoils; certain brass gates, part of those spoils, were said to
be in his possession. The people were exasperated against him, and
it was plain they would take hold of any occasion to condemn him.
Gathering, therefore, together his friends and fellow-soldiers, and
such as had borne command with him, a considerable number in all, he
besought them that they would not suffer him to be unjustly
overborne by shameful accusations, and left the mock and scorn of
his enemies. His friends, having advised and consulted among
themselves, made answer, that, as to the sentence, they did not see
how they could help him, but that they would contribute to
whatsoever fine should be set upon him. Not able to endure so great an
indignity, he resolved, in his anger, to leave the city, and go into
exile; and so, having taken leave of his wife and his son, he went
silently to the gate of the city, and there stopping and turning
round, stretched out his hands to the Capitol, and prayed to the gods,
that if, without any fault of his own, but merely through the malice
and violence of the people, he was driven out into banishment, the
Romans might quickly repent of it; and that all mankind might
witness their need for the assistance, and desire for the return of
Camillus.
  Thus, like Achilles, having left his imprecations on the citizens,
he went into banishment; so that, neither appearing nor making
defence, he was condemned in the sum of fifteen thousand ases,
which, reduced to silver, make one thousand five hundred drachmas; for
the as was the money of the time, ten of such copper pieces making the
denarius, or piece of ten. And there is not a Roman but believes
that immediately upon the prayers of Camillus, a sudden judgment
followed, and that he received a revenge for the injustice done unto
him; which though we cannot think was pleasant, but rather grievous
and bitter to him, yet was very remarkable, and noised over the
whole world; such a punishment visited the city of Rome, an era of
such loss and danger and disgrace so quickly succeeded; whether it
thus fell out by fortune, or it be the office of some god not to see
injured virtue go unavenged.
  The first token that seemed to threaten some mischief to ensue was
the death of the censor Julius; for the Romans have a religious
reverence for the office of a censor, and esteem it sacred. The second
was that, just before Camillus went into exile, Marcus Caedicius, a
person of no great distinction, nor of the rank of senator, but
esteemed a good and respectable man, reported to the military tribunes
a thing worthy their consideration; that, going along the night before
in the street called the New Way, and being called by somebody in a
loud voice, he turned about, but could see no one, but heard a voice
greater than human, which said these words, "Go, Marcus Caedicius, and
early in the morning tell the military tribunes that they are
shortly to expect the Gauls." But the tribunes made a mock and sport
with the story, and a little after came Camillus's banishment.
  The Gauls are of the Celtic race, and are reported to have been
compelled by their numbers to leave their country, which was
insufficient to sustain them all, and to have gone in search of
other homes. And being, many thousands of them, young men and able
to bear arms, and carrying with them a still greater number of women
and young children, some of them, passing the Riphaean mountains, fell
upon the Northern Ocean, and possessed themselves of the farthest
parts of Europe; others, seating themselves between the Pyrenean
mountains and the Alps, lived there a considerable time, nearer to the
Senones and Celtorii; but, afterwards tasting wine which was then
first brought them out of Italy, they were all so much taken with
the liquor, and transported with the hitherto unknown delight, that,
snatching up their arms and taking their families along with them,
they marched directly to the Alps, to find out the country which
yielded such fruit, pronouncing all others barren and useless. He that
first brought wine among them and was the chief instigator of their
coming into Italy is said to have been one Aruns, a Tuscan, a man of
noble extraction, and not of bad natural character, but involved in
the following misfortune. He was guardian to an orphan, one of the
richest of the country, and much admired for his beauty, whose name
was Lucumo. From his childhood he had been bred up with Aruns in his
family, and when now grown up did not leave his house, professing to
wish for the enjoyment of his society. And thus for a great while he
secretly enjoyed Aruns's wife, corrupting her, and himself corrupted
by her. But when they were both so far gone in their passion that they
could neither refrain their lust nor conceal it, the young man
seized the woman and openly sought to carry her away. The husband,
going to law, and finding himself overpowered by the interest and
money of his opponent, left his country and, hearing of the state of
the Gauls, went to them, and was the conductor of their expedition
into Italy.
  At their first coming they at once possessed themselves of all
that country which anciently the Tuscans inhabited, reaching from
the Alps to both the seas, as the names themselves testify; for the
North or Adriatic Sea is named from the Tuscan city Adria, and that to
the south the Tuscan Sea simply. The whole country is rich in
fruit-trees, has excellent pasture, and is well watered with rivers.
It had eighteen large and beautiful cities, well provided with all the
means for industry and wealth, and all the enjoyments and pleasures of
life. The Gauls cast out the Tuscans, and seated themselves in them.
But this was long before.
  The Gauls at this time were besieging Clusium, a Tuscan city. The
Clusinians sent to the Romans for succour, desiring them to
interpose with the barbarians by letters and ambassadors. There were
sent three of the family of the Fabii, persons of high rank and
distinction in the city. The Gauls received them courteously, from
respect to the name of Rome, and, giving over the assault which was
then making upon the walls, came to conference with them; when the
ambassadors asking what injury they had received of the Clusinians
that they thus invaded their city, Brennus, King of the Gauls, laughed
and made answer: "The Clusinians do us injury, in that, being able
only to till a small parcel of ground, they must needs possess a great
territory, and will not yield any part to us who are strangers, many
in number, and poor. In the same nature, O Romans, formerly the
Albans, Fidenates, and Ardeates, and now lately the Veientines and
Capenates, and many of the Faliscans and Volscians, did you injury;
upon whom ye make war if they do not yield you part of what they
possess, make slaves of them, waste and spoil their country, and
ruin their cities; neither in so doing are cruel or unjust, but follow
that most ancient of all laws, which gives the possessions of the
feeble to the strong; which begins with God and ends in the beasts;
since all these, by nature, seek the stronger to have advantage over
the weaker. Cease, therefore, to pity the Clusinians whom we
besiege, lest ye teach the Gauls to be kind and compassionate to those
that are oppressed by you." By this answer the Romans, perceiving that
Brennus was not to be treated with, went into Clusium, and
encouraged and stirred up the inhabitants to make a sally with them
upon the barbarians, which they did either to try their strength or to
show their own. The sally being made, and the fight growing hot
about the walls, one of the Fabii, Quintus Ambustus, being well
mounted, and setting spurs to his horse, made full against a Gaul, a
man of huge bulk and stature, whom he saw riding out at a distance
from the rest. At the first he was not recognized, through the
quickness of the conflict and the glittering of his armour, that
precluded any view of him; but when he had overthrown the Gaul, and
was going to gather the spoils, Brennus knew him; and, invoking the
gods to be witness, that, contrary to the known and common law of
nations, which is holily observed by all mankind, he who had come as
an ambassador had now engaged in hostility against him, he drew off
his men, and bidding Clusium farewell, led his army directly to
Rome. But not wishing that it should look as if they took advantage of
that injury, and were ready to embrace any occasion of quarrel, he
sent a herald to demand the man in punishment, and in the meantime
marched leisurely on.
