The CDPD Public Domain Collection for CDTV 3/CDPDIII.bin/books/plutarch/aristides

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                                      75 AD
                                   ARISTIDES
                                 530?-468? B.C.
                                  by Plutarch
                           translated by John Dryden
ARISTIDES

  ARISTIDES, the son of Lysimachus, was of the tribe Antiochis, and
township of Alopece. As to wealth, statements differ; some say he
passed his life in extreme poverty, and left behind him two
daughters whose indigence long kept them unmarried; but Demetrius, the
Phalerian, in opposition to this general report, professes in his
Socrates to know a farm at Phalerum going by Aristides's name, where
he was interred; and, as marks of his opulence, adduces first, the
office of archon eponymus, which he obtained by the lot of the bean;
which was confined to the highest assessed families, called the
Pentacosiomedimni; second, the ostracism, which was not usually
inflicted on the poorer citizens, but on those of great houses,
whose station exposed them to envy; third and last, that he left
certain tripods in the temple of Bacchus, offerings for his victory in
conducting the representation of dramatic performances, which were
even in our age still to be seen, retaining this inscription upon
them, "The tribe Antiochis obtained the victory: Aristides defrayed
the charges: Archestratus's play was acted." But this argument, though
in appearance the strongest, is of the least moment of any. For
Epaminondas, who all the world knows was educated, and lived his whole
life in much poverty, and also Plato, the philosopher, exhibited
magnificent shows, the one an entertainment of flute-players, the
other of dithyrambic singers; Dion, the Syracusan, supplying the
expenses of the latter, and Pelopidas those of Epaminondas. For good
men do not allow themselves in any inveterate and irreconcilable
hostility to receiving presents from their friends, but while
looking upon those that are accepted to be hoarded up and with
avaricious intentions as sordid and mean, they do not refuse such
as, apart from all profit, gratify the pure love of honour and
magnificence. Panaetius, again, shows that Demetrius was deceived
concerning the tripod by an identity of name. For, from the Persian
war to the end of the Peloponnesian, there are upon record only two of
the name of Aristides who defrayed the expense of representing plays
and gained the prize, neither of which was the same with the son of
Lysimachus; but the father of the one was Xenophilus, and the other
lived at a much later time, as the way of writing, which is that in
use since the time of Euclides, and the addition of the name of
Archestratus prove, a name which, in the time of the Persian war, no
writer mentions, but which several, during the Peloponnesian war,
record as that of a dramatic poet. The argument of Panaetius
requires to be more closely considered. But as for the ostracism,
every one was liable to it, whom his reputation, birth, or eloquence
raised above the common level; insomuch that even Damon, preceptor
to Pericles, was thus banished, because he seemed a man of more than
ordinary sense. And, moreover, Idomeneus says that Aristides was not
made archon by the lot of the bean, but the free election of the
people. And if he held the office after the battle of Plataea, as
Demetrius himself has written, it is very probable that his great
reputation and success in the war made him be preferred for his virtue
to an office which others received in consideration of their wealth.
But Demetrius manifestly is eager not only to exempt Aristides, but
Socrates likewise, from poverty, as from a great evil; telling us that
the latter had not only a house of his own, but also seventy minae put
out at interest with Crito.
  Aristides being the friend and supporter of that Clisthenes, who
settled the government after the expulsion of the tyrants, and
emulating and admiring Lycurgus, the Lacedaemonian, above all
politicians, adhered to the aristocratical principles of government;
and had Themistocles, son to Neocles, his adversary on the side of the
populace. Some say that, being boys and bred up together from their
infancy, they were always at variance with each other in all their
words and actions, as well serious as playful, and that in this
their early contention they soon made proof of their natural
inclinations; the one being ready, adventurous, and subtle, engaging
readily and eagerly in everything; the other of a staid and settled
temper, intent on the exercise of justice, not admitting any degree of
falsity, indecorum, or trickery, no, not so much as at his play.
Ariston of Chios says the first origin of the enmity which rose to
so great a height was a love affair; they were rivals for the
affection of the beautiful Stesilaus of Ceos, and were passionate
beyond all moderation, and did not lay aside their animosity when
the beauty that had excited it passed away; but, as if it had only
exercised them in it, immediately carried their beats and
differences into public business.
  Themistocles, therefore, joining an association of partisans,
fortified himself with considerable strength; insomuch that when
some one told him that were he impartial he would make a good
magistrate; "I wish," replied he, "I may never sit on that tribunal
where my friends shall not plead a greater privilege than
strangers." But Aristides walked, so to say, alone on his own path
in politics, being unwilling, in the first place, to go along with his
associates in ill-doing, or to cause them vexation by not gratifying
their wishes; and, secondly, observing that many were encouraged by
the support they had in their friends to act injuriously, he was
cautious; being of opinion that the integrity of his words and actions
was the only right security for a good citizen.
  However, Themistocles making many dangerous alterations, and
withstanding and interrupting him in the whole series of his
actions, Aristides also was necessitated to set himself against all
Themistocles did, partly in self-defence, and partly to impede his
power from still increasing by the favour of the multitude;
esteeming it better to let slip some public conveniences, rather
than that he by prevailing should become powerful in all things. In
fine, when he once had opposed Themistocles in some measures that were
expedient, and had got the better of him, he could not refrain from
saying, when he left the assembly, that unless they sent
Themistocles and himself to the barathum, there could be no safety for
Athens. Another time, when urging some proposal upon the people,
though there were much opposition and stirring against it, he yet
was gaining the day; but just as the president of the assembly was
about to put it to the vote, perceiving by what had been said in
debate the inexpediency of his advice, he let it fall. Also he often
brought in his bills by other persons, lest Themistocles, through
party spirit against him, should be any hindrance to the good of the
public.
  In all the vicissitudes of public affairs, the constancy he showed
was admirable, not being elated with honours, and demeaning himself
tranquilly and sedately in adversity; holding the opinion that he
ought to offer himself to the service of his country without mercenary
views and irrespectively of any reward, not only of riches, but even
of glory itself. Hence it came, probably, that at the recital of these
verses of Aeschylus in the theatre, relating to Amphiaraus-

         "For not at seeming just, but being so
          He aims; and from his depth of soil below
          Harvests of wise and prudent counsels grow,

the eyes of all the spectators turned on Aristides, as if this virtue,
in an especial manner, belonged to him.
  He was a most determined champion for justice, not only against
feelings of friendship and favour, but wrath and malice. Thus it is
reported of him that when prosecuting the law against one who was
his enemy, on the judges after accusation refusing to hear the
criminal, and proceeding immediately to pass sentence upon him, he
rose in haste from his seat and joined in petition with him for a
hearing, and that he might enjoy the privilege of the law. Another
time, when judging between two private persons, on the one declaring
his adversary had very much injured Aristides; "Tell me rather, good
friend," he said, "what wrong he has done you; for it is your cause,
not my own, which I now sit judge of." Being chosen to the charge of
the public revenue, he made it appear, that not only those of his
time, but the preceding officers, had alienated much treasure, and
especially Themistocles-

        "Well known he was an able man to be,
         But with his fingers apt to be too free."

