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                                      75 AD
                                   ALCIBIADES
                                  450-404 B.C.
                                  by Plutarch
                           translated by John Dryden
ALCIBIADES

  ALCIBIADES, as it is supposed, was anciently descended from
Eurysaces, the son of Ajax, by his father's side; and by his
mother's side from Alcmaeon. Dinomache, his mother, was the daughter
of Megacles. His father, Clinias, having fitted out a galley at his
own expense, gained great honour in the sea-fight at Artemisium, and
was afterwards slain in the battle of Coronea, fighting against the
Boeotians. Pericles and Ariphron, the sons of Xanthippus, nearly
related to him, became the guardians of Alcibiades. It has been said
not untruly that the friendship which Socrates felt for him has much
contributed to his fame; and certain it is, that, though we have no
account from any writer concerning the mother of Nicias or
Demosthenes, of Lamachus or Phormion, of Thrasybulus or Theramenes,
notwithstanding these were all illustrious men of the same period, yet
we know even the nurse of Alcibiades, that her country was Lacedaemon,
and her name Amycla; and that Zopyrus was his teacher and attendant;
the one being recorded by Antisthenes, and the other by Plato.
  It is not, perhaps, material to say anything of the beauty of
Alcibiades, only that it bloomed with him in all the ages of his life,
in his infancy, in his youth, and in his manhood; and, in the peculiar
character becoming to each of these periods, gave him, in every one of
them, a grace and a charm. What Euripides says, that-

           "Of all fair things the autumn, too, is fair,"

is by no means universally true. But it happened so with Alcibiades,
amongst few others, by reason of his happy constitution and natural
vigour of body. It is said that his lisping, when he spoke, became him
well, and gave a grace and persuasiveness to his rapid speech.
Aristophanes takes notice of it in the verses in which he jests at
Theorus; "How like a colax he is," says Alcibiades, meaning a corax;
on which it is remarked,-

           "How very happily he lisped the truth."

Archippus also alludes to it in a passage where he ridicules the son
of Alcibiades:-

        "That people may believe him like his father,
         He walks like one dissolved in luxury,
         Lets his robe trail behind him on the ground,
         Carelessly leans his head, and in his talk
         Affects to lisp."

  His conduct displayed many great inconsistencies and variations, not
unnaturally, in accordance with the many and wonderful vicissitudes of
his fortunes; but among the many strong passions of his real
character, the one most prevailing of all was his ambition and
desire of superiority, which appears in several anecdotes told of
his sayings whilst he was a child. Once being hard pressed in
wrestling, and fearing to be thrown, he got the hand of his antagonist
to his mouth, and bit it with all his force; and when the other loosed
his hold presently, and said, "You bite, Alcibiades, like a woman."
"No," replied he, "like a lion." Another time as he played at dice
in the street, being then but a child, a loaded cart came that way,
when it was his turn to throw; at first he called to the driver to
stop, because he was to throw in the way over which the cart was to
pass; but the man giving him no attention and driving on, when the
rest of the boys divided and gave way, Alcibiades threw himself on his
face before the cart and, stretching himself out, bade the carter pass
on now if he would; which so startled the man, that he put back his
horses, while all that saw it were terrified, and, crying out, ran
to assist Alcibiades. When he began to study, he obeyed all his
other masters fairly well, but refused to learn upon the flute, as a
sordid thing, and not becoming a free citizen; saying that to play
on the lute or the harp does not in any way disfigure a man's body
or face, but one is hardly to be known by the most intimate friends
when playing on the flute. Besides, one who plays on the harp may
speak or sing at the same time; but the use of the flute stops the
mouth, intercepts the voice, and prevents all articulation.
"Therefore," said he, "let the Theban youths pipe, who do not know how
to speak, but we Athenians, as our ancestors have told us, have
Minerva for our patroness, and Apollo for our protector, one of whom
threw away the flute, and the other stripped the Flute-player of his
skin." Thus, between raillery and good earnest, Alcibiades kept not
only himself but others from learning, as it presently became the talk
of the young boys, how Alcibiades despised playing on the flute, and
ridiculed those who studied it. In consequence of which, it ceased
to be reckoned amongst the liberal accomplishments, and became
generally neglected.
  It is stated in the invective which Antiphon wrote against
Alcibiades, that once, when he was a boy, he ran away to the house
of Democrates, one of those who made a favourite of him, and that
Ariphon had determined to cause proclamation to be made for him, had
not Pericles diverted him from it, by saying, that if he were dead,
the proclaiming of him could only cause it to be discovered one day
sooner, and if he were safe, it would be a reproach to him as long
as he lived. Antiphon also says, that he killed one of his own
servants with the blow of a staff in Sibyrtius's wrestling ground. But
it is unreasonable to give credit to all that is objected by an enemy,
who makes open profession of his design to defame him.
  It was manifest that the many well-born persons who were continually
seeking his company, and making their court to him, were attracted and
captivated by his brilliant and extraordinary beauty only. But the
affection which Socrates entertained for him is a great evidence of
the natural noble qualities and good disposition of the boy, which
Socrates, indeed, detected both in and under his personal beauty; and,
hearing that his wealth and station, and the great number both of
strangers and Athenians who flattered and caressed him, might at
last corrupt him, resolved, if possible, to interpose, and preserve
hopeful a plant from perishing in the flower, before its fruit came to
perfection. For never did fortune surround and enclose a man with so
many of those things which we vulgarly call goods, or so protect him
from every weapon of philosophy, and fence him from every access of
free and searching words, as she did Alcibiades; who, from the
beginning, was exposed to the flatteries of those who sought merely
his gratification, such as might well unnerve him, and indispose him
to listen to any real adviser or instructor. Yet such was the
happiness of his genius, that he discerned Socrates from the rest, and
admitted him, whilst he drove away the wealthy and the noble who
made court to him. And, in a little time, they grew intimate, and
Alcibiades, listening now to language entirely free from every thought
of unmanly fondness and silly displays of affection, finding himself
with one who sought to lay open to him the deficiencies of his mind,
and repress his vain and foolish arrogance-

         "Dropped like the craven cock his conquered wing."