  The senate being met at Rome, among many others that spoke against
the Fabii, the priests called fecials were the most decided, who, on
the religious ground, urged the senate that they should lay the
whole guilt and penalty of the fact upon him that committed it, and so
exonerate the rest. These fecials Numa Pompilius, the mildest and
justest of kings, constituted guardians of peace, and the judges and
determiners of all causes by which war may justifiably be made. The
senate referring the whole matter to the people, and the priests
there, as well as in the senate, pleading against Fabius, the
multitude, however, so little regarded their authority, that in
scorn and contempt of it they chose Fabius and the rest of his
brothers military tribunes. The Gauls, on hearing this, in great
rage threw aside every delay, and hastened on with all the speed
they could make. The places through which they marched, terrified with
their numbers and the splendour of their preparations for war, and
in alarm at their violence and fierceness, began to give up their
territories as already lost, with little doubt but their cities
would quickly follow; contrary, however, to expectation, they did no
injury as they passed, nor took anything from the fields; and, as they
went by any city, cried out that they were going to Rome; that the
Romans only were their enemies, and that they took all others for
their friends.
  Whilst the barbarians were thus hastening with all speed, the
military tribunes brought the Romans into the field to be ready to
engage them, being not inferior to the Gauls in number (for they
were no less than forty thousand foot), but most of them raw soldiers,
and such as had never handled a weapon before. Besides, they had
wholly neglected all religious usages, had not obtained favourable
sacrifices, nor made inquiries of the prophets, natural in danger
and before battle. No less did the multitude commanders distract and
confound their proceedings; frequently before, upon less occasions,
they had chosen a single leader, with the title of dictator, being
sensible of what great importance it is in critical times to have
the soldiers united under one general with the entire and absolute
control placed in his hands. Add to all, the remembrance of Camillus's
treatment, which made it now seem a dangerous thing for officers to
command without humouring their soldiers. In this condition they
left the city, and encamped by the river Allia, about ten miles from
Rome; and not far from the place where it falls into the Tiber; and
here the Gauls came upon them, and, after a disgraceful resistance,
devoid of order and discipline, they were miserably defeated. The left
wing was immediately driven into the river, and there destroyed; the
right had less damage by declining the shock, and from the low grounds
getting to the tops of the hills, from whence most of them
afterwards dropped into the city; the rest, as many as escaped, the
enemy being weary of the slaughter, stole by night to Veii, giving
up Rome and all that was in it for lost.
  This battle was fought about the summer solstice, the moon being
at full, the very same day in which the sad disaster of the Fabii
had happened, when three hundred of that name were at one time cut off
by the Tuscans. But from this second loss and defeat the day got the
name of Alliensis from the river Allia, and still retains it. The
question of unlucky days, whether we should consider any to be so, and
whether Heraclitus did well in upbraiding Hesiod for distinguishing
them into fortunate and unfortunate, as ignorant that the nature of
every day is the same, I have examined in another place; but upon
occasion of the present subject, I think it will not be amiss to annex
a few examples relating to this matter. On the fifth of their month
Hippodromius, which corresponds to the Athenian Hecatombaeon, the
Boeotians gained two signal victories, the one at Leuctra, the other
at Ceressus, about three hundred years before, when they overcame
Lattamyas and the Thessalians, both which asserted the liberty of
Greece. Again, on the sixth of Boedromion, the Persians were worsted
by the Greeks at Marathon; on the third, at Plataea, as also at
Mycale; on the twenty-fifth, at Arbela. The Athenians, about the
full moon in Boedromion, gained their sea-victory at Naxos under the
conduct of Chabrias; on the twentieth, at Salamis, as we have shown in
our treatise on Days. Thargelion was a very unfortunate month to the
barbarians, for in it Alexander overcame Darius's generals on the
Granicus; and the Carthaginians, on the twenty-fourth, were beaten
by Timoleon in Sicily, on which same day and month Troy seems to
have been taken, as Ephorus, Callisthenes, Damastes, and Phylarchus
state. On the other hand, the month Metagitnion, which in Boeotia is
called Panemus, was not very lucky to the Greeks; for on its seventh
day they were defeated by Antipater, at the battle in Cranon, and
utterly ruined; and before, at Chaeronea, were defeated by Philip; and
on the very same day, same month, and same year, those that went
with Archidamus into Italy were there cut off by the barbarians. The
Carthaginians also observe the twenty-first of the same month, as
bringing with it the largest number and the severest of their
losses. I am not ignorant that, about the Feast of Mysteries, Thebes
was destroyed the second time by Alexander; and after that, upon the
very twentieth of Boedromion, on which day they lead forth the
mystic Iacchus, the Athenians received a garrison of the
Macedonians. On the selfsame day the Romans lost their army under
Caepio by the Cimbrians, and in a subsequent year, under the conduct
of Lucullus, overcame the Armenians and Tigranes. King Attalus and
Pompey died both on their birthdays. One could reckon up several
that have had variety of fortune on the same day. This day,
meantime, is one of the unfortunate ones to the Romans, and for its
sake two others in every month; fear and superstition, as the custom
of it is, more and more prevailing. But I have discussed this more
accurately in my Roman Questions.
  And now, after the battle, had the Gauls immediately pursued those
that fled, there had been no remedy but Rome must have wholly been
ruined, and those who remained in it utterly destroyed; such was the
terror that those who escaped the battle brought with them into the
city, and with such distraction and confusion were themselves in
turn infected. But the Gauls, not imagining their victory to be so
considerable, and overtaken with the present joy, fell to feasting and
dividing the spoil, by which means they gave leisure to those who were
for leaving the city to make their escape, and to those that
remained to anticipate and prepare for their coming. For they who
resolved to stay at Rome, abandoning the rest of the city, betook
themselves to the Capitol, which they fortified with the help of
missiles and new works. One of their principal cares was of their holy
things, most of which they conveyed into the Capitol. But the
consecrated fire the vestal virgins took, and fled with it, as
likewise their other sacred things. Some write that they have
nothing in their charge but the ever-living fire which Numa had
ordained to be worshipped as the principle of all things; for fire
is the most active thing in nature, and all production is either
motion, or attended with motion; all the other parts of matter, so
long as they are without warmth, lie sluggish and dead, and require
the accession of a sort of soul or vitality in the principle of
heat; and upon that accession, in whatever way, immediately receive
a capacity either of acting or being acted upon. And thus Numa, a
man curious in such things, and whose wisdom made it thought that he
conversed with the Muses, consecrated fire, and ordained it to be kept
ever burning, as an image of that eternal power which orders and
actuates all things. Others say that this fire was kept burning in
front of the holy things, as in Greece, for purification, and that
there were other things hid in the most secret part of the temple,
which were kept from the view of all, except those virgins whom they
call vestals. The most common opinion was, that the image of Pallas,
brought into Italy by Aeneas, was laid up there; others say that the
Samothracian images lay there, telling a story how that Dardanus
carried them to Troy, and when he had built the city, celebrated those
rites, and dedicated those images there; that after Troy was taken,
Aeneas stole them away, and kept them till his coming into Italy.