  Therefore, Themistocles associating several persons against
Aristides, and impeaching him when he gave in his accounts, caused him
to be condemned of robbing the public; so Idomeneus states; but the
best and chiefest men of the city much resenting it, he was not only
exempted from the fine imposed upon him, but likewise again called
to the same employment. Pretending now to repent him of his former
practice, and carrying himself with more remissness, he became
acceptable to such as pillaged the treasury by not detecting or
calling them to an exact account. So that those who had their fill
of the public money began highly to applaud Aristides, and sued to the
people making interest to have him once more chosen treasurer. But
when they were upon the point of election, he reproved the
Athenians. "When I discharged my office well and faithfully," said he,
"I was insulted and abused; but now that I have allowed the public
thieves in a variety of malpractices, I am considered an admirable
patriot. I am more ashamed, therefore, of this present honour than
of the former sentence; and I commiserate your condition, with whom it
is more praiseworthy to oblige ill men than to conserve the revenue of
the public." Saying thus, and proceeding to expose the thefts that had
been committed, he stopped the mouths of those who cried him up and
vouched for him, but gained real and true commendations from the
best men.
  When Datis, being sent by Darius under pretence of punishing the
Athenians for their burning of Sardis, but in reality to reduce the
Greeks under his dominion, landed at Marathon and laid waste the
country, among the ten commanders appointed by the Athenians for the
war, Miltiades was of the greatest name; but the second place, both
for reputation and power, was possessed by Aristides; and when his
opinion to join battle was added to that of Miltiades, it did much
to incline the balance. Every leader by his day having the command
in chief, when it came to Aristides's turn he delivered it into the
hands of Miltiades, showing his fellow-officers that it is not
dishonourable to obey and follow wise and able men, but, on the
contrary, noble and prudent. So appeasing their rivalry, and
bringing them to acquiesce in one and the best advice, he confirmed
Miltiades in the strength of an undivided and unmolested authority.
For now every one, yielding his day of command, looked for orders only
to him. During the fight the main body of the Athenians being the
hardest put to it, the barbarians, for a long time, making
opposition there against the tribes Leontis and Antiochis,
Themistocles and Aristides being ranged together fought valiantly; the
one being of the tribe Leontis, the other of the Antiochis. But
after they had beaten the barbarians back to their ships, and
perceived that they sailed not for the isles, but were driven in by
the force of sea and wind towards the country of Attica, fearing
lest they should take the city, unprovided of defence, they hurried
away thither with nine tribes, and reached it the same day. Aristides,
being left with his tribe at Marathon to guard the plunder and
prisoners, did not disappoint the opinion they had of him. Amidst
the profusion of gold and silver, all sorts of apparel, and other
property, more than can be mentioned, that were in the tents and the
vessels which they had taken, he neither felt the desire to meddle
with anything himself, nor suffered others to do it; unless it might
be some who took away anything unknown to him; as Callias, the
torch-bearer, did. One of the barbarians, it seems, prostrated himself
before this man, supposing him to be a king by his hair and fillet;
and, when he had so done, taking him by the hand, showed him a great
quantity of gold hid in a ditch. But Callias, most cruel and impious
of men, took away the treasure, but slew the man, lest he should
tell of him. Hence, they say, the comic poets gave his family the name
of Laccopluti, or enriched by the ditch, alluding to the place where
Callias found the gold. Aristides, immediately after this, was archon;
although Demetrius, the Phalerian, says he held the office a little
before he died after the battle of Plataea. But in the records of
the successors of Xanthippides, in whose year Mardonius was overthrown
at Plataea, amongst very many there mentioned, there is not so much as
one of the same name as Aristides; while immediately after Phaenippus,
during whose term of office they obtained the victory of Marathon,
Aristides is registered.
  Of all his virtues, the common people were most affected with his
justice, because of its continual and common use; and thus, although
of mean fortune and ordinary birth, he possessed himself of the most
kingly and divine appellation of just: which kings, however, and
tyrants have never sought after; but have taken delight to be surnamed
besiegers of cities, thunderers, conquerors, or eagles again, and
hawks; affecting, it seems, the reputation which proceeds from power
and violence, rather than that of virtue. Although the divinity, to
whom they desire to compare and assimilate themselves, excels, it is
supposed, in three things, immortality, power, and virtue; of which
three the noblest and divinest is virtue. For the elements and
vacuum have an everlasting existence; earthquakes, thunders, storms,
and torrents have great power; but in justice and equity nothing
participates except by means of reason and the knowledge of that which
is divine. And thus, taking the three varieties of feeling commonly
entertained towards the deity, the sense of his happiness, fear, and
honour of him, people would seem to think him blest and happy for
his exemption from death and corruption, to fear and dread him for his
power and dominion, but to love, honour, and adore him for his
justice. Yet though thus disposed, they covet that immortality which
our nature is not capable of, and that power the greatest part of
which is at the disposal of fortune; but give virtue, the only
divine good really in our reach, the last place, most unwisely;
since justice makes the life of such as are in prosperity, power,
and authority the life of a god, and injustice turns it to that of a
beast.
  Aristides, therefore, had at first the fortune to be beloved for
this surname, but at length envied. Especially when Themistocles
spread a rumour amongst the people that, by determining and judging
all matters privately, he had destroyed the courts of judicature,
and was secretly making way for a monarchy in his own person,
without the assistance of guards. Moreover the spirit of the people,
now grown high, and confident with their late victory, naturally
entertained feelings of dislike to all of more than common fame and
reputation. Coming together, therefore, from all parts into the
city, they banished Aristides by the ostracism, giving their
jealousy of his reputation the name of fear of tyranny. For
ostracism was not the punishment of any criminal act, but was
speciously said to be the mere depression and humiliation of excessive
greatness and power; and was in fact a gentle relief and mitigation of
envious feeling, which was thus allowed to vent itself in inflicting
no intolerable injury, only a ten years' banishment. But after it came
to be exercised upon base and villainous fellows, they desisted from
it; Hyperbolus being the last whom they banished by the ostracism.
  The cause of Hyperbolus's banishment is said to have been this.
Alcibiades and Nicias, men that bore the greatest sway in the city,
were of different factions. As the people, therefore, were about to
vote the ostracism, and obviously to decree it against one of them
consulting together and uniting their parties they contrived the
banishment of Hyperbolus. Upon which the people, being offended, as if
some contempt or affront was put upon the thing left off and quite
abolished it. It was performed, to be short, in this manner. Every one
taking an ostracon, a sherd, that is, or piece of earthenware, wrote
upon it the citizen's name he would have banished, and carried it to a
certain part of the market-place surrounded with wooden rails.