  He esteemed these endeavours of Socrates as most truly a means which
the gods made use of for the care and preservation of youth, and began
to think meanly of himself and to admire him; to be pleased with his
kindness, and to stand in awe of his virtue; and, unawares to himself,
there became formed in his mind that reflex image and reciprocation of
Love, or Anteros, that Plato talks of. It was a matter of general
wonder, when people saw him joining Socrates in his meals and his
exercises, living with him in the same tent, whilst he was reserved
and rough to all others who made their addresses to him, and acted,
indeed, with great insolence to some of them. As in particular to
Anytus, the son of Anthemion, one who was very fond of him, and
invited him to an entertainment which he had prepared for some
strangers. Alcibiades refused the invitation; but, having drunk to
excess at his own house with some of his companions, went thither with
them to play some frolic; and, standing at the door of the room
where the guests were enjoying themselves, and seeing the tables
covered with gold and silver cups, he commanded his servants to take
away the one-half of them, and carry them to his own house; and
then, disdaining so much as to enter into the room himself, as soon as
he had done this, went away. The company was indignant, and
exclaimed at his rude and insulting conduct; Anytus, however, said, on
the contrary, he had shown great consideration and tenderness in
taking only a part when he might have taken all.
  He behaved in the same manner to all others who courted him except
only one stranger, who, as the story is told, having but a small
estate, sold it all for about a hundred staters, which he presented to
Alcibiades, and besought him to accept. Alcibiades, smiling and well
pleased at the thing, invited him to supper, and, after a very kind
entertainment, gave him his gold again, requiring him, moreover, not
to fail to be present the next day, when the public revenue was
offered to farm, and to outbid all others. The man would have
excused himself, because the contract was so large, and would cost
many talents; but Alcibiades, who had at that time a private pique
against the existing farmers of the revenue, threatened to have him
beaten if he refused. The next morning, the stranger, coming to the
market-place, offered a talent more than the existing rate; upon which
the farmers, enraged and consulting together, called upon him to
name his sureties, concluding that he could find none. The poor man,
being startled at the proposal, began to retire; but Alcibiades,
standing at a distance, cried out to the magistrates, "Set my name
down, he is a friend of mine; I will be security for him." When the
other bidders heard this, they perceived that all their contrivance
was defeated; for their way was, with the profits of the second year
to pay the rent for the year preceding; so that, not seeing any
other way to extricate themselves out of the difficulty, they began to
entreat the stranger, and offered him a sum of money. Alcibiades would
not suffer him to accept of less than a talent; but when that was paid
down, he commanded him to relinquish the bargain, having by this
device relieved his necessity.
  Though Socrates had many and powerful rivals, yet the natural good
qualities of Alcibiades gave his affection the mastery. His words
overcame him so much, as to draw tears from his eyes, and to disturb
his very soul. Yet sometimes he would abandon himself to flatterers,
when they proposed to him varieties of pleasure, and would desert
Socrates; who, then, would pursue him, as if he had been a fugitive
slave. He despised every one else, and had no reverence or awe for any
one but him. Cleanthes the philosopher, speaking of one to whom he was
attached, says his only hold on him was by his ears, while his
rivals had all the others offered them; and there is no question
that Alcibiades was very easily caught by pleasure; and the expression
used by Thucydides about the excesses of his habitual course of living
gives occasion to believe so. But those who endeavoured to corrupt
Alcibiades took advantage chiefly of his vanity and ambition, and
thrust him on unseasonably to undertake great enterprises,
persuading him, that as soon as he began to concern himself in
public affairs, he would not only obscure the rest of the generals and
statesmen, but outdo the authority and the reputation which Pericles
himself had gained in Greece. But in the same manner as iron which
is softened by the fire grows hard with the cold and all its parts are
closed again, so, as often as Socrates observed Alcibiades to be
misled by luxury or pride, he reduced and corrected him by his
addresses, and made him humble and modest, by showing him in how
many things he was deficient, and how very far from perfection in
virtue.
  When he was past his childhood, he went once to a grammar-school,
and asked the master for one of Homer's books; and he making answer
that he had nothing of Homer's, Alcibiades gave him a blow with his
fist and went away. Another schoolmaster telling him that he had Homer
corrected by himself; "How?" said Alcibiades, "and do you employ
your time in teaching children to read? You, who are able to amend
Homer, may well undertake to instruct men." Being once desirous to
speak with Pericles, he went to his house and was told there that he
was not at leisure, but busied in considering how to give up his
accounts to the Athenians; Alcibiades, as he went away, said, it "were
better for him to consider how he might avoid giving up his accounts
at all."
  Whilst he was very young, he was a soldier in the expedition against
Potidaea, where Socrates lodged in the same tent with him, and stood
next to him in battle. Once there happened a sharp skirmish, in
which they both behaved with signal bravery; but Alcibiades
receiving a wound, Socrates threw himself before him to defend him,
and beyond any question saved him and his arms from the enemy, and
so in all justice might have challenged the prize of valour. But the
generals appearing eager to adjudge the honour to Alcibiades,
because of his rank, Socrates, who desired to increase his thirst
after glory of a noble kind, was the first to give evidence for him,
and pressed them to crown him, and to decree to him the complete
suit of armour. Afterwards, in the battle of Delium, when the
Athenians were routed, and Socrates with a few others was retreating
on foot, Alcibiades, who was on horseback, observing it, would not
pass on, but stayed to shelter him from the danger, and brought him
safe off, though the enemy pressed hard upon them, and cut off many.
But this happened some time after.
  He gave a box on the ear to Hipponicus, the father of Callias, whose
birth and wealth made him a person of great influence and repute.
And this he did unprovoked by any passion or quarrel between them, but
only because, in a frolic, he had agreed with his companions to do it.
People were justly offended at this insolence when it became known
through the city; but early the next morning, Alcibiades went to his
house and knocked at the door and being admitted to him, took off
his outer garment, and presenting his naked body, desired him to
scourge and chastise him as he pleased. Upon this Hipponicus forgot
all his resentment, and not only pardoned him, but soon after gave him
his daughter Hipparete in marriage. Some say that it was not
Hipponicus, but his son Callias, who gave Hipparete to Alcibiades,
together with a portion of ten talents, and that after, when she had a
child, Alcibiades forced him to give ten talents more, upon pretence
that such was the agreement if she brought him any children.
Afterwards, Callias, for fear of coming to his death by his means,
declared, in a full assembly of the people, that, if he should
happen to die without children, the state should inherit his house and
all his goods. Hipparete was a virtuous and dutiful wife, but, at
last, growing impatient of the outrages done to her by her husband's
continual entertaining of courtesans, as well strangers as
Athenians, she departed from him and retired to her brother's house.
Alcibiades seemed not at all concerned at this, and lived on still
in the same luxury; but the law requiring that she should deliver to
the archon in person, and not by proxy, the instrument by which she
claimed a divorce, when, in obedience to the law, she presented
herself before him to perform this, Alcibiades came in, caught her up,
and carried her home through the market-place, no one daring to oppose
him nor to take her from him. She continued with him till her death,
which happened not long after, when Alcibiades had gone to Ephesus.
Nor is this violence to be thought so very enormous or unmanly. For
the law, in making her who desires to be divorced appear in public,
seems to design to give her husband an opportunity of treating with
her, and endeavouring to retain her.
  Alcibiades had a dog which cost him seventy minas, and was a very
large one, and very handsome. His tail, which was his principal
ornament, he caused to be cut off, and his acquaintances exclaiming at
him for it, and telling him that all Athens was sorry for the dog, and
cried out upon him for this action, he laughed, and said, "Just what I
wanted has happened then. I wished the Athenians to talk about this,
that they might not say something worse of me."
  It is said that the first time he came into the assembly was upon
occasion of a largess of money which he made to the people. This was
not done by design, but as he passed along he heard a shout, and
inquiring the cause, and having learned that there was a donative
making to the people, he went in amongst them and gave money also. The
multitude thereupon applauding him, and shouting, he was so
transported at it, that he forgot a quail which he had under his robe,
and the bird, being frightened with the noise, flew off; upon which
the people made louder acclamations than before, and many of them
started up to pursue the bird; and one Antiochus, a pilot, caught it
and restored it to him, for which he was ever after a favourite with
Alcibiades.
  He had great advantages for entering public life; his noble birth,
his riches, the personal courage he had shown in divers battles, and
the multitude of his friends and dependents, threw open, so to say,
folding-doors for his admittance. But he did not consent to let his
power with the people rest on anything, rather than on his own gift of
eloquence. That he was a master in the art of speaking, the comic
poets bear him witness; and the most eloquent of public speakers, in
his oration against Midias, allows that Alcibiades, among other
perfections, was a most accomplished orator. If, however, we give
credit to Theophrastus, who of all philosophers was the most curious
inquirer, and the greatest lover of history, we are to understand that
Alcibiades had the highest capacity for inventing, for discerning what
was the right thing to be said for any purpose, and on any occasion;
but aiming not only at saying what was required, but also at saying it
well, in respect, that is, of words and phrases, when these did not
readily occur, he would often pause in the middle of his discourse for
want of the apt word, and would be silent and stop till he could
recollect himself, and had considered what to say.
  His expenses in horses kept for the public games, and in the
number of his chariots, were matter of great observation; never did
any one but he, either private person or king, send seven chariots
to the Olympic games. And to have carried away at once the first,
the second, and the fourth prize, as Thucydides says, or the third, as
Euripides relates it, outdoes far away every distinction that ever was
known or thought of in that kind. Euripides celebrates his success
in this manner:-

              "-But my song to you,
         Son of Clinias, is due.
         Victory is noble; how much more
         To do as never Greek before;
         To obtain in the great chariot race
         The first, the second, and third place;
         With easy step advanced to fame
         To bid the herald three times claim
         The olive for one victor's name."

The emulation displayed by the deputations of various states in the
presents which they made to him, rendered this success yet more
illustrious. The Ephesians erected a tent for him, adorned
magnificently; the city of Chios furnished him with provender for
his horses and with great numbers of beasts for sacrifice; and the
Lesbians sent him wine and other provisions for the many great
entertainments which he made. Yet in the midst of all this he
escaped not without censure, occasioned either by the ill-nature of
his enemies or by his own misconduct. For it is said, that one
Diomedes, an Athenian, a worthy man and a friend to Alcibiades,
passionately desiring to obtain the victory at the Olympic games,
and having heard much of a chariot which belonged to the state at
Argos, where he knew that Alcibiades had great power and many friends,
prevailed with him to undertake to buy the chariot. Alcibiades did
indeed buy it, but then claimed it for his own, leaving Diomedes to
rage at him, and to call upon the gods and men to bear witness to
the injustice. It would seem there was a suit at law commenced upon
this occasion, and there is yet extant an oration concerning the
chariot, written by Isocrates in defence of the son of Alcibiades. But
the plaintiff in this action is named Tisias, and not Diomedes.
  As soon as he began to intermeddle in the government, which was when
he was very young, he quickly lessened the credit of all who aspired
to the confidence of the people except Phaeax, the son of
Erasistratus, and Nicias the son of Niceratus, who alone could contest
it with him. Nicias was arrived at a mature age, and was esteemed
their first general. Phaeax was but a rising statesman like
Alcibiades; he was descended from noble ancestors, but was his
inferior, as in many other things, so, principally, in eloquence. He
possessed rather the art of persuading in private conversation than of
debate before the people, and was, as Eupolis said of him-

         "The best of talkers, and of speakers worst."

There is extant an oration written by Phaeax against Alcibiades, in
which, amongst other things, it is said, that Alcibiades made daily
use at his table of many gold and silver vessels, which belonged to
the commonwealth, as if they had been his own.
  There was a certain Hyperbolus, of the township of Perithoedae, whom
Thucydides also speaks of as a man of bad character, a general butt
for the mockery of all the comic writers of the time, but quite
unconcerned at the worst things they could say, and, being careless of
glory, also insensible of shame; a temper which some people call
boldness and courage, whereas it is indeed impudence and recklessness.
He was liked by nobody, yet the people made frequent use of him,
when they had a mind to disgrace or calumniate any persons in
authority. At this time, the people, by his persuasions, were ready to
proceed to pronounce the sentence of ten years' banishment, called
ostracism. This they made use of to humiliate and drive out of the
city such citizens as outdid the rest in credit and power, indulging
not so much perhaps their apprehensions as their jealousies in this
way. And when, at this time, there was no doubt but that the ostracism
would fall upon one of those three, Alcibiades contrived to form a
coalition of parties, and, communicating his project to Nicias, turned
the sentence upon Hyperbolus himself. Others say, that it was not with
Nicias, but Phaeax, that he consulted, and by help of his party
procured the banishment of Hyperbolus, when he suspected nothing less.
For, before that time, no mean or obscure person had ever fallen under
the punishment, so that Plato, the comic poet, speaking of Hyperbolus,
might well say-

         "The man deserved the fate; deny't who can?
         Yes, but the fate did not deserve the man;
         Not for the like of him and his slave-brands
         Did Athens put the sherd into our hands."