But they who profess to know more of the matter affirm that there
are two barrels, not of any great size, one of which stands open and
has nothing in it, the other full and sealed up; but that neither of
them may be seen but by the most holy virgins. Others think that
they who say this are misled by the fact that the virgins put most
of their holy things into two barrels at this time of the Gaulish
invasion, and hid them underground in the temple of Quirinus; and that
from hence that place to this day bears the name of Barrels.
  However it be, taking the most precious and important things they
had, they fled away with them, shaping their course along the
river-side, where Lucius Albinius, a simple citizen of Rome, who among
others was making his escape, overtook them, having his wife,
children, and goods in a cart; and, seeing the virgins, dragging along
in their arms the holy things of the gods, in a helpless and weary
condition, he caused his wife and children to get down, and, taking
out his goods, put the virgins in the cart, that they might make their
escape to some of the Greek cities. This devout act of Albinius, and
the respect he showed thus signally to the gods at a time of such
extremity, deserved not to be passed over in silence. But the
priests that belonged to other gods, and the most elderly of the
senators, men who had been consuls and had enjoyed triumphs, could not
endure to leave the city; but, putting on their sacred and splendid
robes, Fabius the high priest performing the office, they made their
prayers to the gods, and, devoting themselves, as it were, for their
country, sate themselves down in their ivory chairs in the forum,
and in that posture expected the event.
  On the third day after the battle, Brennus appeared with his army at
the city, and, finding the gates wide open and no guards upon the
walls, first began to suspect it was some design or stratagem, never
dreaming that the Romans were in so desperate a condition. But when he
found it to be so indeed, he entered at the Colline gate, and took
Rome, in the three hundred and sixtieth year, or a little more,
after it was built; if, indeed, it can be supposed probable that an
exact chronological statement has been preserved of events which
were themselves the cause of chronological difficulties about things
of later date; of the calamity itself, however, and of the fact of the
capture, some faint rumours seem to have passed at the time into
Greece. Heraclides Ponticus, who lived not long after these times,
in his hook upon the Soul, relates that a certain report came from the
west, that an army, proceeding from the Hyperboreans, had taken a
Greek city called Rome, seated somewhere upon the great sea. But I
do not wonder that so fabulous and high-flown an author as
Heraclides should embellish the truth of the story with expressions
about Hyperboreans and the great sea. Aristotle the philosopher
appears to have heard a correct statement of the taking of the city by
the Gauls, but he calls its deliverer Lucius; whereas Camillus's
surname was not Lucius, but Marcus. But this is a matter of
conjecture.
  Brennus, having taken possession of Rome, set a strong guard about
the Capitol and, going himself down into the forum, was there struck
with amazement at the sight of so many men sitting in that order and
silence observing that they neither rose at his coming, nor so much as
changed colour or countenance, but remained without fear or concern
leaning upon their staves, and sitting quietly, looking at each other.
The Gauls, for a great while, stood wondering at the strangeness of
the sight, not daring to approach or touch them, taking them for an
assembly of superior beings. But when one, bolder than the rest,
drew near to Marcus Papirius, and, putting forth his hand, gently
touched his chin and stroked his long beard, Papirius with his staff
struck him a severe blow on the head; upon which the barbarian drew
his sword and slew him. This was the introduction to the slaughter;
for the rest, following his example, set upon them all and killed
them, and despatched all others that came in their way; and so went on
to the sacking and pillaging the houses, which they continued for many
days ensuing. Afterwards, they burnt them down to the ground and
demolished them, being incensed at those who kept the Capitol, because
they would not yield to summons; but, on the contrary, when
assailed, had repelled them, with some loss, from their defences. This
provoked them to ruin the whole city, and to put to the sword all that
came to their hands, young and old, men, women, and children.
  And now, the siege of the Capitol having lasted a good while, the
Gauls began to be in want of provision; and dividing their forces,
part of them stayed with their king at the siege, the rest went to
forage the country, ravaging the towns and villages where they came,
but not all together in a body, but in different squadrons and
parties; and to such a confidence had success raised them, that they
carelessly rambled about without the least fear or apprehension of
danger. But the greatest and best ordered body of their forces went to
the city of Ardea, where Camillus then sojourned, having, ever since
his leaving Rome, sequestered himself from all business, and taken
to a private life; but now he began to rouse up himself, and
consider not how to avoid or escape the enemy, but to find out an
opportunity to be revenged upon them. And perceiving that the
Ardeatians wanted not men, but rather enterprise, through the
inexperience and timidity of their officers, he began to speak with
the young men, first to the effect that they ought not to ascribe
the misfortune of the Romans to the courage of their enemy, nor
attribute the losses they sustained by rash counsel to the conduct
of men who had no title to victory; the event had been only an
evidence of the power of fortune; that it was a brave thing even
with danger to repel a foreign and barbarous invader whose end in
conquering was, like fire, to lay waste and destroy, but if they would
be courageous and resolute he was ready to put an opportunity into
their hands to gain a victory, without hazard at all. When he found
the young men embraced the thing, he went to the magistrates and
council of the city, and, having persuaded them also, he mustered
all that could bear arms, and drew them up within the walls, that they
might not be perceived by the enemy, who was near; who, having scoured
the country, and returned heavy-laden with booty, lay encamped in
the plains in a careless and negligent posture, so that, with the
night ensuing upon debauch and drunkenness, silence prevailed
through all the camp. When Camillus learned this from his scouts, he
drew out the Ardeatians, and in the dead of the night, passing in
silence over the ground that lay between, came up to their works, and,
commanding his trumpets to sound and his men to shout and halloo, he
struck terror into them from all, quarters; while drunkenness
impeded and sleep retarded their movements. A few, whom fear had
sobered, getting into some order, for a while resisted; and so died
with their weapons in their hands. But the greatest part of them,
buried in wine and sleep, were surprised without their arms, and
despatched; and as many of them as by the advantage of the night got
out of the camp were the next day found scattered abroad and wandering
in the fields, and were picked up by the horse that pursued them.