First, the magistrates numbered all the sherds in gross (for if
there were less than six thousand, the ostracism was imperfect); then,
laying every name by itself, they pronounced him whose name was
written by the larger number banished for ten years, with the
enjoyment of his estate. As therefore, they were writing the names
on the sherds, it is reported that an illiterate clownish fellow,
giving Aristides his sherd, supposing him a common citizen, begged him
to write Aristides upon it; and he being surprised and asking if
Aristides had ever done him any injury, "None at all," said he,
"neither know I the man; but I am tired of hearing him everywhere
called the just." Aristides, hearing this, is said to have made no
reply, but returned the sherd with his own name inscribed. At his
departure from the city, lifting up his hands to heaven, he made a
prayer (the reverse, it would seem, of that of Achilles), that the
Athenians might never have any occasion which should constrain them to
remember Aristides.
  Nevertheless, three years after, when Xerxes marched through
Thessaly and Boeotia into the country of Attica, repealing the law,
they decreed the return of the banished: chiefly fearing Aristides,
lest, joining himself to the enemy, he should corrupt and bring over
many of his fellow-citizens to the party of the barbarians; much
mistaking the man, who, already before the decree, was exerting
himself to excite and encourage the Greeks to the defence of their
liberty. And afterwards, when Themistocles was general with absolute
power, he assisted him in all ways both in action and counsel;
rendering, in consideration of the common security, the greatest enemy
he had the most glorious of men. For when Eurybiades was
deliberating to desert the isle of Salamis, and the galleys of the
barbarians putting out by night to sea surrounded and beset the narrow
passage and islands, and nobody was aware how they were environed,
Aristides, with great hazard, sailed from Aegina through the enemy's
fleet; and coming by night to Themistocles's tent and calling him
out by himself; "if we have any discretion," said he, "Themistocles,
laying aside at this time our vain and childish contention, let us
enter upon a safe and honourable dispute, vying with each other for
the preservation of Greece; you in the ruling and commanding, I in the
subservient and advising part; even indeed, as I now understand you to
be alone adhering to the best advice, in counselling without any delay
to engage in the straits. And in this, though our own party oppose,
the enemy seems to assist you. For the sea behind, and all around
us, is covered with their fleet; so that we are under a necessity of
approving ourselves men of courage, and fighting whether we will or
no; for there is no room left us for flight." To which Themistocles
answered, "I would not willingly, Aristides, be overcome by you on
this occasion; and shall endeavour, in emulation of this good
beginning, to outdo it in my actions." Also relating to him the
stratagem he had framed against the barbarians, he entreated him to
persuade Eurybiades and show him how it was impossible they should
save themselves without an engagement; as he was the more likely to be
believed. Whence, in the council of war, Cleocritus, the Corinthian,
telling Themistocles that Aristides did not like his advice as he
was present and said nothing, Aristides answered, That he should not
have held his peace if Themistocles had not been giving the best
advice; and that he was now silent not out of any good-will to the
person, but in approbation of his counsel.
  Thus the Greek captains were employed. But Aristides perceiving
Psyttalea, a small island that lies within the straits over against
Salamis, to be filled by a body of the enemy, put aboard his small
boats the most forward and courageous of his countrymen, and went
ashore upon it; and, joining battle with the barbarians, slew them
all, except such more remarkable persons as were taken alive.
Amongst these were three children of Sandauce, the king's sister, whom
he immediately sent away to Themistocles, and it is stated that, in
accordance with a certain oracle, they were by the command of
Euphrantides, the seer, sacrificed to Bacchus, called Omestes, or
the devourer. But Aristides, placing armed men all around the
island, lay in wait for such as were cast upon it, to the intent
that none of his friends should perish, nor any of his enemies escape.
For the closest engagement of the ships, and the main fury of the
whole battle, seems to been about this place; for which reason a
trophy was erected in Psyttalea.
  After the fight, Themistocles, to sound Aristides, told him they had
performed a good piece of service, but there was a better yet to be
done, the keeping Asia in Europe, by sailing forthwith to the
Hellespont and cutting in sunder the bridge. But Aristides, with an
exclamation, bid him think no more of it, but deliberate and find
out means for removing the Mede, as quickly as possible, out of
Greece; lest being enclosed, through want of means to escape,
necessity should compel him to force his way with so great an army. So
Themistocles once more despatched Arnaces, the eunuch, his prisoner,
giving him in command privately to advertise the king that he had
diverted the Greeks from their intention of setting sail for the
bridges, out of the desire he felt to preserve him.
  Xerxes, being much terrified with this, immediately hasted to the
Hellespont. But Mardonius was left with the most serviceable part of
the army, about three hundred thousand men, and was a formidable
enemy, confident in his infantry and writing messages of defiance to
the Greeks: "You have overcome by sea men accustomed to fight on land,
and unskilled at the oar; but there lies now the open country of
Thessaly; and the plains of Boeotia offer a broad and worthy field for
brave men, either horse or foot, to contend in." But he sent privately
to the Athenians, both by letter and word of mouth from the king,
promising to rebuild their city, to give them a vast sum of money, and
constitute them lords of all Greece, on condition they were not
engaged in the war. The Lacedaemonians, receiving news of this, and
fearing, despatched an embassy to the Athenians, entreating that
they would send their wives and children to Sparta, and receive
support from them for their superannuated. For, being despoiled both
of their city and country, the people were suffering extreme distress.
Having given audience to the ambassadors, they returned an answer,
upon the motion of Aristides, worthy of the highest admiration;
declaring, that they forgave their enemies if they thought all
things purchasable by wealth, than which they knew nothing of
greater value; but that they felt offended at the Lacedaemonians for
looking only to their present poverty and exigence, without any
remembrance of their valour and magnanimity, offering them their
victuals to fight in the cause of Greece. Aristides, making this
proposal and bringing back the ambassadors into the assembly,
charged them to tell the Lacedaemonians, that all the treasure on
the earth or under it was of less value with the people of Athens than
the liberty of Greece. And, showing the sun to those who came from
Mardonius, "As long as that retains the same course, so long," said
he, "shall the citizens of Athens wage war with the Persians for the
country which has been wasted, and the temples that have been profaned
and burnt by them." Moreover, he proposed a decree that the priests
should anathematize him who sent any herald to the Medes, or
deserted the alliance of Greece.