But we have given elsewhere a fuller statement of what is known to
us of the matter.
  Alcibiades was not less disturbed at the distinctions which Nicias
gained amongst the enemies of Athens than at the honours which the
Athenians themselves paid to him. For though Alcibiades was the proper
appointed person to receive all Lacedaemonians when they came to
Athens, and had taken particular care of those that were made
prisoners at Pylos, yet, after they had obtained the peace and
restitution of the captives, by the procurement chiefly of Nicias,
they paid him very special attentions. And it was commonly said in
Greece, that the war was begun by Pericles, and that Nicias made an
end of it, and the peace was generally called the peace of Nicias.
Alcibiades was extremely annoyed at this, and being full of envy,
set himself to break the league. First, therefore, observing that
the Argives, as well out of fear as hatred to the Lacedaemonians,
sought for protection against them, he gave them a secret assurance of
alliance with Athens. And communicating, as well in person as by
letters, with the chief advisers of the people there, he encouraged
them not to fear the Lacedaemonians, nor make concessions to them, but
to wait a little, and keep their eyes on the Athenians, who,
already, were all but sorry they had made peace, and would soon give
it up. And afterwards, when the Lacedaemonians had made a league
with the Boeotians, and had not delivered up Panactum entire, as
they ought to have done by the treaty, but only after first destroying
it, which gave great offence to the people of Athens, Alcibiades
laid hold of that opportunity to exasperate them more highly. He
exclaimed fiercely against Nicias, and accused him of many things,
which seemed probable enough: as that, when he was general, he made no
attempt himself to capture their enemies that were shut up in the isle
of Sphacteria, but, when they were afterwards made prisoners by
others, he procured their release and sent them back to the
Lacedaemonians, only to get favour with them; that he would not make
use of his credit with them to prevent their entering into this
confederacy with the Boeotians and Corinthians, and yet, on the
other side, that he sought to stand in the way of those Greeks who
were inclined to make an alliance and friendship with Athens, if the
Lacedaemonians did not like it.
  It happened, at the very time when Nicias was by these arts
brought into disgrace with the people, that ambassadors arrived from
Lacedaemon, who, at their first coming, said what seemed very
satisfactory, declaring that they had full powers to arrange all
matters in dispute upon fair and equal terms. The council received
their propositions, and the people were to assemble on the morrow to
give them audience. Alcibiades grew very apprehensive of this, and
contrived to gain a secret conference with the ambassadors. When
they were met, he said: "What is it you intend, you men of Sparta? Can
you be ignorant that the council always act with moderation and
respect towards ambassadors, but that the people are full of
ambition and great designs? So that, if you let them know what full
powers your commission gives you, they will urge and press you to
unreasonable conditions. Quit, therefore, this indiscreet
simplicity, if you expect to obtain equal terms from the Athenians,
and would not have things extorted from you contrary to your
inclinations, and begin to treat with the people upon some
reasonable articles, not avowing yourselves plenipotentiaries; and I
will be ready to assist you, out of good-will to the
Lacedaemonians." When he had said thus, he gave them his oath for
the performance of what he promised, and by this way drew them from
Nicias to rely entirely upon himself, and left them full of admiration
of the discernment and sagacity they had seen in him. The next day,
when the people were assembled and the ambassadors introduced,
Alcibiades, with great apparent courtesy, demanded of them, With
what powers they were come? They made answer that they were not come
as plenipotentiaries.
  Instantly upon that, Alcibiades, with a loud voice, as though he had
received and not done the wrong, began to call them dishonest
prevaricators, and to urge that such men could not possibly come
with a purpose to say or do anything that was sincere. The council was
incensed, the people were in a rage, and Nicias, who knew nothing of
the deceit and the imposture, was in the greatest confusion, equally
surprised and ashamed at such a change in the men. So thus the
Lacedaemonian ambassadors were utterly rejected, and Alcibiades was
declared general, who presently united the Argives, the Eleans, and
the people of Mantinea, into a confederacy with the Athenians.
  No man commended the method by which Alcibiades effected all this,
yet it was a great political feat thus to divide and shake almost
all Peloponnesus, and to combine so many men in arms against the
Lacedaemonians in one day before Mantinea; and, moreover, to remove
the war and the danger so far from the frontier of the Athenians, that
even success would profit the enemy but little, should they be
conquerors, whereas, if they were defeated, Sparta itself was hardly
safe.
  After this battle at Mantinea, the select thousand of the army of
the Argives attempted to overthrow the government of the people in
Argos, and make themselves masters of the city; and the Lacedaemonians
came to their aid and abolished the democracy. But the people took
arms again, and gained the advantage, and Alcibiades came in to
their aid and completed the victory, and persuaded them to build
long walls, and by that means to join their city to the sea, and so to
bring it wholly within reach of the Athenian power. To this purpose he
procured them builders and masons from Athens, and displayed the
greatest zeal for their service, and gained no less honour and power
to himself than to the commonwealth of Athens. He also persuaded the
people of Patrae to join their city to the sea, by building long
walls; and when some one told them, by way of warning, that the
Athenians would swallow them up at last, Alcibiades made answer,
"Possibly it may be so, but it will be by little and little, and
beginning at the feet, whereas the Lacedaemonians will begin at the
head and devour you all at once." Nor did he neglect either to
advise the Athenians to look to their interests by land, and often put
the young men in mind of the oath which they had made at Agraulos,
to the effect that they would account wheat and barley, and vines
and olives, to be the limits of Attica; by which they were taught to
claim a title to all land that was cultivated and productive.
  But with all these words and deeds, and with all this sagacity and
eloquence, he intermingled exorbitant luxury and wantonness, in his
eating and drinking and dissolute living; wore long purple robes
like a woman, which dragged after him as he went through the
market-place; caused the planks of his galley to be cut away, that
so he might lie the softer, his bed not being placed on the boards,
but hanging upon girths. His shield, again, which was richly gilded,
had not the usual ensigns of the Athenians, but a Cupid, holding a
thunderbolt in his hand, was painted upon it. The sight of all this
made the people of good repute in the city feel disgust and
abhorrence, and apprehension also, at his free living, and his
contempt of law, as things monstrous in themselves, and indicating
designs of usurpation. Aristophanes has well expressed the people's
feelings toward him-

       "They love, and hate, and cannot do without him."

And still more strongly, under a figurative expression,-

          "Best rear no lion in your state, 'tis true;
           But treat him like a lion if you do."