  The fame of this action soon fled through the neighbouring cities,
and stirred up the young men from various quarters to come and join
themselves with him. But none were so much concerned as those Romans
who escaped in the battle of Allia, and were now at Veii, thus
lamenting with themselves, "O heavens, what a commander has Providence
bereaved Rome of, to honour Ardea with his actions! And that city,
which brought forth and nursed so great a man, is lost and gone, and
we, destitute of a leader and shut up within strange walls, sit
idle, and see Italy ruined before our eyes. Come, let us send to the
Ardeatians to have back our general, or else, with weapons in our
hands, let us go thither to him; for he is no longer a banished man,
nor we citizens, having no country but what is in the possession of
the enemy." To this they all agreed, and sent to Camillus to desire
him to take the command; but he answered, that he would not, until
they that were in the Capitol should legally appoint him; for he
esteemed them, so long as they were in being, to be his country;
that if they should command him he would readily obey; but against
their consent he would intermeddle with nothing. When this answer
was returned, they admired the modesty and temper of Camillus; but
they could not tell how to find a messenger to carry the
intelligence to the Capitol, or rather, indeed, it seemed altogether
impossible for any one to get to the citadel whilst the enemy was in
full possession of the city. But among the young men there was one
Pontius Cominius, of ordinary birth, but ambitious of honour, who
proffered himself to run the hazard, and took no letters with him to
those in the Capitol, lest, if he were intercepted, the enemy might
learn the intentions of Camillus; but, putting on a poor dress and
carrying corks under it, he boldly travelled the greatest part of
the way by day, and came to the city when it was dark; the bridge he
could not pass, as it was guarded by the barbarians; so that taking
his clothes, which were neither many nor heavy, and binding them about
his head, he laid his body upon the corks, and swimming with them, got
over to the city. And avoiding those quarters where he perceived the
enemy was awake, which he guessed at by the lights and noise, he
went to the Carmental gate, where there was greatest silence, and
where the hill of the Capitol is steepest and rises with craggy and
broken rock. By this way he got up, though with much difficulty, by
the hollow of the cliff, and presented himself to the guards, saluting
them, and telling them his name; he was taken in, and carried to the
commanders. And a senate being immediately called, he related to
them in order the victory of Camillus, which they had not heard of
before, and the proceedings of the soldiers, urging them to confirm
Camillus in the command, as on him alone all their fellow-countrymen
outside the city would rely. Having heard and consulted of the matter,
the senate declared Camillus dictator, and sent back Pontius the
same way that he came, who, with the same success as before, got
through the enemy without being discovered, and delivered to the
Romans outside the decision of the senate, who joyfully received it.
Camillus, on his arrival, found twenty thousand of them ready in arms;
with which forces, and those confederates he brought along with him,
he prepared to set upon the enemy.
  But at Rome some of the barbarians, passing by chance near the place
at which Pontius by night had got into the Capitol, spied in several
places marks of feet and hands, where he had laid hold and
clambered, and places where the plants that grew to the rock had
been rubbed off, and the earth had slipped, and went accordingly and
reported it to the king, who, coming in person, and viewing it, for
the present said nothing, but in the evening, picking out such of
the Gauls as were nimblest of body, and by living in the mountains
were accustomed to climb, he said to them, "The enemy themselves
have shown us a way how to come at them, which we knew not of
before, and have taught us that it is not so difficult and
impossible but that men may overcome it. It would be a great shame,
having begun well, to fail in the end, and to give up a place as
impregnable, when the enemy himself lets us see the way by which it
may be taken; for where it was easy for one man to get up, it will not
be hard for many, one after another; nay, when many shall undertake
it, they will be aid and strength to each other. Rewards and honours
shall be bestowed on every man as he shall acquit himself."
  When the king had thus spoken, the Gauls cheerfully undertook to
perform it, and in the dead of night a good party of them together,
with great silence, began to climb the rock, clinging to the
precipitous and difficult ascent, which yet upon trial offered a way
to them, and proved less difficult than they had expected. So that the
foremost of them having gained the top of all, and put themselves into
order, they all but surprised the outworks, and mastered the watch,
who were fast asleep; for neither man nor dog perceived their
coming. But there were sacred geese kept near the temple of Juno,
which at other times were plentifully fed, but now, by reason that
corn and other provisions were grown scarce for all, were but in a
poor condition. The creature is by nature of quick sense, and
apprehensive of the least noise, so that these, being moreover
watchful through hunger, and restless, immediately discovered the
coming of the Gauls, and, running up and down with their noise and
cackling, they raised the whole camp, while the barbarians on the
other side, perceiving themselves discovered, no longer endeavoured to
conceal their attempt, but with shouting and violence advanced to
the assault. The Romans, every one in haste snatching up the next
weapon that came to hand, did what they could on the sudden
occasion. Manlius, a man of consular dignity, of strong body and great
spirit, was the first that made head against them, and, engaging
with two of the enemy at once, with his sword cut off the right arm of
one just as he was lifting up his blade to strike, and, running his
target full in the face of the other, tumbled him headlong down the
steep rock; then mounting the rampart, and there standing with
others that came running to his assistance, drove down the rest of
them, who, indeed, to begin, had not been many, and did nothing worthy
of so bold an attempt. The Romans, having thus escaped this danger,
early in the morning took the captain of the watch and flung him
down the rock upon the heads of their enemies, and to Manlius for
his victory voted a reward, intended more for honour than advantage,
bringing him, each man of them as much as he received for his daily
allowance, which was half a pound of bread and one eighth of a pint of
wine.
  Henceforward, the affairs of the Gauls were daily in a worse and
worse condition; they wanted provisions, being withheld from
foraging through fear of Camillus, and sickness also was amongst them,
occasioned by the number of carcasses that lay in heaps unburied.
Being lodged among the ruins, the ashes, which were very deep, blown
about by the winds and combining with the sultry heats, breathed up,
so to say, a dry and searching air, the inhalation of which was
destructive to their health. But the chief cause was the change from
their natural climate, coming as they did out of shady and hilly
countries, abounding in means of shelter from the heat, to lodge in
low, and, in the autumn season, very unhealthy ground; added to
which was the length and tediousness of the siege, as they had now
sate seven months before the Capitol. There was, therefore, a great
destruction among them, and the number of the dead grew so great
that the living gave up burying them. Neither, indeed, were things
on that account any better with the besieged, for famine increased
upon them, and despondency with not hearing anything of Camillus, it
being impossible to send any one to him, the city was so guarded by
the barbarians. Things being in this sad condition on both sides, a
motion of treaty was made at first by some of the outposts, as they
happened to speak with one another; which being embraced by the
leading men, Sulpicius, tribune of the Romans, came to a parley with
Brennus, in which it was agreed, that the Romans laying down a
thousand weight of gold, the Gauls upon the receipt of it should
immediately quit the city and territories. The agreement being
confirmed by oath on both sides, and the gold brought forth, the Gauls
used false dealing in the weight, secretly at first, but afterwards
openly pulled back and disturbed the balance; at which the Romans
indignantly complaining, Brennus, in a scoffing and insulting
manner, pulled off his sword and belt, and threw them both into the
scales; and when Sulpicius asked what that meant, "What should it
mean," says he, "but woe to the conquered?" which afterwards became
a proverbial saying. As for the Romans, some were so incensed that
they were for taking their gold back again and returning to endure the
siege. Others were for passing by and dissembling a petty injury,
and not to account that the indignity of the thing lay in paying
more than was due, since the paying anything at all was itself a
dishonour only submitted to as a necessity of the times.