  When Mardonius made a second incursion into the country of Attica,
the people passed over again into the isle of Salamis. Aristides,
being sent to Lacedaemon, reproved them for their delay aid neglect in
abandoning Athens once more to the barbarians; and demanded their
assistance for that part of Greece which was not yet lost. The Ephori,
hearing this, made show of sporting all day, and of carelessly keeping
holy day (for they were then celebrating the Hyacinthian festival),
but in the night, selecting five thousand Spartans, each of whom was
attended by seven Helots, they sent them forth unknown to those from
Athens. And when Aristides again reprehended them, they told him in
derision that he either doted or dreamed, for the army was already
at Oresteum, in their march towards the strangers, as they called
the Persians. Aristides answered that they jested unseasonably,
deluding their friends instead of their enemies. Thus says
Idomeneus. But in the decree of Aristides, not himself, but Cimon,
Xanthippus, and Myronides are appointed ambassadors.
  Being chosen general for the war, he repaired to Plataea with
eight thousand Athenians, where Pausanias, generalissimo of all
Greece, joined him with the Spartans; and the forces of the other
Greeks came into them. The whole encampment of the barbarians extended
all along the bank of the river Asopus, their numbers being so great
there was no enclosing them all, but their baggage and most valuable
things were surrounded with a square bulwark, each side of which was
the length of ten furlongs.
  Tisamenus, the Elean, had prophesied to Pausanias and all the
Greeks, and foretold them victory if they made no attempt upon the
enemy, but stood on their defence. But Aristides sending to Delphi,
the god answered that the Athenians should overcome their enemies in
case they made supplication to Jupiter and Juno of Cithaeron, Pan, and
the nymphs Sphragitides, and sacrificed to the heroes Androcrates,
Leucon, Pisander, Damocrates, Hypsion, Actaeon, and Polyidus; and if
they fought within their own territories in the plain of Ceres
Eleusinia and Proserpine. Aristides was perplexed upon the tidings
of this oracle; since the heroes to whom it commanded him to sacrifice
had been chieftains of the Plataeans, and the cave of the nymphs
Sphragitides was on the top of Mount Cithaeron, on the side facing the
setting sun of summer time; in which place, as the story goes, there
was formerly an oracle, and many that lived in the district were
inspired with it, whom they called Nympholepti, possessed with the
nymphs. But the plain of Ceres Eleusinia, and the offer of victory
to the Athenians, if they fought in their own territories, recalled
them again, and transferred the war into the country of Attica. In
this juncture, Arimnestus, who commanded the Plataeans, dreamed that
Jupiter, the Saviour, asked him what the Greeks had resolved upon; and
that he answered, "To-morrow, my Lord, we march our army to Eleusis,
and there give the barbarians battle according to the directions of
the oracle of Apollo." And that the god replied they were utterly
mistaken, for that the places spoken of by the oracle were within
the bounds of Plataea, and if they sought there they should find them.
This manifest vision having appeared to Arimnestus, when he awoke he
sent for the most aged and experienced of his countrymen, with whom,
communicating and examining the matter, he found that near Hysiae,
at the foot of Mount Cithaeron, there was a very ancient temple called
the temple of Ceres Eleusinia and Proserpine. He therefore forthwith
took Aristides to the place, which was very convenient for drawing
up an army of foot, because the slopes at the bottom of the mountain
Cithaeron rendered the plain, where it comes up to the temple, unfit
for the movements of cavalry. Also, in the same place, there was the
fane of Androcrates, environed with a thick shady grove. And that
the oracle might be accomplished in all particulars for the hope of
victory, Arimnestus proposed, and the Plataeans decreed, that the
frontiers of their country towards Attica should be removed, and the
land given to the Athenians, that they might fight in defence of
Greece in their own proper territory. This zeal and liberality of
the Plataeans became so famous that Alexander, many years after,
when he had obtained the dominion of all Asia, upon erecting the walls
of Plataea, caused proclamation to be made, by the herald at the
Olympic games, that the king did the Plataeans this favour in
consideration of their nobleness and magnanimity, because, in the
war with the Medes, they freely gave up their land and zealously
fought with the Greeks.
  The Tegeatans, contesting the post of honour with the Athenians,
demanded that, according to custom, the Lacedaemonians being ranged on
the right wing of the battle, they might have the left, alleging
several matters in commendation of their ancestors. The Athenians
being indignant at the claim, Aristides came forward: "To contend with
the Tegeatans," said he, "for noble descent and valour, the present
time permits not; but this we say to you, O you Spartans, and you
the rest of the Greeks, that place neither takes away nor
contributes courage; we shall endeavour by crediting and maintaining
the post you assign us to reflect no dishonour on our former
performances. For we are come, not to differ with our friends, but
to fight our enemies; not to extol our ancestors, but ourselves to
behave as valiant men. This battle will manifest how much each city,
captain, and private soldier is worth to Greece." The council of
war, upon this address, decided for the Athenians, and gave them the
other wing of the battle.
  All Greece being in suspense, and especially the affairs of the
Athenians unsettled, certain persons of great families and possessions
having been impoverished by the war, and seeing all their authority
and reputation in the city vanished with their wealth, and others in
possession of their honours and places, convened privately at a
house in Plataea, and conspired for the dissolution of the
democratic government; and, if the plot should not succeed, to ruin
the cause and betray all to the barbarians. These matters being in
agitation in the camp, and many persons already corrupted,
Aristides, perceiving the design, and dreading the present juncture of
time, determined neither to let the business pass unanimadverted upon,
nor yet altogether to expose it; not knowing how many the accusation
might reach, and willing to set bounds to his justice with a view to
the public convenience. Therefore, of many that were concerned, he
apprehended eight only, two of whom, who were first proceeded
against and most guilty, Aeschines of Lampra and Agesias of
Acharnae, made their escape out of the camp. The rest he dismissed;
giving opportunity to such as thought themselves concealed to take
courage and repent; intimating that they had in the war a great
tribunal, where they might clear their guilt by manifesting their
sincere and good intentions towards their country.
  After this, Mardonius made trial of the Grecian courage, by
sending his whole number of horse, in which he thought himself much
the stronger, against them, while they were all pitched at the foot of
Mount Cithaeron, in strong and rocky places, except the Megarians.
They, being three thousand in number, were encamped on the plain,
where they were damaged by the horse charging and making inroads
upon them on all hands. They sent, therefore, in haste to Pausanias,
demanding relief, as not being able alone to sustain the great numbers
of the barbarians. Pausanias, hearing this, and perceiving the tents
of the Megarians already hid by the multitude of darts and arrows, and
themselves driven together into a narrow space, was at a loss
himself how to aid them with his battalion of heavy-armed
Lacedaemonians. He proposed it, therefore, as a point of emulation
in valour and love of distinction, to the commanders and captains
who were around him, if any would voluntarily take upon them the
defence and succour of the Megarians. The rest being backward,
Aristides undertook the enterprise for the Athenians, and sent
Olympiodorus, the most valiant of his inferior officers, with three
hundred chosen men and some archers under his command. These being
soon in readiness, and running upon the enemy, as soon as Masistius,
who commanded the barbarians' horse, a man of wonderful courage and of
extraordinary bulk and comeliness of person, perceived it, turning his
steed he made towards them. And they sustaining the shock and
joining battle with him, there was a sharp conflict, as though by this
encounter they were to try the success of the whole war. But after
Masistius's horse received a wound and flung him, and he falling could
hardly raise himself through the weight of his armour, the
Athenians, pressing upon him with blows, could not easily get at his
person, armed as he was, his breast, his head, and his limbs all over,
with gold and brass and iron; but one of them at last, running him
in at the visor of his helmet, slew him; and the rest of the Persians,
leaving the body, fled. The greatness of the Greek success was
known, not by the multitude of the slain (for an inconsiderable number
were killed), but by the sorrow the barbarians expressed. For they
shaved themselves, their horses, and mules for the death of Masistius,
and filled the plain with howling and lamentation; having lost a
person, who, next to Mardonius himself, was by many degrees the
chief among them, both for valour and authority.