  The truth is, his liberalities, his public shows, and other
munificence to the people, which were such as nothing could exceed,
the glory of his ancestors, the force of his eloquence, the grace of
his person, his strength of body, joined with his great courage and
knowledge in military affairs, prevailed upon the Athenians to
endure patiently his excesses, to indulge many things to him, and,
according to their habit, to give the softest names to his faults,
attributing them to youth and good nature. As, for example, he kept
Agatharcus, the painter, a prisoner till he had painted his whole
house, but then dismissed him with a reward. He publicly struck
Taureas, who exhibited certain shows in opposition to him and
contended with him for the prize. He selected for himself one of the
captive Melian women, and had a son by her, whom he took care to
educate. This the Athenians styled great humanity, and yet he was
the principal cause of the slaughter of all the inhabitants of the
isle of Melos who were of age to bear arms, having spoken in favour of
that decree. When Aristophon, the painter, had drawn Nemea sitting and
holding Alcibiades in her arms, the multitudes seemed pleased with the
piece, and thronged to see it, but older people disliked and
disrelished it, and looked on these things as enormities, and
movements towards tyranny. So that it was not said amiss by
Archestratus, that Greece could not support a second Alcibiades. Once,
when Alcibiades succeeded well in an oration which he made, and the
whole assembly attended upon him to do him honour, Timon the
misanthrope did not pass slightly by him, nor avoid him, as did
others, but purposely met him, and taking him by the hand, said, "Go
on boldly, my son, and increase in credit with the people, for thou
wilt one day bring them calamities enough." Some that were present
laughed at the saying, and some reviled Timon; but there were others
upon whom it made a deep impression; so various was the judgment which
was made of him, and so irregular his own character.
  The Athenians, even in the lifetime of Pericles, had already cast
a longing eye upon Sicily; but did not attempt anything till after his
death. Then, under pretence of aiding their confederates, they sent
succours upon all occasions to those who were oppressed by the
Syracusans, preparing the way for sending over a greater force. But
Alcibiades was the person who inflamed this desire of theirs to the
height, and prevailed with them no longer to proceed secretly, and
by little and little, in their design, but to sail out with a great
fleet, and undertake at once to make themselves masters of the island.
He possessed the people with great hopes, and he himself entertained
yet greater; and the conquest of Sicily, which was the utmost bound of
their ambition, was but the mere outset of his expectation. Nicias
endeavoured to divert the people from the expedition, by
representing to them that the taking of Syracuse would be a work of
great difficulty; but Alcibiades dreamed of nothing less than the
conquest of Carthage and Libya, and by the accession of these
conceiving himself at once made master of Italy and Peloponnesus,
seemed to look upon Sicily as little more than a magazine for the war.
The young men were soon elevated with these hopes and listened
gladly to those of riper years, who talked wonders of the countries
they were going to; so that you might see great numbers sitting in the
wrestling grounds and public places, drawing on the ground the
figure of the island and the situation of Libya and Carthage. Socrates
the philosopher and Meton the astrologer are said, however, never to
have hoped for any good to the commonwealth from this war; the one, it
is to be supposed, presaging what would ensue, by the intervention
of his attendant Genius; and the other, either upon rational
consideration of the project or by use of the art of divination,
conceived fears for its issue, and, feigning madness, caught up a
burning torch, and seemed as if he would have set his own house on
fire. Others report, that he did not take upon him to act the
madman, but secretly in the night set his house on fire, and the
next morning besought the people, that for his comfort, after such a
calamity, they would spare his son from the expedition. By which
artifice he deceived his fellow citizens, and obtained of them what he
desired.
  Together with Alcibiades, Nicias, much against his will, was
appointed general; and he endeavoured to avoid the command, not the
less on account of his colleague. But the Athenians thought the war
would proceed more prosperously, if they did not send Alcibiades
free from all restraint, but tempered his heat with the caution of
Nicias. This they chose the rather to do, because Lamachus, the
third general, though he was of mature years, yet in several battles
had appeared no less hot and rash than Alcibiades himself. When they
began to deliberate of the number of forces, and of the manner of
making the necessary provisions, Nicias made another attempt to oppose
the design, and to prevent the war; but Alcibiades contradicted him,
and carried his point with the people. And one Demostratus, an orator,
proposing to give the generals absolute power over the preparations
and the whole management of the war, it was presently decreed so. When
all things were fitted for the voyage, many unlucky omens appeared. At
that very time the feast of Adonis happened in which the women were
used to expose, in all parts of the city, images resembling dead men
carried out to their burial, and to represent funeral solemnities by
lamentations and mournful songs. The mutilation, however, of the
images of Mercury, most of which, in one night, had their faces all
disfigured, terrified many persons who were wont to despise most
things of that nature. It was given out that it was done by the
Corinthians, for the sake of the Syracusans, who were their colony, in
hopes that the Athenians, by such prodigies, might be induced to delay
or abandon the war. But the report gained no credit with the people,
nor yet the opinion of those who would not believe that there was
anything ominous in the matter, but that it was only an extravagant
action, committed, in that sort of sport which runs into licence, by
wild young men coming from a debauch. Alike enraged and terrified at
the thing, looking upon it to proceed from a conspiracy of persons who
designed some commotions in the state, the council, as well as the
assembly of the people, which were held frequently in a few days'
space, examined diligently everything that might administer ground for
suspicion. During this examination, Androcles, one of the
demagogues, produced certain slaves and strangers before them, who
accused Alcibiades and some of his friends of defacing other images in
the same manner, and of having profanely acted the sacred mysteries at
a drunken meeting, where one Theodorus represented the herald,
Polytion the torch-bearer, and Alcibiades the chief priest, while
the rest of the party appeared as candidates for initiation, and
received the title of Initiates. These were the matters contained in
the articles of information which Thessalus, the son of Cimon,
exhibited against Alcibiades, for his impious mockery of the goddesses
Ceres and Proserpine. The people were highly exasperated and
incensed against Alcibiades upon this accusation, which being
aggravated by Androcles, the most malicious of all his enemies, at
first disturbed his friends exceedingly. But when they perceived
that all the seamen designed for Sicily were for him, and the soldiers
also, and when the Argive and Mantinean auxiliaries, a thousand men at
arms, openly declared that they had undertaken this distant maritime
expedition for the sake of Alcibiades, and that, if he was ill-used,
they would all go home, they recovered their courage, and became eager
to make use of the present opportunity for justifying him. At this his
enemies were again discouraged, fearing lest the people should be more
gentle to him in their sentence, because of the occasion they had
for his service. Therefore, to obviate this, they contrived that
some other orators, who did not appear to be enemies to Alcibiades,
but really hated him no less than those who avowed it, should stand up
in the assembly and say that it was a very absurd thing that one who
was created general of such an army with absolute power, after his
troops were assembled, and the confederates were come, should lose the
opportunity, whilst the people were choosing his judges by lot, and
appointing times for the hearing of the cause. And, therefore, let him
set sail at once, good fortune attend him; and when the war should
be at an end, he might then in person make his defence according to
the laws.
  Alcibiades perceived the malice of this postponement, and, appearing
in the assembly, represented that it was monstrous for him to be
sent with the command of so large an army, when he lay under such
accusations and calumnies; that he deserved to die, if he could not
clear himself of the crimes objected to him; but when he had so
done, and had proved his innocence, he should then cheerfully apply
himself to the war, as standing no longer in fear of false accusers.
But he could not prevail with the people, who commanded him to sail
immediately. So he departed, together with the other generals,
having with them near 140 galleys, 5,100 men at arms, and about
1,300 archers, slingers, and light-armed men, and all the other
provisions corresponding.
  Arriving on the coast of Italy, he landed at Rhegium, and there
stated his views of the manner in which they ought to conduct the war.
He was opposed by Nicias; but Lamachus being of his opinion, they
sailed for Sicily forthwith, and took Catana. This was all that was
done while he was there, for he was soon after recalled by the
Athenians to abide his trial. At first, as we before said, there
were only some slight suspicions advanced against Alcibiades, and
accusations by certain slaves and strangers. But afterwards, in his
absence, his enemies attacked him more violently, and confounded
together the breaking the images with the profanation of the
mysteries, as though both had been committed in pursuance of the
same conspiracy for changing the government. The people proceeded to
imprison all that were accused, without distinction, and without
hearing them, and repented now, considering the importance of the
charge, that they had not immediately brought Alcibiades to his trial,
and given judgment against him. Any of his friends or acquaintance who
fell into the people's hands, whilst they were in this fury, did not
fail to meet with very severe usage. Thucydides has omitted to name
the informers, but others mention Dioclides and Teucer. Amongst whom
is Phrynichus, the comic poet, in whom we find the following:-

       "O dearest Hermes! only do take care,
        And mind you do not miss your footing there;
        Should you get hurt, occasion may arise
        For a new Dioclides to tell lies."

To which he makes Mercury return this answer:-

              "will so, for I feel no inclination
          To reward Teucer for more information."