  Whilst this difference remained still unsettled, both amongst
themselves and with the Gauls, Camillus was at the gates with his
army; and having learned what was going on, commanded the main body of
his forces to follow slowly after him in good order, and himself
with the choicest of his men hastening on, went at once to the Romans;
where, all giving way to him, and receiving him as their sole
magistrate, with profound silence and order, he took the gold out of
the scales, and delivered it to his officers, and commanded the
Gauls to take their weights and scales and depart; saying that it
was customary with the Romans to deliver their country with iron,
not with gold. And when Brennus began to rage, and say that he was
unjustly dealt with in such a breach of contract, Camillus answered
that it was never legally made, and the agreement of no force or
obligation; for that himself being declared dictator, and there
being no other magistrate by law, the engagement had been made with
men who had no power to enter into it; but now they might say anything
they had to urge, for he was come with full power by law to grant
pardon to such as should ask it, or inflict punishment on the
guilty, if they did not repent. At this, Brennus broke into violent
anger, and an immediate quarrel ensued; both sides drew their swords
and attacked, but in confusion, as could not be otherwise amongst
houses, and in narrow lanes and places where it was impossible to form
in any order. But Brennus, presently recollecting himself, called
off his men, and, with the loss of a few only, brought them to their
camp; and rising in the night with all his forces, left the city, and,
advancing about eight miles, encamped upon the way to Gabii. As soon
as day appeared, Camillus came up with him, splendidly armed
himself, and his soldiers full of courage and confidence; and there
engaging with him in a sharp conflict, which lasted a long while,
overthrew his army with great slaughter, and took their camp. Of those
that fled, some were presently cut off by the pursuers; others, and
these were the greatest number, dispersed hither and thither, and were
despatched by the people that came sallying out from the
neighbouring towns and villages.
  Thus Rome was strangely taken, and more strangely recovered,
having been seven whole months in the possession of the barbarians,
who entered her a little after the Ides of July, and were driven out
about the Ides of February following. Camillus triumphed, as he
deserved, having saved his country that was lost, and brought the
city, so to say, back again to itself. For those that had fled abroad,
together with their wives and children, accompanied him as he rode in;
and those who had been shut up in the Capitol, and were reduced almost
to the point of perishing with hunger, went out to meet him, embracing
each other as they met, and weeping for joy, and, through the excess
of the present pleasure, scarce believing in its truth. And when the
priests and ministers of the gods appeared bearing the sacred
things, which in their flight they had either hid on the spot, or
conveyed away with them, and now openly showed in safety, the citizens
who saw the blessed sight felt as if with these the gods themselves
were again returned unto Rome. After Camillus had sacrificed to the
gods, and purified the city according to the directions of those
properly instructed, he restored the existing temples, and erected a
new one to Rumour, or Voice, informing himself of the spot in which
that voice from heaven came by night to Marcus Caedicius,
foretelling the coming of the barbarian army.
  It was a matter of difficulty, and a hard task, amidst so much
rubbish, to discover and re-determine the consecrated places; but by
the zeal of Camillus, and the incessant labour of the priests, it
was at last accomplished. But when it came also to rebuilding the
city, which was wholly demolished, despondency seized the multitude,
and a backwardness to engage in a work for which they had no
materials; at a time, too, when they rather needed relief and repose
from their past labours, than any new demands upon their exhausted
strength and impaired fortunes. Thus insensibly they turned their
thoughts again towards Veii, a city ready-built and well-provided, and
gave an opening to the arts of flatterers eager to gratify their
desires, and lent their ears to seditious language flung out against
Camillus; as that, out of ambition and self-glory, he withheld them
from a city fit to receive them, forcing them to live in the midst
of ruins, and to re-erect a pile of burnt rubbish, that he might be
esteemed not the chief magistrate only and general of Rome, but, to
the exclusion of Romulus, its founder also. The senate, therefore,
fearing a sedition, would not suffer Camillus, though desirous, to lay
down his authority within the year, though no dictator had ever held
it above six months.
  They themselves, meantime, used their best endeavours, by kind
persuasions and familiar addresses, to encourage and appease the
people, showing them the shrines and tombs of their ancestors, calling
to their remembrance the sacred spots and holy places which Romulus
and Numa or any other of their kings had consecrated and left to their
keeping; and among the strongest religious arguments, urged the
head, newly separated from the body, which was found in laying the
foundation of the Capitol, marking it as a place destined by fate to
be the head of all Italy; and the holy fire which had just been
rekindled again, since the end of the war, by the vestal virgins;
"What a disgrace it would be to them to lose and extinguish this,
leaving the city it belonged to, to be either inhabited by strangers
and new-comers, or left a wild pasture for cattle to graze on?" Such
reasons as these, urged with complaint and expostulation, sometimes in
private upon individuals, and sometimes in their public assemblies,
were met, on the other hand, by laments and protestations of
distress and helplessness; entreaties that, reunited as they just
were, after a sort of shipwreck, naked and destitute, they would not
constrain them to patch up the pieces of a ruined and shattered
city, when they had another at hand ready-built and prepared.
  Camillus thought good to refer it to general deliberation, and
himself spoke largely and earnestly in behalf of his country, as
also many others. At last, calling to Lucius Lucretius, whose place it
was to speak first, he commanded him to give his sentence, and the
rest as they followed, in order. Silence being made, and Lucretius
just about to begin, by chance a centurion passing by outside with his
company of the day-guard called out with a loud voice to the
ensign-bearer to halt and fix his standard, for this was the best
place to stay in. This voice, coming in that moment of time, and at
that crisis of uncertainty and anxiety for the future, was taken as
a direction what was to be done; so that Lucretius, assuming an
attitude of devotion, gave sentence in concurrence with the gods, as
he said, as likewise did all that followed. Even among the common
people it created a wonderful change of feeling; every one now cheered
and encouraged his neighbour, and set himself to the work,
proceeding in it, however, not by any regular lines or divisions,
but every one pitching upon that plot of ground which came next to
hand, or best pleased his fancy; by which haste and hurry in building,
they constructed their city in narrow and ill-designed lanes, and with
houses huddled together one upon another; for it is said that within
the compass of the year the whole city was built up anew, both in
its public walls and private buildings. The persons, however,
appointed by Camillus to resume and mark out, in this general
confusion, all consecrated places, coming, in their way round the
Palatium, to the chapel of Mars, found the chapel itself indeed
destroyed and burnt to the ground, like everything else, by the
barbarians; but whilst they were clearing the place, and carrying away
the rubbish, lit upon Romulus's augural staff, buried under a great
heap of ashes. This sort of staff is crooked at one end, and is called
lituus; they make use of it in quartering out the regions of the
heavens when engaged in divination from the flight of birds;
Romulus, who was himself a great diviner, made use of it. But when
he disappeared from the earth, the priests took his staff and kept it,
as other holy things, from the touch of man; and when they now found
that, whereas all other things were consumed, this staff had
altogether escaped the flames, they began to conceive happier hopes of
Rome, and to augur from this token its future everlasting safety.