  After this skirmish of the horse, they kept from fighting a long
time; for the soothsayers, by the sacrifices, foretold the victory
both to Greeks and Persians, if they stood upon the defensive part
only, but if they became aggressors, the contrary. At length
Mardonius, when he had but a few days' provision, and the Greek forces
increased continually by some or other that came in to them, impatient
of delay, determined to lie still no longer, but passing Asopus by
daybreak, to fall unexpectedly upon the Greeks; and signified the same
over night to the captains of his host. But about midnight, a
certain horseman stole into the Greek camp, and coming to the watch,
desired them to call Aristides, the Athenian, to him. He coming
speedily, "I am," said the stranger, "Alexander, king of the
Macedonians, and am arrived here through the greatest danger in the
world for the goodwill I bear you, lest a sudden onset should dismay
you, so as to behave in the fight worse than usual. For to-morrow
Mardonius will give you battle, urged, not by any hope of success or
courage, but by want of victuals; since, indeed, the prophets prohibit
him the battle, the sacrifices and oracles being unfavourable; and the
army is in despondency and consternation; but necessity forces him
to try his fortune, or sit still and endure the last extremity of
want." Alexander, thus saying, entreated Aristides to take notice
and remember him, but not to tell any other. But he told him, it was
not convenient to conceal the matter from Pausanias (because he was
general); as for any other, he would keep it secret from them till the
battle was fought; but if the Greeks obtained the victory, that then
no one should be ignorant of Alexander's good-will and kindness
towards them. After this, the king of the Macedonians rode back again,
and Aristides went to Pausanias's tent and told him they sent for
the rest of the captains and gave orders that the army should be in
battle array.
  Here, according to Herodotus, Pausanias spoke to Aristides, desiring
him to transfer the Athenians to the right wing of the army opposite
to the Persians (as they would do better service against them,
having been experienced in their way of combat, and emboldened with
former victories), and to give him the left, where the Medizing Greeks
were to make their assault. The rest of the Athenian captains regarded
this as an arrogant and interfering act on the part of Pausanias;
because, while permitting the rest of the army to keep their stations,
he removed them only from place to place, like so many Helots,
opposing them to the greatest strength of the enemy. But Aristides
said they were altogether in the wrong. If so short a time ago they
contested the left wing with the Tegeatans, and gloried in being
preferred before them, now, when the Lacedaemonians give them place in
the right, and yield them in a manner the leading of the army, how
is it they are discontented with the honour that is done them, and
do not look upon it as an advantage to have to fight, not against
their countrymen and kindred, but barbarians, and such as were by
nature their enemies? After this, the Athenians very readily changed
places with the Lacedaemonians, and there went words amongst them as
they were encouraging each other that the enemy approached with no
better arms or stouter hearts than those who fought the battle of
Marathon; but had the same bows and arrows, and the same embroidered
coats and gold, and the same delicate bodies and effeminate minds
within; "While we have the same weapons and bodies, and our courage
augmented by our victories; and fight not like others in defence of
our country only, but for the trophies of Salamis and Marathon; that
they may not be looked upon as due to Miltiades or fortune, but to the
people of Athens." Thus, therefore, were they making haste to change
the order of their battle. But the Thebans, understanding it by some
deserters, forthwith acquainted Mardonius; and he, either for fear
of the Athenians, or a desire to engage the Lacedaemonians, marched
over his Persians to the other wing, and commanded the Greeks of his
party to be posted opposite to the Athenians. But this change was
observed on the other side, and Pausanias, wheeling about again,
ranged himself on the right, and Mardonius, also, as at first, took
the left wing over against the Lacedaemonians. So the day passed
without action.
  After this the Greeks determined in council to remove their camp
some distance, to possess themselves of a place convenient for
watering; because the springs near them were polluted and destroyed by
the barbarian cavalry. But night being come, and the captains
setting out towards the place designed for their camping, the soldiers
were not very ready to follow, and keep in a body, but, as soon as
they had quitted their first entrenchments, made towards the city of
Plataea; and there was much tumult and disorder as they dispersed to
various quarters and proceeded to pitch their tents. The
Lacedaemonians, against their will, had the fortune to be left by
the rest. For Amompharetus, a brave and daring man, who had long
been burning with desire of the fight, and resented their many
lingerings and delays, calling the removal of the camp a mere
running away and flight, protested he would not desert his post, but
would there remain with his company and sustain the charge of
Mardonius. And when Pausanias came to him and told him he did do these
things by the common vote and determination of the Greeks,
Amompharetus taking up a great stone and flinging it at Pausanias'
feet, and "By this token," said he, "do I give my suffrage for the
battle, nor have I any concern with the cowardly consultations and
decrees of other men." Pausanias, not knowing what to do in the
present juncture, sent to the Athenians, who were drawing off, to stay
to accompany him; and so he himself set off with the rest of the
army for Plataea, hoping thus to make Amompharetus move.
  Meantime, day came upon them; and Mardonius (for he was not ignorant
of their deserting their camp), having his army in array, fell upon
the Lacedaemonians with great shouting and noise of barbarous
people, as if they were not about to join battle, but crush the Greeks
in their flight. Which within a very little came to pass. For
Pausanias, perceiving what was done, made a halt, and commanded
every one to put themselves in order for the battle; but either
through his anger with Amompharetus, or the disturbance he was in by
reason of the sudden approach of the enemy, he forgot to give the
signal to the Greeks in general. Whence it was that they did not
come in immediately or in a body to their assistance, but by small
companies and straggling, when the fight was already begun. Pausanias,
offering sacrifice, could not procure favourable omens, and so
commanded the Lacedaemonians, setting down their shields at their
feet, to abide quietly and attend his directions, making no resistance
to any of their enemies. And he sacrificing again a second time, the
horse charged, and some of the Lacedaemonians were wounded. At this
time, also, Callicrates, who, we are told, was the most comely man
in the army, being shot with an arrow and upon the point of
expiring, said that he lamented not his death (for he came from home
to lay down his life in the defence of Greece), but that he died
without action. The case was indeed hard, and the forbearance of the
men wonderful; for they let the enemy charge without repelling them;
and, expecting their proper opportunity from the gods and their
general, suffered themselves to be wounded and slain in their ranks.