The truth is, his accusers alleged nothing that was certain or solid
against him. One of them, being asked how he knew the men who
defaced the images, replying, that he saw them by the light of the
moon, made a palpable misstatement, for it was just new moon when
the fact was committed. This made all men of understanding cry out
upon the thing; but the people were as eager as ever to receive
further accusations, nor was their first heat at all abated, but
they instantly seized and imprisoned every one that was accused.
Amongst those who were detained in prison for their trials was
Andocides the orator, whose descent the historian Hellanicus deduces
from Ulysses. He was always supposed to hate popular government, and
to support oligarchy. The chief ground of his being suspected of
defacing the images was because the great Mercury, which stood near
his house, and was an ancient monument of the tribe Aegeis, was almost
the only statute of all the remarkable ones which remained entire. For
this cause, it is now called the Mercury of Andocides, all men
giving it that name, though the inscription is evidence to the
contrary. It happened that Andocides, amongst the rest who were
prisoners upon the same account, contracted particular acquaintance
and intimacy with one Timaeus, a person inferior to him in repute, but
of remarkable dexterity and boldness. He persuaded Andocides to accuse
him and some few others of this crime, urging to him that, upon his
confession, he would be, by the decree of the people, secure of his
pardon, whereas the event of judgment is uncertain to all men, but
to great persons, such as he was, most formidable. So that it was
better for him, if he regarded himself, to save his life by falsity,
than to suffer an infamous death, as really guilty of the crime. And
if he had regard to the public good, it was commendable to sacrifice a
few suspected men, by that means to rescue many excellent persons from
the fury of the people. Andocides was prevailed upon, and accused
himself and some others, and, by the terms of the decree, obtained his
pardon, while all the persons named by him, except some few who had
saved themselves by flight, suffered death. To gain the greater credit
to his information, he accused his own servants amongst others. But
notwithstanding this, the people's anger was not wholly appeased;
and being now no longer diverted by the mutilators, they were at
leisure to pour out their whole rage upon Alcibiades. And, in
conclusion, they sent the galley named Salaminian to recall him. But
they expressly commanded those that were sent to use no violence,
nor seize upon his person, but address themselves to him in the
mildest terms, requiring him to follow them to Athens in order to
abide his trial, and clear himself before the people. For they
feared mutiny and sedition in the army in an enemy's country, which
indeed it would have been easy for Alcibiades to effect, if he had
wished it. For the soldiers were dispirited upon his departure,
expecting for the future tedious delays, and that the war would be
drawn out into a lazy length by Nicias, when Alcibiades, who was the
spur to action, was taken away. For though Lamachus was a soldier, and
a man of courage, poverty deprived him of authority and respect in the
army. Alcibiades, just upon his departure, prevented Messena from
falling into the hands of the Athenians. There were some in that
city who were upon the point of delivering it up, but he, knowing
the persons, gave information to some friends of the Syracusans, and
so defeated the whole contrivance. When he arrived at Thurii, he
went on shore, and, concealing himself there, escaped those who
searched after him. But to one who knew him, and asked him if he durst
not trust his own native country, he made answer, "In everything else,
yes; but in a matter that touches my life, I would not even my own
mother, lest she might by mistake throw in the black ball instead of
the white." When, afterwards, he was told that the assembly had
pronounced judgment of death against him, all he said was, "I will
make them feel that I am alive."
  The information against him was conceived in this form:-
  "Thessalus, the son of Cimon, of the township of Lacia, lays
information that Alcibiades, the son of Clinias of the township of the
Scambonidae, has committed a crime against the goddesses Ceres and
Proserpine, by representing in derision the holy mysteries, and
showing them to his companions in his own house. Where, being
habited in such robes as are used by the chief priest when he shows
the holy things, he named himself the chief priest, Polytion the
torch-bearer, and Theodorus, of the township of Phegaea, the herald;
and saluted the rest of his company as Initiates and Novices, all
which was done contrary to the laws and institutions of the
Eumolpidae, and the heralds and priests of the temple at Eleusis."
  He was condemned as contumacious upon his not appearing, his
property confiscated, and it was decreed that all the priests and
priestesses should solemnly curse him. But one of them, Theano, the
daughter of Menon, of the township of Agraule, is said to have opposed
that part of the decree, saying that her holy office obliged her to
make prayers, but not execrations.
  Alcibiades, lying under these heavy decrees and sentences, when
first he fled from Thurii, passed over into Peloponnesus and
remained some time at Argos. But being there in fear of his enemies,
and seeing himself utterly hopeless of return to his native country,
he sent to Sparta, desiring safe conduct, and assuring them that he
would make them amends by his future services for all the mischief
he had done them while he was their enemy. The Spartans giving him the
security he desired, he went eagerly, was well received, and, at his
very first coming, succeeded in inducing them, without any further
caution or delay, to send aid to the Syracusans; and so roused and
excited them, that they forthwith despatched Gylippus into Sicily to
crush the forces which the Athenians had in Sicily. A second point was
to renew the war upon the Athenians at home. But the third thing,
and the most important of all, was to make them fortify Decelea, which
above everything reduced and wasted the resources of the Athenians.
  The renown which he earned by these public services was equalled
by the admiration he attracted to his private life; he captivated
and won over everybody by his conformity to Spartan habits. People who
saw him wearing his hair close cut, bathing in cold water, eating
coarse meal, and dining on black broth, doubted, or rather could not
believe, that he ever had a cook in his house, or had ever seen a
perfumer, or had worn a mantle of Milesian purple. For he had, as it
was observed, this peculiar talent and artifice for gaining men's
affections, that he could at once comply with and really embrace and
enter into their habits and ways of life, and change faster than the
chameleon. One colour, indeed, they say the chameleon cannot assume:
it cannot itself appear white; but Alcibiades, whether with good men
or with bad, could adapt himself to his company, and equally wear
the appearance of virtue or vice. At Sparta, he was devoted to
athletic exercises, was frugal and reserved; in Ionia, luxurious, gay,
and indolent; in Thrace, always drinking; in Thessaly, ever on
horseback; and when he lived with Tisaphernes the Persian satrap, he
exceeded the Persians themselves in magnificence and pomp. Not that
his natural disposition changed so easily, nor that his real character
was so variable, but, whether he was sensible that by pursuing his own
inclinations he might give offence to those with whom he had
occasion to converse, he transformed himself into any shape, and
adopted any fashion, that he observed to be most agreeable to them. So
that to have seen him at Lacedaemon, a man, judging by the outward
appearance, would have said, "'Tis not Achilles's son, but he himself;
the very man" that Lycurgus designed to form; while his real feeling
and acts would have rather provoked the exclamation, "'Tis the same
woman still." For while king Agis was absent, and abroad with the
army, he corrupted his wife Timaea, and had a child born by her. Nor
did she even deny it, but when she was brought to bed of a son, called
him in public Leotychides, but, amongst her confidants and attendants,
would whisper that his name was Alcibiades, to such a degree was she
transported by her passion for him. He, on the other side, would
say, in his vain way, he had not done this thing out of mere
wantonness of insult, nor to gratify a passion, but that his race
might one day be kings over the Lacedaemonians.
  There were many who told Agis that this was so, but time itself gave
the greatest confirmation to the story. For Agis, alarmed by an
earthquake, had quitted his wife, and for ten months after was never
with her; Leotychides, therefore, being born after these ten months,
he would not acknowledge him for his son which was the reason that
afterwards he was not admitted to the succession.
  After the defeat which the Athenians received in Sicily, ambassadors
were despatched to Sparta at once from Chios and Lesbos and Cyzicus,
to signify their purpose of revolting from the Athenians. The
Boeotians interposed in favour of the Lesbians, and Pharnabazus of the
Cyzicenes, but the Lacedaemonians, at the persuasion of Alcibiades,
chose to assist Chios before all others. He himself, also, went
instantly to sea, procured the immediate revolt of almost all Ionia,
and, co-operating with the Lacedaemonian generals, did great
mischief to the Athenians. But Agis was his enemy, hating him for
having dishonoured his wife, and also impatient of his glory, as
almost every enterprise and every success was ascribed to
Alcibiades. Others, also, of the most powerful and ambitious amongst
the Spartans were possessed with jealousy of him, and at last
prevailed with the magistrates in the city to send orders into Ionia
that he should be killed. Alcibiades, however, had secret intelligence
of this, and in apprehension of the result, while he communicated
all affairs to the Lacedaemonians, yet took care not to put himself
into their power. At last he retired to Tisaphernes, the King of
Persia's satrap, for his security, and immediately became the first
and most influential person about him. For this barbarian, not being
himself sincere, but a lover of guile and wickedness, admired his
address and wonderful subtlety. And, indeed, the charm of daily
intercourse with him was more than any character could resist or any
disposition escape. Even those who feared and envied him could not but
take delight, and have a sort of kindness for him, when they saw him
and were in his company. So that Tisaphernes, otherwise a cruel
character, and, above all other Persians, a hater of the Greeks, was
yet so won by the flatteries of Alcibiades, that he set himself even
to exceed him in responding to them. The most beautiful of his
parks, containing salubrious streams and meadows, where he had built
pavilions, and places of retirement royally and exquisitely adorned,
received by his direction the name of Alcibiades, and was always so
called and so spoken of.
  Thus Alcibiades, quitting the interests of the Spartans, whom he
could no longer trust, because he stood in fear of Agis, endeavoured
to do them ill offices, and render them odious to Tisaphernes, who
by his means was hindered from assisting them vigorously, and from
finally ruining the Athenians. For his advice was to furnish them
but sparingly with money, and so wear them out, and consume them