  And now they had scarcely got a breathing time from their trouble,
when a new war came upon them; and the Aequians, Volscians, and Latins
all at once invaded their territories, and the Tuscans besieged
Sutrium, their confederate city. The military tribunes who commanded
the army, and were encamped about the hill Maecius, being closely
besieged by the Latins, and the camp in danger to be lost, sent to
Rome, where Camillus was a third time chosen dictator. Of this war two
different accounts are given; I shall begin with the more fabulous.
They say that the Latins (whether out of pretence, or real design to
revive the ancient relationship of the two nations) sent to desire
of the Romans some free-born maidens in marriage; that when the Romans
were at a loss how to determine (for on one hand they dreaded a war,
having scarcely yet settled and recovered themselves, and on the other
side suspected that this asking of wives was, in plain terms,
nothing else but a demand for hostages, though covered over with the
specious name of intermarriage and alliance), a certain handmaid, by
name Tutula, or, as some call her, Philotis, persuaded the magistrates
to send with her some of the most youthful and best-looking
maid-servants, in the bridal dress of noble virgins, and leave the
rest to her care and management; that the magistrates, consenting,
chose out as many as she thought necessary for her purpose, and
adorning them with gold and rich clothes, delivered them to the
Latins, who were encamped not far from the city; that at night the
rest stole away the enemy's swords, but Tutula or Philotis, getting to
the top of a wild fig-tree, and spreading out a thick woollen cloth
behind her, held out a torch towards Rome, which was the signal
concerted between her and the commanders, without the knowledge,
however, of any other of the citizens, which was the reason that their
issuing out from the city was tumultuous, the officers pushing their
men on, and they calling upon one another's names, and scarce able
to bring themselves into order; that setting upon the enemy's works,
who either were asleep or expected no such matter, they took the
camp and destroyed most of them; and that this was done on the Nones
of July, which was then called Quintilis, and that the feast that is
observed on that day is a commemoration of what was then done. For
in it, first, they run out of the city in great crowds, and call out
aloud several familiar and common names, Caius, Marcus, Lucius, and
the like in representation of the way in which they called to one
another when they went out in such haste. In the next place, the
maid-servants, gaily dressed, run about, playing and jesting upon
all they meet, and amongst themselves, also, use a kind of
skirmishing, to show they helped in the conflict against the Latins;
and while eating and drinking, they sit shaded over with boughs of
wild fig-tree, and the day they call Nonae Caprotinae, as some think
from that wild fig-tree on which the maid-servant held up her torch,
the Roman name for a wild fig-tree being caprificus. Others refer most
of what is said or done at this feast to the fate of Romulus, for,
on this day, he vanished outside the gates in a sudden darkness and
storm (some think it an eclipse of the sun), and from this the day was
called Nonae Caprotinae, the Latin for a goat being capra, and the
place where he disappeared having the name of Goat's Marsh, as is
stated in his life.
  But the general stream of writers prefer the other account of this
war, which they thus relate. Camillus, being the third time chosen
dictator, and learning that the army under the tribunes was besieged
by the Latins and Volscians, was constrained to arm, not only those
under, but also those over, the age of service; and taking a large
circuit round the mountain Maecius, undiscovered by the enemy,
lodged his army on their rear, and then by many fires gave notice of
his arrival. The besieged, encouraged by this, prepared to sally forth
and join battle; but the Latins and Volscians, fearing this exposure
to an enemy on both sides, drew themselves within their works, and
fortified their camp with a strong palisade of trees on every side,
resolving to wait for more supplies from home, and expecting, also,
the assistance of the Tuscans, their confederates. Camillus, detecting
their object, and fearing to be reduced to the same position to
which he had brought them, namely, to be besieged himself, resolved to
lose no time: and finding their rampart was all of timber, and
observing that a strong wind constantly at sun-rising blew off from
the mountains, after having prepared a quantity of combustibles, about
break of day he drew forth his forces, commanding a part with their
missiles to assault the enemy with noise and shouting on the other
quarter, whilst he, with those that were to fling in the fire, went to
that side of the enemy's camp to which the wind usually blew, and
there waited his opportunity. When the skirmish was begun, and the sun
risen, and a strong wind set in from the mountains, he gave the signal
of onset; and heaving in an infinite quantity of fiery matter,
filled all their rampart with it, so that the flame being fed by the
close timber and wooden palisades, went on and spread into all
quarters. The Latins, having nothing ready to keep it off or
extinguish it, when the camp was now almost full of fire, were
driven back within a very small compass, and at last forced by
necessity to come into their enemy's hands, who stood before the works
ready armed and prepared to receive them; of these very few escaped,
while those that stayed in the camp were all a prey to the fire, until
the Romans, to gain the pillage, extinguished it.
  These things performed, Camillus, leaving his son Lucius in the camp
to guard the prisoners and secure the booty, passed into the enemy's
country, where, having taken the city of the Aequians and reduced
the Volscians to obedience, he then immediately led his army to
Sutrium, not having heard what had befallen the Sutrians, but making
haste to assist them, as if they were still in danger and besieged
by the Tuscans. They, however, had already surrendered their city to
their enemies, and destitute of all things, with nothing left but
their clothes, met Camillus on the way, leading their wives and
children, and bewailing their misfortune. Camillus himself was
struck with compassion, and perceiving the soldiers weeping, and
commiserating their case, while the Sutrians hung about and clung to
them, resolved not to defer revenge, but that very day to lead his
army to Sutrium; conjecturing that the enemy, having just taken a rich
and plentiful city, without an enemy left within it, nor any from
without to be expected, would be found abandoned to enjoyment and
unguarded. Neither did his opinion fail him; he not only passed
through their country without discovery, but came up to their very
gates and possessed himself of the walls, not a man being left to
guard them, but their whole army scattered about in the houses,
drinking and making merry. Nay, when at last they did perceive that
the enemy had seized the city, they were so overloaded with meat and
wine, that few were able so much as to endeavour to escape, but either
waited shamefully for their death within doors, or surrendered
themselves to the conqueror. Thus the city of the Sutrians was twice
taken in one day; and they who were in possession lost it, and they
who had lost regained it, alike by the means of Camillus. For all
which actions he received a triumph, which brought him no less
honour and reputation than the two former ones; for those citizens who
before most regarded him with an evil eye, and ascribed his
successes to a certain luck rather than real merit, were compelled
by these last acts of his to allow the whole honour to his great
abilities and energy.