And some say, that while Pausanias was at sacrifice and prayers,
some space out of the battle array, certain Lydians, falling
suddenly upon him, plundered and scattered the sacrifice: and that
Pausanias and his company, having no arms, beat them with staves and
whips; and that, in imitation of this attack, the whipping the boys
about the altar, and after it the Lydian procession, are to this day
practised in Sparta.
  Pausanias, therefore, being troubled at these things, while the
priests went on offering one sacrifice after another, turns himself
towards the temple with tears in his eyes, and lifting up his hands to
heaven besought Juno of Cithaeron, and the other tutelar gods of the
Plataeans, if it were not in the fates for the Greeks to obtain the
victory, that they might not perish without performing some remarkable
thing, and by their actions demonstrating to their enemies that they
waged war with men of courage and soldiers. While Pausanias was thus
in the act of supplication, the sacrifices appeared propitious, and
the soothsayers foretold victory. The word being given, the
Lacedaemonian battalion of foot seemed, on the sudden, like some one
fierce animal, setting up his bristles, and betaking himself to the
combat; and the barbarians perceived that they encountered with men
who would fight it to the death. Therefore, holding their
wicker-shields before them, they shot their arrows amongst the
Lacedaemonians. But they, keeping together in the order of a
phalanx, and falling upon the enemies, forced their shields out of
their hands, and, striking with their pikes at the breasts and faces
of the Persians, overthrew many of them, who, however, fell not either
unrevenged or without courage. For taking hold of the spears with
their bare hands, they broke many of them, and betook themselves not
without effect to the sword; and making use of their falchions and
scimitars, and wresting the Lacedaemonians' shields from them, and
grappling with them, it was a long time that they made resistance.
  Meanwhile, for some time, the Athenians stood still, waiting for the
Lacedaemonians to come up. But when they heard much noise as of men
engaged in fight, and a messenger, they say, came from Pausanias, to
advertise them of what was going on, they soon hasted to their
assistance. And as they passed through the plain to the place where
the noise was, the Greeks, who took part with the enemy, came upon
them. Aristides, as soon as he saw them, going a considerable space
before the rest, cried out to them, conjuring them by the guardian
gods of Greece to forbear the fight, and be no impediment or stop to
those who were going to succour the defenders of Greece. But when he
perceived they gave no attention to him, and had prepared themselves
for the battle, then turning from the present relief of the
Lacedaemonians, he engaged them, being five thousand in number. But
the greatest part soon gave way and retreated, as the barbarians
also were put to flight. The sharpest conflict is said to have been
against the Thebans, the chiefest and most powerful persons among them
at that time siding zealously with the Medes, and leading the
multitude not according to their own inclination, but as being
subjects of an oligarchy.
  The battle being thus divided, the Lacedaemonians first beat off the
Persians; and a Spartan, named Arimnestus, slew Mardonius by a blow on
the head with a stone, as the oracle in the temple of Amphiaraus had
foretold to him. For Mardonius sent a Lydian thither, and another
person, a Carian, to the cave of Trophonius. This latter the priest of
the oracle answered in his own language. But the Lydian sleeping in
the temple of Amphiaraus, it seemed to him that a minister of the
divinity stood before him and commanded him to be gone; and on his
refusing to do it, flung a great stone at his head, so that he thought
himself slain with the blow. Such is the story. -They drove the fliers
within their walls of wood; and, a little time after, the Athenians
put the Thebans to flight, killing three hundred of the chiefest and
of greatest note among them in the actual fight itself. For when
they began to fly, news came that the army of the barbarians was
besieged within their palisade; and so giving the Greeks opportunity
to save themselves, they marched to assist at the fortifications;
and coming in to the Lacedaemonians, who were altogether unhandy and
unexperienced in storming, they took the camp with great slaughter
of the enemy. For of three hundred thousand, forty thousand only are
said to have escaped with Artabazus; while on the Greeks' side there
perished in all thirteen hundred and sixty; of which fifty-two were
Athenians, all of the tribe Aeantis, that fought, says Clidemus,
with the greatest courage of any; and for this reason the men of
this tribe used to offer sacrifice for the victory, as enjoined by the
oracle, to the nymphs Sphragitides at the expense of the public;
ninety-one were Lacedaemonians, and sixteen Tegeatans. It is
strange, therefore, upon what grounds Herodotus can say, that they
only, and none other, encountered the enemy, for the number of the
slain and their monuments testify that the victory was obtained by all
in general; and if the rest had been standing still, while the
inhabitants of three cities only had been engaged in the fight, they
would not have set on the altar the inscription-

        "The Greeks, when, by their courage and their might,
         They had repelled the Persian in the fight,
         The common altar of freed Greece to be,
         Reared this to Jupiter who guards the free."

  They fought this battle on the fourth day of the month Boedromion,
according to the Athenians, but according to the Boeotians, on the
twenty-seventh of Panemus;- on which day there is still a convention
of the Greeks at Plataea, and the Plataeans still offer sacrifice
for the victory to Jupiter of freedom. As for the difference of
days, it is not to be wondered at, since even at the present time,
when there is a far more accurate knowledge of astronomy, some begin
the month at one time, and some at another.
  After this, the Athenians not yielding the honour of the day to
the Lacedaemonians, nor consenting they should erect a trophy,
things were not far from being ruined by dissension among the armed
Greeks; had not Aristides, by much soothing and counselling the
commanders, especially Leocrates and Myronides, pacified and persuaded
them to leave the thing to the decision of the Greeks. And on their
proceeding to discuss the matter, Theogiton, the Megarian, declared
the honour of the victory was to be given some other city, if they
would prevent a civil war; after him Cleocritus of Corinth rising
up, made people think he would ask the palm for the Corinthians (for
next to Sparta and Athens, Corinth was in greatest estimation); but he
delivered his opinion, to the general admiration, in favour of the
Plataeans; and counselled to take away all contention by giving them
the reward and glory of the victory, whose being honoured could be
distasteful to neither party. This being said, first Aristides gave
consent in the name of the Athenians, and Pausanias, then, for the
Lacedaemonians. So, being reconciled, they set apart eighty talents
for the Plataeans, with which they built the temple and dedicated
the image to Minerva, and adorned the temple with pictures, which even
to this very day retain their lustre. But the Lacedaemonians and
Athenians each erected a trophy apart by themselves. On their
consulting the oracle about offering sacrifice, Apollo answered that
they should dedicate an altar to Jupiter of freedom, but should not
sacrifice till they had extinguished the fires throughout the country,
as having been defiled by the barbarians, and had kindled unpolluted
fire at the common altar at Delphi. The magistrates of Greece,
therefore, went forthwith and compelled such as had fire to put it
out; and Euchidas, a Plataean, promising to fetch fire, with all
possible speed, from the altar of the god, went to Delphi, and
having sprinkled and purified his body crowned himself with laurel;
and taking the fire from the altar ran back to Plataea, and got back
there before sunset, performing in one day a journey of a thousand
furlongs; and saluting his fellow-citizens and delivering them the
fire, he immediately fell down, and in a short time after expired. But
the Plataeans, taking him up, interred him in the temple of Diana
Euclia, setting this inscription over him: "Euchidas ran to Delphi and
back again in one day." Most people believe that Euclia is Diana,
and call her by that name. But some say she was the daughter of
Hercules, by Myrto, the daughter of Menoetius, and sister of
Patroclus, and dying a virgin, was worshipped by the Boeotians and
Locrians. Her altar and image are set up in all their market-places,
and those of both sexes that are about marrying sacrifice to her
before the nuptials.