insensibly; when they had wasted their strength upon one another, they
would both become ready to submit to the king. Tisaphernes readily
pursued his counsel, and so openly expressed the liking and admiration
which he had for him, that Alcibiades was looked up to by the Greeks
of both parties, and the Athenians, now in their misfortunes, repented
them of their severe sentence against him. And he, on the other
side, began to be troubled for them, and to fear lest, if that
commonwealth were utterly destroyed, he should fall into the hands
of the Lacedaemonians, his enemies.
  At that time the whole strength of the Athenians was in Samos. Their
fleet maintained itself here, and issued from these headquarters to
reduce such as had revolted, and protect the rest of their
territories; in one way or other still contriving to be a match for
their enemies at sea. What they stood in fear of was Tisaphernes and
the Phoenician fleet of one hundred and fifty alleys, which was said
to be already under sail; if those came, there remained then no
hopes for the commonwealth of Athens. Understanding this, Alcibiades
sent secretly to the chief men of the Athenians, who were then at
Samos, giving them hopes that he would make Tisaphernes their
friend; he was willing, he implied, to do some favour, not to the
people, not in reliance upon them, but to the better citizens, if
only, like brave men, they would make the attempt to put down the
insolence of the people, and, by taking upon them the government,
would endeavour to save the city from ruin. All of them gave a ready
ear to the proposal made by Alcibiades, except only Phrynichus, of the
township of Dirades one of the generals, who suspected, as the truth
was, that Alcibiades concerned not himself whether the government were
in the people or the better citizens, but only sought by any means
to make way for his return into his native country, and to that end
inveighed against the people, thereby to gain the others, and to
insinuate himself into their good opinion. But when Phrynichus found
his counsel to be rejected and that he was himself become a declared
enemy of Alcibiades, he gave secret intelligence to Astyochus, the
enemy's admiral, cautioning him to beware of Alcibiades and to seize
him as a double dealer, unaware that one traitor was making
discoveries to another. For Astyochus, who was eager to gain the
favour of Tisaphernes, observing the credit Alcibiades had with him,
revealed to Alcibiades all that Phrynichus had said against him.
Alcibiades at once despatched messengers to Samos, to accuse
Phrynichus of the treachery. Upon this, all the commanders were
enraged with Phrynichus, and set themselves against him; he, seeing no
other way to extricate himself from the present danger, attempted to
remedy one evil by a greater. He sent to Astyochus to reproach him for
betraying him, and to make an offer to him at the same time to deliver
into his hands both the army and the navy of the Athenians. This
occasioned no damage to the Athenians, because Astyochus repeated
his treachery and revealed also this proposal to Alcibiades. But
this again was foreseen by Phrynichus, who, expecting a second
accusation from Alcibiades to anticipate him, advertised the Athenians
beforehand that the enemy was ready to sail in order to surprise them,
and therefore advised them to fortify their camp, and be in a
readiness to go aboard their ships. While the Athenians were intent
upon doing these things, they received other letters from
Alcibiades, admonishing them to beware of Phrynichus, as one who
designed to betray their fleet to the enemy, to which they then gave
no credit at all, conceiving that Alcibiades, who knew perfectly the
counsels and preparations of the enemy, was merely making use of
that knowledge, in order to impose upon them in this false
accusation of Phrynichus. Yet, afterwards, when Phrynichus was stabbed
with a dagger in the market-place by Hermon, one of the guards, the
Athenians, entering into an examination of the cause, solemnly
condemned Phrynichus of treason, and decreed crowns to Hermon and
his associates. And now the friends of Alcibiades, carrying all before
them at Samos, despatched Pisander to Athens, to attempt a change of
government, and to encourage the aristocratical citizens to take
upon themselves the government, and overthrow the democracy,
representing to them, that upon these terms, Alcibiades would
procure them the friendship and alliance of Tisaphernes.
  This was the colour and pretence made use of by those who desired to
change the government of Athens to an oligarchy. But as soon as they
prevailed, and had got the administration of affairs into their hands,
under the name of the Five Thousand (whereas, indeed, they were but
four hundred), they slighted Alcibiades altogether, and prosecuted the
war with less vigour; partly because they durst not yet trust the
citizens, who secretly detested this change, and partly because they
thought the Lacedaemonians, who always befriended the government of
the few, would be inclined to give them favourable terms.
  The people in the city were terrified into submission, many of those
who had dared openly to oppose the four hundred having been put to
death. But those who were at Samos, indignant when they heard this
news, were eager to set sail instantly for the Piraeus; sending for
Alcibiades, they declared him general, requiring him to lead them on
to put down the tyrants. He, however, in that juncture, did not, as it
might have been thought a man would, on being suddenly exalted by
the favour of a multitude, think himself under an obligation to
gratify and submit to all the wishes of those who, from a fugitive and
an exile, had created him general of so great an army, and given him
the command of such a fleet. But, as became a great captain, he
opposed himself to the precipitate resolutions which their rage led
them to, and, by restraining them from the great error they were about
to commit, unequivocally saved the commonwealth. For if they then
sailed to Athens, all Ionia and the islands and the Hellespont would
have fallen into the enemies' hands without opposition, while the
Athenians, involved in civil war, would have been fighting with one
another within the circuit of their own walls. It was Alcibiades,
alone, or, at least, principally, who prevented all this mischief; for
he not only used persuasion to the whole army, and showed them the
danger, but applied himself to them, one by one, entreating some,
and constraining others. He was much assisted, however, by Thrasybulus
of Stiria, who having the loudest voice, as we are told, of all the
Athenians, went along with him, and cried out to those who were
ready to be gone. A second great service which Alcibiades did for them
was, his undertaking that the Phoenician fleet, which the
Lacedaemonians expected to be sent to them by the King of Persia,
should either come in aid of the Athenians or otherwise should not
come at all. He sailed off with all expedition in order to perform
this, and the ships, which had already been seen as near as
Aspendus, were not brought any further by Tisaphernes, who thus
deceived the Lacedaemonians; and it was by both sides believed that
they had been diverted by the procurement of Alcibiades. The
Lacedaemonians, in particular, accused him, that he had advised the
Barbarian to stand still, and suffer the Greeks to waste and destroy
one another, as it was evident that the accession of so great a
force to either party would enable them to take away the entire
dominion of the sea from the other side.
  Soon after this, the four hundred usurpers were driven out, the
friends of Alcibiades vigorously assisting those who were for the
popular government. And now the people in the city not only desired,
but commanded Alcibiades to return home from his exile. He, however,
desired not to owe his return to the mere grace and commiseration of
the people, and resolved to come back, not with empty hands, but
with glory, and after some service done. To this end, he sailed from
Samos with a few ships, and cruised on the sea of Cnidos, and about
the isle of Cos; but receiving intelligence there that Mindarus, the
Spartan admiral, had sailed with his whole army into the Hellespont,
and that the Athenians had followed him, he hurried back to succour
the Athenian commanders, and, by good fortune, arrived with eighteen
galleys at a critical time. For both the fleets having engaged near
Abydos, the fight between them had lasted till night, the one side
having the advantage on one quarter, and the other on another. Upon
his first appearance, both sides formed a false impression; the
enemy was encouraged and the Athenians terrified. But Alcibiades
suddenly raised the Athenian ensign in the admiral ship, and fell upon
those galleys of the Peloponnesians which had the advantage and were
in pursuit. He soon put these to flight, and followed them so close
that he forced them on shore, and broke the ships in pieces, the
sailors abandoning them and swimming away in spite of all the
efforts of Pharnabazus, who had come down to their assistance by
land and did what he could to protect them from the shore. In fine,
the Athenians, having taken thirty of the enemy's ships, and recovered
all their own, erected a trophy. After the gaining of so glorious a
victory, his vanity made him eager to show himself to Tisaphernes,
and, having furnished himself with gifts and presents, and an equipage
suitable to his dignity, he set out to visit him. But the thing did
not succeed as he had imagined, for Tisaphernes had been long
suspected by the Lacedaemonians, and was afraid to fall into
disgrace with his king upon that account, and therefore thought that
Alcibiades arrived very opportunely, and immediately caused him to
be seized, and sent away prisoner to Sardis; fancying, by this act
of injustice, to clear himself from all former imputations.
  But about thirty days after, Alcibiades escaped from his keeping,
and having got a horse, fled to Clazomenae, where he procured
Tisaphernes additional disgrace by professing he was a party to his
escape. From there he sailed to the Athenian camp, and, being informed
there that Mindarus and Pharnabazus were together at Cyzicus, he
made a speech to the soldiers, telling them that sea-fighting,
land-fighting, and, by the gods, fighting against fortified cities
too, must be all one for them, as unless they conquered everywhere,
there was no money for them. As soon as ever he got them on shipboard,
he hastened to Proconnesus, and gave command to seize all the small
vessels they met, and guard them safely in the interior of the
fleet, that the enemy might have no notice of his coming; and a
great storm of rain, accompanied with thunder and darkness, which
happened at the same time, contributed much to the concealment of
his enterprise. Indeed, it was not only undiscovered by the enemy, but
the Athenians themselves were ignorant of it, for he commanded them
suddenly on board, and set sail when they had abandoned all
intention of it. As the darkness presently passed away, the
Peloponnesian fleet was seen riding out at sea in front of the harbour
of Cyzicus. Fearing, if they discovered the number of his ships,
they might endeavour to save themselves by land, he commanded the rest
of the captains to slacken, and follow him slowly, whilst he,
advancing with forty ships, showed himself to the enemy, and
provoked them to fight. The enemy, being deceived as to their numbers,
despised them, and, supposing they were to contend with those only,
made themselves ready and began the fight. But as soon as they were
engaged, they perceived the other part of the fleet coming down upon