  Of all the adversaries and enviers of his glory, Marcus Manlius
was the most distinguished, he who first drove back the Gauls when
they made their night attack upon the Capitol, and who for that reason
had been named Capitolinus. This man, affecting the first place in the
commonwealth, and not able by noble ways to outdo Camillus's
reputation, took that ordinary course towards usurpation of absolute
power, namely, to gain the multitude, those of them especially that
were in debt; defending some by pleading their causes against their
creditors, rescuing others by force, and not suffering the law to
proceed against them; insomuch that in a short time he got great
numbers of indigent people about him, whose tumults and uproars in the
forum struck terror into the principal citizens. After that Quintius
Capitolinus, who was made dictator to suppress these disorders, had
committed Manlius to prison, the people immediately changed their
apparel, a thing never done but in great and public calamities, and
the senate, fearing some tumult, ordered him to be released. He,
however, when set at liberty, changed not his course, but was rather
the more insolent in his proceedings, filling the whole city with
faction and sedition. They chose, therefore, Camillus again military
tribune; and a day being appointed for Manlius to answer to his
charge, the prospect from the place where his trial was held proved
a great impediment to his accusers, for the very spot where Manlius by
night fought with the Gauls overlooked the forum from the Capitol,
so that, stretching forth his hands that way, and weeping, he called
to their remembrance his past actions, raising compassion in all
that beheld him. Insomuch that the judges were at a loss what to do,
and several times adjourned the trial, unwilling to acquit him of
the crime, which was sufficiently proved, and yet unable to execute
the law while his noble action remained, as it were, before their
eyes. Camillus, considering this, transferred the court outside the
gate to the Peteline Grove, from whence there is no prospect of the
Capitol. Here his accuser went on with his charge, and his judges were
capable of remembering and duly resenting his guilty deeds. He was
convicted, carried to the Capitol, and flung headlong from the rock;
so that one and the same spot was thus the witness of his greatest
glory, and monument of his most unfortunate end. The Romans,
besides, razed his house, and built there a temple to the goddess they
call Moneta, ordaining for the future that none of the patrician order
should ever dwell on the Capitoline.
  And now Camillus, being called to his sixth tribuneship, desired
to be excused, as being aged, and perhaps not unfearful of the
malice of fortune, and those reverses which seem to ensue upon great
prosperity. But the most apparent pretence was the weakness of his
body, for he happened at that time to be sick; the people, however,
would admit of no excuses, but, crying that they wanted not his
strength for horse or for foot service, but only his counsel and
conduct, constrained him to undertake the command, and with one of his
fellow-tribunes to lead the army immediately against the enemy.
These were the Praenestines and Volscians, who, with large forces,
were laying waste the territory of the Roman confederates. Having
marched out with his army, he sat down and encamped near the enemy,
meaning himself to protract the war, or if there should come any
necessity or occasion of fighting, in the meantime to regain his
strength. But Lucius Furius, his colleague, carried away with the
desire of glory, was not to be held in, but, impatient to give battle,
inflamed the inferior officers of the army with the same eagerness; so
that Camillus, fearing he might seem out of envy to be wishing to
rob the young men of the glory of a noble exploit, consented, though
unwillingly, that he should draw out the forces, whilst himself, by
reason of weakness, stayed behind with a few in the camp. Lucius,
engaging rashly, was discomfited, when Camillus, perceiving the Romans
to give ground and fly, could not contain himself, but, leaping from
his bed, with those he had about him ran to meet them at the gates
of the camp, making his way through the flyers to oppose the pursuers;
so that those who had got within the camp turned back at once and
followed him, and those that came flying from without made head
again and gathered about him, exhorting one another not to forsake
their general. Thus the enemy, for that time, was stopped in his
pursuit. The next day Camillus, drawing out his forces and joining
battle with them, overthrew them by main force, and, following close
upon them, entered pell-mell with them into their camp, and took it,
slaying the greatest part of them. Afterwards, having heard that the
city Satricum was taken by the Tuscans, and the inhabitants, all
Romans, put to the sword he sent home to Rome the main body of his
forces and heaviest-armed, and taking with him the lightest and most
vigorous soldiers, set suddenly upon the Tuscans, who were in the
possession of the city, and mastered them, slaying some and
expelling the rest; and so, returning to Rome with great spoils,
gave signal evidence of their superior wisdom, who, not mistrusting
the weakness and age of a commander endued with courage and conduct,
had rather chosen him who was sickly and desirous to be excused,
than younger men who were forward and ambitious to command.
  When, therefore, the revolt of the Tusculans was reported, they gave
Camillus the charge of reducing them, choosing one of his five
colleagues to go with him. And when every one was eager for the place,
contrary to the expectation of all, he passed by the rest and chose
Lucius Furius, the very same man who lately, against the judgment of
Camillus, had rashly hazarded and nearly lost a battle; willing, as it
should seem, to dissemble that miscarriage, and free him from the
shame of it. The Tusculans, hearing of Camillus's coming against them,
made a cunning attempt at revoking their act of revolt; their
fields, as in times of highest peace, were full of ploughmen and
shepherds; their gates stood wide open, and their children were
being taught in the schools; of the people, such as were trades-men,
he found in their workshops, busied about their several employments,
and the better sort of citizens walking in the public places in
their ordinary dress; the magistrates hurried about to provide
quarters for the Romans, as if they stood in fear of no danger and
were conscious of no fault. Which arts, though they could not
dispossess Camillus of the conviction he had of their treason, yet
induced some compassion for their repentance; he commanded them to
go to the senate and deprecate their anger, and joined himself as an
intercessor in their behalf, so that their city was acquitted of all
guilt and admitted to Roman citizenship. These were the most memorable
actions of his sixth tribuneship.
  After these things, Licinius Stolo raised a great sedition in the
city, and brought the people to dissension with the senate,
contending, that of two consuls one should be chosen out of the
commons, and not both out of the patricians. Tribunes of the people
were chosen, but the election of consuls was interrupted and prevented
by the people. And as this absence of any supreme magistrate was
leading to yet further confusion, Camillus was the fourth time created
dictator by the senate, sorely against the people's will, and not
altogether in accordance with his own; he had little desire for a
conflict with men whose past services entitled them to tell him that
he had achieved far greater actions in war along with them than in
politics with the patricians, who, indeed, had only put him forward
now out of envy; that, if successful, he might crush the people, or
failing, be crushed himself. However, to provide as good a remedy as
he could for the present, knowing the day on which the tribunes of the
people intended to prefer the law, he appointed it by proclamation for
a general muster, and called the people from the forum into the
Campus, threatening to set heavy fines upon such as should not obey.