  A general assembly of all the Greeks being called, Aristides
proposed a decree that the deputies and religious representatives of
the Greek states should assemble annually at Plataea, and every
fifth year celebrate the Eleutheria or games of freedom. And that
there should be a levy upon all Greece for the war against the
barbarians of ten thousand spearmen, one thousand horse, and a hundred
sail of ships; but the Plataeans to be exempt, and sacred to the
service of the gods, offering sacrifice for the welfare of Greece.
These things being ratified, the Plataeans undertook the performance
of annual sacrifice to such as were slain and buried in that place;
which they still perform in the following manner. On the sixteenth day
of Maemacterion (which with the Boeotians is Alalcomenus) they make
their procession, which, beginning by break of day, is led by a
trumpeter sounding for onset; then follow certain chariots loaded with
myrrh and garlands; and then a black bull; then come the young men
of free birth carrying libations of wine and milk in large
two-handed vessels, and jars of oil and precious ointments, none of
servile condition being permitted to have any hand in this
ministration, because the men died in defence of freedom; after all
comes the chief magistrate of Plataea (for whom it is unlawful at
other times either to touch iron or wear any other coloured garment
but white), at that time apparelled in a purple robe; and, taking a
water-pot out of the city record-office, he proceeds, bearing a
sword in his hand, through the middle of the town to the sepulchres.
Then drawing water out of a spring, he washes and anoints the
monuments, and sacrificing the bull upon a pile of wood, and making
supplication to Jupiter and Mercury of the earth, invites those
valiant men who perished in the defence of Greece to the banquet and
the libations of blood. After this, mixing a bowl of wine, and pouring
out for himself, he says, "I drink to those who lost their lives for
the liberty of Greece." These solemnities the Plataeans observe to
this day.
  Aristides perceived that the Athenians, after their return into
the city, were eager for a democracy; and deeming the people to
deserve consideration on account of their valiant behaviour, as also
that it was a matter of difficulty, they being well armed, powerful,
and full of spirit with their victories, to oppose them by force, he
brought forward a decree that every one might share in the
government and the archons be chosen out of the whole body of the
Athenians. And on Themistocles telling the people in assembly that
he had some advice for them, which could not be given in public, but
was most important for the advantage and security of the city, they
appointed Aristides alone to hear and consider it with him. And on his
acquainting Aristides that his intent was to set fire to the arsenal
of the Greeks, for by that means should the Athenians become supreme
masters of all Greece, Aristides, returning to the assembly, told them
that nothing was more advantageous than what Themistocles designed,
and nothing more unjust. The Athenians, hearing this, gave
Themistocles order to desist; such was the love of justice felt by the
people, and such the credit and confidence they reposed in Aristides.
  Being sent in joint commission with Cimon to the war, he took notice
that Pausanias and the other Spartan captains made themselves
offensive by imperiousness and harshness to the confederates; and by
being himself gentle and considerate with them, and by the courtesy
and disinterested temper which Cimon, after his example, manifested in
the expeditions, he stole away the chief command from the
Lacedaemonians, neither by weapons, ships, or horses, but by equity
and wise policy. For the Athenians being endeared to the Greeks by the
justice of Aristides and by Cimon's moderation, the tyranny and
selfishness of Pausanias rendered them yet more desirable. He on all
occasions treated the commanders of the confederates haughtily and
roughly; and the common soldiers he punished with stripes, or standing
under the iron anchor for a whole day together; neither was it
permitted for any to provide straw for themselves to lie on, or forage
for their horses, or to come near the springs to water before the
Spartans were furnished, but servants with whips drove away such as
approached. And when Aristides once was about to complain and
expostulate with Pausanias, he told him with an angry look that he was
not at leisure, and gave no attention to him. The consequence was that
the sea captains and generals of the Greeks, in particular, the
Chians, Samians, and Lesbians, came to Aristides and requested him
to be their general, and to receive the confederates into his command,
who had long desired to relinquish the Spartans and come over to the
Athenians. But he answered that he saw both equity and necessity in
what they said, but their fidelity required the test of some action,
the commission of which would make it impossible for the multitude
to change their minds again. Upon which Uliades, the Samian, and
Antagoras of Chios, conspiring together, ran in near Byzantium on
Pausanias's galley, getting her between them as she was sailing before
the rest. But when Pausanias, beholding them, arose up and furiously
threatened soon to make them know that they had been endangering not
his galley, but their own countries, they bid him go his way, and
thank Fortune that fought for him at Plataea; for hitherto, in
reverence to that, the Greeks had forborne from inflicting on him
the punishment he deserved. In fine, they all went off and joined
the Athenians. And here the magnanimity of the Lacedaemonians was
wonderful. For when they perceived that their generals were becoming
corrupted by the greatness of their authority, they voluntarily laid
down the chief command, and left off sending any more of them to the
wars, choosing rather to have citizens of moderation and consistent in
the observance of their customs, than to possess the dominion of all
Greece.
  Even during the command of the Lacedaemonians, the Greeks paid a
certain contribution towards the maintenance of the war; and being
desirous to be rated city by city in their due proportion, they
desired Aristides of the Athenians, and gave him command, surveying
the country and revenue, to assess every one according to their
ability and what they were worth. But he, being so largely
empowered, Greece as it were submitting all her affairs to his sole
management, went out poor and returned poorer; laying the tax not only
without corruption and injustice, but to the satisfaction and
convenience of all. For as the ancients celebrated the age of
Saturn, so did the confederates of Athens Aristides's taxation,
terming it the happy time of Greece; and that more especially, as
the sum was in a short time doubled, and afterwards trebled. For the
assessment which Aristides made was four hundred and sixty talents.
But to this Pericles added very near one third part more; for
Thucydides says that in the beginning of the Peloponnesian war the
Athenians had coming in from their confederates six hundred talents.