them, at which they were so terrified that they fled immediately. Upon
that, Alcibiades, breaking through the midst of them with twenty of
his best ships, hastened to the shore, disembarked, and pursued
those who abandoned their ships and fled to land, and made a great
slaughter of them. Mindarus and Pharnabazus, coming to their
succour, were utterly defeated. Mindarus was slain upon the place,
fighting valiantly; Pharnabazus saved himself by flight. The Athenians
slew great numbers of their enemies, won much spoil, and took all
their ships. They also made themselves masters of Cyzicus which was
deserted by Pharnabazus, and destroyed its Peloponnesian garrison, and
thereby not only secured to themselves the Hellespont, but by force
drove the Lacedaemonians from out of the rest of the sea. They
intercepted some letters written to the ephors, which gave an
account of this fatal overthrow, after their short laconic manner.
"Our hopes are at an end. Mindarus is slain. The men starve. We know
not what to do."
  The soldiers who followed Alcibiades in this last fight were so
exalted with their success, and felt that degree of pride, that,
looking on themselves as invincible, they disdained to mix with the
other soldiers, who had been often overcome. For it happened not
long before, Thrasyllus had received a defeat near Ephesus, and,
upon that occasion, the Ephesians erected their brazen trophy to the
disgrace of the Athenians. The soldiers of Alcibiades reproached those
who were under the command of Thrasyllus with this misfortune, at
the same time magnifying themselves and their own commander, and it
went so far that they would not exercise with them, nor lodge in the
same quarters. But soon after, Pharnabazus, with a great force of
horse and foot, falling upon the soldiers of Thrasyllus, as they
were laying waste the territory of Abydos, Alcibiades came to their
aid, routed Pharnabazus, and together with Thrasyllus pursued him till
it was night; and in this action the troops united, and returned
together to the camp, rejoicing and congratulating one another. The
next day he erected a trophy, and then proceeded to lay waste with
fire and sword the whole province which was under Pharnabazus, where
none ventured to resist; and he took divers priests and priestesses,
but released them without ransom. He prepared next to attack the
Chalcedonians, who had revolted from the Athenians, and had received a
Lacedaemonian governor and garrison. But having intelligence that they
had removed their corn and cattle out of the fields, and were
conveying it all to the Bithynians, who were their friends, he drew
down his army to the frontier of the Bithynians, and then sent a
herald to charge them with this proceeding. The Bithynians,
terrified at his approach, delivered up to him the booty, and
entered into alliance with him.
  Afterwards he proceeded to the siege of Chalcedon, and enclosed it
with a wall from sea to sea. Pharnabazus advanced with his forces to
raise the siege, and Hypocrites, the governor of the town, at the same
time, gathering together all the strength he had, made a sally upon
the Athenians. Alcibiades divided his army so as to engage both at
once, and not only forced Pharnabazus to a dishonourable flight, but
defeated Hypocrites, and killed him and a number of the soldiers
with him. After this he sailed into the Hellespont, in order to
raise supplies of money, and took the city of Selymbria, in which
action, through his precipitation, he exposed himself to great danger.
For some within the town had undertaken to betray it into his hands,
and, by agreement, were to give him a signal by a lighted torch
about midnight. But one of the conspirators beginning to repent
himself of the design, the rest, for fear of being discovered, were
driven to give the signal before the appointed hour. Alcibiades, as
soon as he saw the torch lifted up in the air, though his army was not
in readiness to march, ran instantly towards the walls, taking with
him about thirty men only, and commanding the rest of the army to
follow him with all possible speed. When he came hither, he found
the gate opened for him and entered with his thirty men, and about
twenty more light-armed men, who were come up to them. They were no
sooner in the city, but he perceived the Selymbrians all armed, coming
down upon him; so that there was no hope of escaping if he stayed to
receive them; and, on the other hand, having been always successful
till that day, wherever he commanded, he could not endure to be
defeated and fly. So, requiring silence by sound of a trumpet, he
commanded one of his men to make proclamation that the Selymbrians
should not take arms against the Athenians. This cooled such of the
inhabitants as were fiercest for the fight, for they supposed that all
their enemies were within the walls, and it raised the hopes of others
who were disposed to an accommodation. Whilst they were parleying, and
propositions making on one side and the other, Alcibiades's whole army
came up to the town. And now, conjecturing rightly that the
Selymbrians were well inclined to peace, and fearing lest the city
might be sacked by the Thracians, who came in great numbers to his
army to serve as volunteers, out of kindness for him, he commanded
them all to retreat without the walls. And upon the submission of
the Selymbrians, he saved them from being pillaged, only taking of
them a sum of money, and, after placing an Athenian garrison in the
town, departed.
  During this action, the Athenian captains who besieged Chalcedon
concluded a treaty with Pharnabazus upon these articles: That he
should give them a sum of money; that the Chalcedonians should
return to the subjection of Athens, and that the Athenians should make
no inroad into the province whereof Pharnabazus was governor; and
Pharnabazus was also to provide safe conducts for the Athenian
ambassadors to the King of Persia. Afterwards, when Alcibiades
returned thither, Pharnabazus required that he also should be sworn to
the treaty; but he refused it, unless Pharnabazus would swear at the
same time. When the treaty was sworn to on both sides, Alcibiades went
against the Byzantines, who had revolted from the Athenians, and
drew a line of circumvallation about the city. But Anaxilaus and
Lycurgus, together with some others, having undertaken to betray the
city to him upon his engagement to preserve the lives and property
of the inhabitants, he caused a report to be spread abroad, as if by
reason of some unexpected movement in Ionia, he should be obliged to
raise the siege. And, accordingly, that day he made a show to depart
with his whole fleet; but returned the same night, and went ashore
with all his men at arms, and, silently and undiscovered, marched up
to the walls. At the same time, his ships rowed into the harbour
with all possible violence coming on with much fury, and with great
shouts and outcries. The Byzantines, thus surprised and astonished,
while they all hurried to the defence of their port and shipping, gave
opportunity to those who favoured the Athenians securely to receive
Alcibiades into the city. Yet the enterprise was not accomplished
without fighting, for the Peloponnesians, Boeotians, and Megarians,
not only repulsed those who came out of the ships, and forced them
on board again, but, hearing that the Athenians were entered on the
other side, drew up in order, and went to meet them. Alcibiades,
however, gained the victory after some sharp fighting, in which he
himself had the command of the right wing, and Theramenes of the left,
and took about three hundred, who survived of the enemy, prisoners
of war. After the battle, not one of the Byzantines was slain, or
driven out of the city, according to the terms upon which the city was
put into his hands, that they should receive no prejudice in life or
property. And thus Anaxilaus, being afterwards accused at Lacedaemon
for this treason, neither disowned nor professed to be ashamed of
the action; for he urged that he was not a Lacedaemonian, but a
Byzantine, and saw not Sparta but Byzantium, in extreme danger; the
city so blockaded that it was not possible to bring in any new
provisions, and the Peloponnesians and Boeotians, who were in
garrison, devouring the old stores, whilst the Byzantines, with
their wives and children, were starving, that he had not therefore,
betrayed his country to enemies, but had delivered it from the
calamities of war, and had but followed the example of the most worthy
Lacedaemonians, who esteemed nothing to be honourable and just, but
what was profitable for their country. The Lacedaemonians, upon
hearing his defence, respected it, and discharged all that were
accused.
  And now Alcibiades began to desire to see his native country
again, or rather to show his fellow-citizens a person who had gained
so many victories for them. He set sail for Athens, the ships that
accompanied him being adorned with great numbers of shields and
other spoils, and towing after them many galleys taken from the enemy,
and the ensigns and ornaments of many others which he had sunk and
destroyed; all of them together amounting to two hundred. Little
credit, perhaps, can be given to what Duris the Samian, who
professed to be descended from Alcibiades, adds, that Chrysogonus, who
had gained a victory at the Pythian games, played upon his flute for
the galleys, whilst the oars kept time with the music; and that
Callippides, the tragedian, attired in his buskins, his purple
robes, and other ornaments used in the theatre, gave the word to the
rowers, and that the admiral galley entered into the port with a
purple sail. Neither Theopompus, nor Ephorus, nor Xenophon, mention
them. Nor, indeed, is it credible, that one who returned from so
long an exile, and such variety of misfortunes, should come home to
his countrymen in the style of revellers breaking up from a
drinking-party. On the contrary, he ventured the harbour full of fear,
nor would he venture to go on shore, till, standing on the deck, he
saw Euryptolemus, his cousin, and others of his friends and
acquaintance, who were ready to receive him, and invited him to
land. As soon as he was landed, the multitude who came out to meet him
scarcely seemed so much as to see any of the other captains, but
came in throngs about Alcibiades, and saluted him with loud
acclamations, and still followed him; those who could press near him
crowned him with garlands, and they who could not come up so close yet
stayed to behold him afar off, and the old men pointed him out, and
showed him to the young ones. Nevertheless, this public joy was
mixed with some tears, and the present happiness was alloyed by the
remembrance of the miseries they had endured. They made reflections,
that they could not have so unfortunately miscarried in Sicily, or
been defeated in any of their other expectations, if they had left the
management of their affairs formerly, and the command of their forces,
to Alcibiades, since, upon his undertaking the administration, when
they were in a manner driven from the sea, and could scarce defend the
suburbs of their city by land, and, at the same time, were miserably
distracted with intestine factions, he had raised them up from this
low and deplorable condition, and had not only restored them to
their ancient dominion of the sea, but had also made them everywhere
victorious over their enemies on land.
  There had been a decree for recalling him from his banishment
already passed by the people, at the instance of Critias, the son of
Calloeschrus, as appears by his elegies, in which he puts Alcibiades
in mind of this service:-