On the other side, the tribunes of the people met his threats by
solemnly protesting they would fine him in fifty thousand drachmas
of silver, if he persisted in obstructing the people from giving their
suffrages for the law. Whether it were, then, that he feared another
banishment or condemnation, which would ill become his age and past
great actions, or found himself unable to stem the current of the
multitude, which ran strong and violent, he betook himself, for the
present, to his house, and afterwards, for some days together
professing sickness, finally laid down his dictatorship. The senate
created another dictator; who, choosing Stolo, leader of the sedition,
to be his general of horse, suffered that law to be enacted and
ratified, which was most grievous to the patricians, namely, that no
person whatsoever should possess above five hundred acres of land.
Stolo was much distinguished by the victory he had gained; but, not
long after, was found himself to possess more than he had allowed to
others, and suffered the penalties of his own law.
  And now the contention about election of consuls coming on (which
was the main point and original cause of the dissension, and had
throughout furnished most matter of division between the senate and
the people), certain intelligence arrived, that the Gauls again,
proceeding from the Adriatic Sea, were marching in vast numbers upon
Rome. On the very heels of the report followed manifest acts also of
hostility; the country through which they marched was all wasted,
and such as by flight could not make their escape to Rome were
dispersing and scattering among the mountains. The terror of this
war quieted the sedition; nobles and commons, senate and people
together unanimously chose Camillus the fifth time dictator; who,
though very aged, not wanting much of fourscore years, yet,
considering the danger and necessity of his country, did not, as
before, pretend sickness, or depreciate his own capacity, but at
once undertook the charge and enrolled soldiers. And, knowing that the
great force of the barbarians lay chiefly in their swords, with
which they laid about them in a rude and inartificial manner,
hacking and hewing the head and shoulders, he caused head-pieces
entire iron to be made for most of his men, smoothing and polishing
the outside, that the enemy's swords, lighting upon them, might either
slide off or be broken; and fitted also their shields with a little
rim of brass, the wood itself not being sufficient to bear off the
blows. Besides, he taught his soldiers to use their long javelins in
close encounter, and, by bringing them under their enemy's swords,
to receive their strokes upon them.
  When the Gauls drew near, about the river Anio, dragging a heavy
camp after them, and loaded with infinite spoil, Camillus drew forth
his forces, and planted himself upon a hill of easy ascent, and
which had many dips in it, with the object that the greatest of his
army might lie concealed, and those who appeared might be thought to
have betaken themselves, through fear, to those upper grounds. And the
more to increase this opinion in them, he suffered them, without any
disturbance, to spoil and pillage even to his very trenches, keeping
himself quiet within his works, which were well fortified; till, at
last, perceiving that part of the enemy were scattered about the
country foraging, and that those that were in the camp did nothing day
and night but drink and revel, in the night-time he drew up his
lightest-armed men, and sent them out before to impede the enemy while
forming into order, and to harass them when they should first issue
out of their camp; and early in the morning brought down his main
body, and set them in battle array in the lower grounds, a numerous
and courageous army, not, as the barbarians had supposed, an
inconsiderable and fearful division. The first thing that shook the
courage of the Gauls was, that their enemies had, contrary to their
expectation, the honour of being aggressors. In the next place, the
light-armed men, falling upon them before they could get into their
usual order or range themselves in their proper squadrons, so
disturbed and pressed upon them, that they were obliged to fight at
random, without any order at all. But at last, when Camillus brought
on his heavy-armed legions, the barbarians, with their swords drawn,
went vigorously to engage them; the Romans, however, opposing their
javelins and receiving the force of their blows on those parts of
their defences which were well guarded with steel, turned the edge
of their weapons, being made of soft and ill-tempered metal, so that
their swords bent and doubled up in their hands; and their shields
were pierced through and through, and grew heavy with the javelins
that struck upon them. And thus forced to quit their own weapons, they
endeavoured to take advantage of those of their enemies, laid hold
of the javelins with their hands, and tried to pluck them away. But
the Romans, perceiving them now naked and defenceless, betook
themselves to their swords, which they so well used, that in a
little time great slaughter was made in the foremost ranks, while
the rest fled over all parts of the level country; the hills and upper
grounds Camillus had secured beforehand, and their camp they knew it
would not be difficult for the enemy to take, as, through confidence
of victory, they had left it unguarded. This fight, it is stated,
was thirteen years after the sacking of Rome; and from henceforward
the Romans took courage, and surmounted the apprehensions they had
hitherto entertained of the barbarians, whose previous defeat they had
attributed rather to pestilence and a concurrence of mischances than
to their own superior valour. And, indeed, this fear had been formerly
so great that they made a law, that priests should be excused from
service in war, unless in an invasion from the Gaul.
  This was the last military action that ever Camillus performed;
for the voluntary surrender of the city of the Velitrani was but a
mere accessory to it. But the greatest of all civil contests, and
the hardest to be managed, was still to be fought out against the
people; who, returning home full of victory and success, insisted,
contrary to established law, to have one of the consuls chosen out
of their own body. The senate strongly opposed it, and would not
suffer Camillus to lay down his dictatorship, thinking that, under the
shelter of his great name and authority, they should be better able to
contend for the power of his aristocracy. But when Camillus was
sitting upon the tribunal, despatching public affairs, an officer,
sent by the tribunes of the people, commanded him to rise and follow
him, laying his hand upon him, as ready to seize and carry him away;
upon which, such a noise and tumult as was never heard before filled
the whole forum; some that were about Camillus thrusting the officer
from the bench, and the multitude below calling out to him to bring
Camillus down. Being at a loss what to do in these difficulties, he
yet laid not down his authority, but, taking the senators along with
him, he went to the senate-house; but before he entered, besought
the gods that they would bring these troubles to a happy conclusion,
solemnly vowing, when the tumult was ended, to build a temple to
Concord. A great conflict of opposite opinions arose in the senate;
but, at last, the most moderate and most acceptable to the people
prevailed, and consent was given, that of two consuls, one should be
chosen from the commonalty. When the dictator proclaimed this
determination of the senate to the people, at the moment pleased and
reconciled with the senate, as indeed could not otherwise be, they
accompanied Camillus home, with all expressions and acclamations of
joy; and the next day, assembling together, they voted a temple of
Concord to be built, according to Camillus's vow, facing the
assembly and the forum; and to the feasts, called the Latin
holidays, they added one day more, making four in all; and ordained
that, on the present occasion, the whole people of Rome should
sacrifice with garlands on their heads.
  In the election of consuls held by Camillus, Marcus Aemilius was
chosen of the patricians, and Lucius Sextius the first of the
commonalty; and this was the last of all Camillus's actions. In the
year following, a pestilential sickness infected Rome, which,
besides an infinite number of the common people, swept away most of
the magistrates, among whom was Camillus; whose death cannot be called
immature, if we consider his great age, or greater actions, yet was he
more lamented than all the rest put together that then died of that
distemper.


                                THE END