But after Pericles's death. the demagogues, increasing by little and
little, raised it to the sum of thirteen hundred talents; not so
much through the war's being so expensive and changeable either by its
length or ill success, as by their alluring the people to spend upon
largesses and playhouse allowances, and in erecting statues and
temples. Aristides, therefore, having acquired a wonderful and great
reputation by this levy of the tribute, Themistocles is said to have
derided him, as if this had been not the commendation of a man, but
a money-bag; a retaliation, though not in the same kind for some
free words which Aristides had used. For he, when Themistocles once
was saying that he thought the highest virtue of a general was to
understand and foreknow the measures the enemy would take, replied,
"This, indeed, Themistocles, is simply necessary, but the excellent
thing in a general is to keep his hands from taking money."
  Aristides, moreover, made all the people of Greece swear to keep the
league, and himself took the oath in the name of the Athenians,
flinging wedges of red-hot iron into the sea, after curses against
such as should make breach of their vow. But afterwards, it would
seem, when things were in such a state as constrained them to govern
with a stronger hand, he bade the Athenians to throw the perjury
upon him, and manage affairs as convenience required. And, in general,
Theophrastus tells us, that Aristides was, in his own private affairs,
and those of his fellow-citizens, rigorously just, but that in
public matters he acted often in accordance with his country's policy,
which demanded, sometimes, not a little injustice. It is reported of
him that he said in a debate, upon the motion of the Samians for
removing the treasure from Delos to Athens, contrary to the league,
that the thing indeed was not just but was expedient.
  In fine, having established the dominion of his city over so many
people, he himself remained indigent; and always delighted as much
in the glory of being poor, as in that of his trophies; as is
evident from the following story. Callias, the torch-bearer, was
related to him; and was prosecuted by his enemies in a capital
cause, in which, after they had slightly argued the matters on which
they indicted him, they proceeded, besides the point, to address the
judges: "You know," said they, "Aristides, the son of Lysimachus,
who is the admiration of all Greece. In what a condition do you
think his family is in at his house, when you see him appear in public
in such a threadbare cloak? Is it not probable that one who, out of
doors, goes thus exposed to the cold, must want food and other
necessaries at home? Callias, the wealthiest of the Athenians, does
nothing to relieve either him or his wife and children in their
poverty, though he is his own cousin, and has made use of him in
many cases, and often reaped advantage by his interest with you."
But Callias, perceiving the judges were moved more particularly by
this, and were exasperated against him, called in Aristides, requiring
him to testify that when he frequently offered him divers presents,
and entreated him to accept them, he had refused, answering that it
became him better to be proud of his poverty than Callias of his
wealth; since there are many to be seen that make a good or bad use of
riches, but it is difficult, comparatively, to meet with one who
supports poverty in a noble spirit; those only should be ashamed of it
who incurred it against their wills. On Aristides deposing these facts
in favour of Callias, there was none who heard them that went not away
desirous rather to be poor like Aristides than rich as Callias. Thus
Aeschines, the scholar of Socrates, writes. But Plato declares that,
of all the great renowned men in the city of Athens, he was the only
one worthy of consideration; for Themistocles, Cimon, and Pericles
filled the city with porticoes, treasure, and many other vain
things, but Aristides guided his public life by the rule of justice.
He showed his moderation very plainly in his conduct towards
Themistocles himself. For though Themistocles had been his adversary
in all his undertakings, and was the cause of his banishment, yet when
he afforded a similar opportunity of revenge, being accused to the
city, Aristides bore him no malice; but while Alcmaeon, Cimon, and
many others were prosecuting and impeaching him, Aristides alone
neither did nor said any ill against him, and no more triumphed over
his enemy in his adversity than he had envied him his prosperity.
  Some say Aristides died in Pontus, during a voyage upon the
affairs of the public. Others that he died of old age at Athens
being in great honour and veneration amongst his fellow-citizens.
But Craterus, the Macedonian, relates his death as follows. After
the banishment of Themistocles, he says, the people growing
insolent, there sprung up a number of false and frivolous accusers,
impeaching the best and most influential men and exposing them to
the envy of the multitude, whom their good fortune and power had
filled with self-conceit. Amongst these, Aristides was condemned of
bribery upon the accusation of Diophantus of Amphitrope, for taking
money from the Ionians when he was collector of the tribute; and being
unable to pay the fine, which was fifty minae, sailed to Ionia, and
died there. But of this Craterus brings no written proof, neither
the sentence of his condemnation, nor the decree of the people; though
in general it is tolerably usual with him to set down such things
and to cite his authors. Almost all others who have spoken of the
misdeeds of the people towards their generals collect them all
together, and tell us of the banishment of Themistocles, Miltiades's
bonds, Pericles's fine, and the death of Paches in the
judgment-hall, who, upon receiving sentence, killed himself on the
hustings, with many things of the like nature. They add the banishment
of Aristides; but of this his condemnation they make no mention.
  Moreover, his monument is to be seen at Phalerum, which they say was
built him by the city, he not having left enough even to defray
funeral charges. And it is stated that his two daughters were publicly
married out of the prytaneum, or state-house, by the city, which
decreed each of them three thousand drachmas for her portion; and that
upon his son Lysimachus the people bestowed a hundred minas of
money, and as many acres of planted land, and ordered him besides,
upon the motion of Alcibiades, four drachmas a day. Furthermore,
Lysimachus leaving a daughter, named Polycrite, as Callisthenes
says, the people voted her, also, the same allowance for food with
those that obtained the victory in the Olympic Games. But Demetrius
the Phalerian, Hieronymus the Rhodian, Aristoxenus the musician, and
Aristotle (if the Treatise of Nobility is to be reckoned among the
genuine pieces of Aristotle) say that Myrto, Aristides's
granddaughter, lived with Socrates the philosopher, who indeed had
another wife, but took her into his house, being a widow, by reason of
her indigence and want of the necessaries of life. But Panaetius
sufficiently confutes this in his book concerning Socrates.
Demetrius the Phalerian, in his Socrates, says he knew one Lysimachus,
son to the daughter of Aristides, extremely poor, who used to sit near
what is called the Iaccheum, and sustained himself by a table for
interpreting dreams; and that, upon his proposal and
representations, a decree was passed by the people to give the
mother and aunt of this man half a drachma a day. The same
Demetrius, when he was legislating himself, decreed each of these
women a drachma per diem. And it is not to be wondered at, that the
people of Athens should take such care of people living in the city,
since hearing the granddaughter of Aristogiton was in a low
condition in the isle of Lemnos, and so poor nobody would marry her,
they brought her back to Athens, and marrying her to a man of good
birth, gave a farm at Potamus as her marriage-portion; and of
similar humanity and bounty the city of Athens, even in our age, has
given numerous proofs, and is justly admired and respected in
consequence.


                                THE END