        "From my proposal did that edict come,
         Which from your tedious exile brought you home.
         The public vote at first was moved by me,
         And my voice put the seal to the decree."

The people being summoned to an assembly, Alcibiades came in amongst
them, and first bewailed and lamented his own sufferings, and, in
gentle terms complaining of the usage he had received, imputed all
to his hard fortune, and some ill-genius that attended him: then he
spoke at large of their prospects, and exhorted them to courage and
good hope. The people crowned him with crowns of gold, and created him
general, both at land and sea, with absolute power. They also made a
decree that his estate should be restored to him, and that the
Eumolpidae and the holy herald should absolve him from the curses
which they had solemnly pronounced against him by sentence of the
people. Which when all the rest obeyed, Theodorus, the high priest,
excused himself, "For," said he, "if he is innocent, I never cursed
him."
  But notwithstanding the affairs of Alcibiades went so
prosperously, and so much to his glory, yet many were still somewhat
disturbed, and looked upon the time of his arrival to be ominous.
For on the day that he came into the port, the feast of the goddess
Minerva, which they call the Plynteria, was kept. It is the
twenty-first day of Thargelion, when the Praxiergidae solemnize
their secret rites, taking all the ornaments from off her image, and
keeping the part of the temple where it stands close covered. Hence
the Athenians esteem this day most inauspicious, and never undertake
anything of importance upon it; and, therefore, they imagined that the
goddess did not receive Alcibiades graciously and propitiously, thus
hiding her face and rejecting him. Yet, notwithstanding, everything
succeeded according to his wish. When the one hundred galleys, that
were to return with him, were fitted out and ready to sail, an
honourable zeal detained him till the celebration of the mysteries was
over. For ever since Decelea had been occupied, as the enemy commanded
the roads leading from Athens to Eleusis, the procession, being
conducted by sea, had not been performed with any proper solemnity;
they were forced to omit the sacrifices and dances and other holy
ceremonies, which had usually been performed in the way, when they led
forth Iacchus. Alcibiades, therefore, judged it would be a glorious
action, which would do honour to the gods and gain him esteem with
men, if he restored the ancient splendour to these rites, escorting
the procession again by land, and protecting it with his army in the
face of the enemy. For either, if Agis stood still and did not oppose,
it would very much diminish and obscure his reputation, or, in the
other alternative, Alcibiades would engage in a holy war, in the cause
of the gods, and in defence of the most sacred and solemn
ceremonies; and this in the sight of his country, where he should have
all his fellow-citizens witness of his valour. As soon as he had
resolved upon this design, and had communicated it to the Eumolpidae
and heralds, he placed sentinels on the tops of the hills, and at
the break of day sent forth his scouts. And then taking with him the
priests and Initiates and the Initiators, and encompassing them with
his soldiers, he conducted them with great order and profound silence;
an august and venerable procession, wherein all who did not envy him
said he performed at once the office of a high priest and of a
general. The enemy did not dare to attempt anything against them,
and thus he brought them back in safety to the city. Upon which, as he
was exalted in his own thought, so the opinion which the people had of
his conduct was raised that degree, that they looked upon their armies
as irresistible and invincible while he commanded them; and he so won,
indeed, upon the lower and meaner sort of people, that they
passionately desired to have him "tyrant" over them, and some of
them did not scruple to tell him so, and to advise him to put
himself out of the reach of envy, by abolishing the laws and
ordinances of the people, and suppressing the idle talkers that were
ruining the state, that so he might act and take upon him the
management of affairs, without standing in fear of being called to
an account.
  How far his own inclinations led him to usurp sovereign power is
uncertain, but the most considerable persons in the city were so
much afraid of it, that they hastened him on shipboard as speedily
as they could, appointing the colleagues whom he chose, and allowing
him all other things as he desired. Thereupon he set sail with a fleet
of one hundred ships, and, arriving at Andros, he there fought with
and defeated as well the inhabitants as the Lacedaemonians who
assisted them. He did not, however, take the city; which gave the
first occasion to his enemies for all their accusations against him.
Certainly, if ever man was ruined by his own glory, it was Alcibiades.
For his continual success had produced such an idea of his courage and
conduct, that if he failed in anything he undertook, it was imputed to
his neglect, and no one would believe it was through want of power.
For they thought nothing was too hard for him, if he went about it
in good earnest. They fancied, every day, that they should hear news
of the reduction of Chios, and of the rest of Ionia, and grew
impatient that things were not effected as fast and as rapidly as they
could wish for them. They never considered how extremely money was
wanting, and that, having to carry on war with an enemy who had
supplies of all things from a great king, he was often forced to
quit his armament in order to procure money and provisions for the
subsistence of his soldiers. This it was which gave occasion for the
last accusation which was made against him. For Lysander, being sent
from Lacedaemon with a commission to be admiral of their fleet, and
being furnished by Cyrus with a great sum of money, gave every
sailor four obols a day, whereas before they had but three. Alcibiades
could hardly allow his men three obols, and therefore was
constrained to go into Caria to furnish himself with money. He left
the care of the fleet, in his absence, to Antiochus, an experienced
seaman, but rash and inconsiderate, who had express orders from
Alcibiades not to engage, though the enemy provoked him. But he
slighted and disregarded these directions to that degree, that, having
made ready his own galley and another, he stood for Ephesus, where the
enemy lay, and, as he sailed before the heads of their galleys, used
every provocation possible, both in words and deeds. Lysander at first
manned out a few ships, and pursued him. But all the Athenian ships
coming in to his assistance, Lysander, also, brought up his whole
fleet, which gained an entire victory, He slew Antiochus himself, took
many men and ships, and erected a trophy.
  As soon as Alcibiades heard this news, he returned to Samos, and
loosing from hence with his whole fleet, came and offered battle to
Lysander. But Lysander, content with the victory he had gained,
would not stir. Amongst others in the army who hated Alcibiades,
Thrasybulus, the son of Thrason, was his particular enemy, and went
purposely to Athens to accuse him, and to exasperate his enemies in
the city against him. Addressing the people, he represented that
Alcibiades had ruined their affairs and lost their ships by mere
self-conceited neglect of his duties, committing the government of the
army, in his absence, to men who gained his favour by drinking and
scurrilous talking, whilst he wandered up and down at pleasure to
raise money, giving himself up to every sort of luxury and excess
amongst the courtesans of Abydos and Ionia at a time when the
enemy's navy were on the watch close at hand. It was also objected
to him, that he had fortified a castle near Bisanthe in Thrace, for
a safe retreat for himself, as one that either could not, or would
not, live in his own country. The Athenians gave credit to these
informations, and showed the resentment and displeasure which they had
conceived against him by choosing other generals.
  As soon as Alcibiades heard of this, he immediately forsook the
army, afraid of what might follow; and, collecting a body of mercenary
soldiers, made war upon his own account against those Thracians who
called themselves free, and acknowledged no king. By this means he
amassed to himself a considerable treasure, and, at the same time,
secured the bordering Greeks from the incursions of the barbarians.
  Tydeus, Menander, and Adimantus, the new-made generals, were at that
time posted at Aegospotami, with all the ships which the Athenians had
left. From whence they were used to go out to sea every morning, and
offer battle to Lysander, who lay near Lampsacus; and when they had
done so, returning back again, lay, all the rest of the day,
carelessly and without order, in contempt of the enemy. Alcibiades,
who was not far off, did not think so slightly of their danger, nor
neglect to let them know it, but, mounting his horse, came to the
generals, and represented to them that they had chosen a very
inconvenient station, where there was no safe harbour, and where
they were distant from any town; so that they were constrained to send
for their necessary provisions as far as Sestos. He also pointed out
to them their carelessness in suffering the soldiers, when they went
ashore, to disperse and wander up and down at their pleasure, while
the enemy's fleet, under the command of one general, and strictly
obedient to discipline, lay so very near them. He advised them to
remove the fleet to Sestos. But the admirals not only disregarded what
he said, but Tydeus, with insulting expressions, commanded him to be
gone, saying, that now not he, but others, had the command of the
forces. Alcibiades, suspecting something of treachery in them,
departed, and told his friends, who accompanied him out of the camp,
that if the generals had not used him with such insupportable
contempt, he would within a few days have forced the Lacedaemonians,
however unwilling, either to have fought the Athenians at sea or to
have deserted their ships. Some looked upon this as a piece of
ostentation only; others said, the thing was probable, for that he
might have brought down by land great numbers of the Thracian
cavalry and archers, to assault and disorder them in their camp. The
event, however, soon made it evident how rightly he had judged of
the errors which the Athenians committed. For Lysander fell upon
them on a sudden, when they least suspected it, with such fury that
Conon alone, with eight galleys, escaped him; all the rest, which were
about two hundred, he took and carried away, together with three
thousand prisoners, whom he put to death. And within a short time
after, he took Athens itself, burnt all the ships which he found
there, and demolished their long walls.
  After this, Alcibiades, standing in dread of the Lacedaemonians, who
were now masters both at sea and land, retired into Bithynia. He
sent thither great treasure before him, took much with him, but left
much more in the castle where he had before resided. But he lost great
part of his wealth in Bithynia, being robbed by some Thracians who
lived in those parts, and thereupon determined to go to the court of
Artaxerxes, not doubting but that the king, if he would make trial
of his abilities, would find him not inferior to Themistocles, besides
that he was recommended by a more honourable cause. For he went not,
as Themistocles did, to offer his service against his fellow-citizens,
but against their enemies, and to implore the kings aid for the
defence of his country. He concluded that Pharnabazus would most
readily procure him a safe conduct, and therefore went into Phrygia to
him, and continued to dwell there some time, paying him great respect,
and being honourably treated by him. The Athenians, in the meantime,
were miserably afflicted at their loss of empire; but when they were
deprived of liberty also, and Lysander set up thirty despotic rulers
in the city, in their ruin now they began to turn to those thoughts
which, while safety was yet possible, they would not entertain; they
acknowledged and bewailed their former errors and follies, and
judged this second ill-usage of Alcibiades to be all the most
inexcusable. For he was rejected without any fault committed by
himself, and only because they were incensed against his subordinate
for having shamefully lost a few ships, they much more shamefully
deprived the commonwealth of its most valiant and accomplished
general. Yet in this sad state of affairs they had still some faint
hopes left them, nor would they utterly despair of the Athenian
commonwealth while Alcibiades was safe. For they persuaded
themselves that if before, when he was an exile, he could not
content himself to live idly and at ease, much less now if he could
find any favourable opportunity, would he endure the insolence of
the Lacedaemonians, and the outrages of the Thirty. Nor was it an
absurd thing in the people to entertain such imaginations, when the
Thirty themselves were so very solicitous to be informed and to get
intelligence of all his actions and designs. In fine, Critias
represented to Lysander that the Lacedaemonians could never securely
enjoy the dominion of Greece till the Athenian democracy was
absolutely destroyed; and, though now the people of Athens seemed
quietly and patiently to submit to so small a number of governors, yet
so long as Alcibiades lived, the knowledge of this fact would never
suffer them to acquiesce in their present circumstances.
  Yet Lysander would not be prevailed upon by these representations,
till at last he received secret orders from the magistrates of
Lacedaemon, expressly requiring him to get Alcibiades despatched:
whether it was that they feared his energy and boldness in
enterprising what was hazardous, or that it was done to gratify King
Agis. Upon receipt of this order, Lysander sent away a messenger to
Pharnabazus, desiring him to put it in execution. Pharnabazus
committed the affair to Magaeus, his brother, and to his uncle
Susamithres. Alcibiades resided at that time in a small village in
Phrygia, together with Timandra, a mistress of his. As he slept, he
had this dream: he thought himself attired in his mistress's habit,
and that she, holding him in her arms, dressed his head and painted
his face as if he had been a woman; others say, he dreamed that he saw
Magaeus cut off his head and burn his body; at any rate, it was but
a little while before his death that he had these visions. Those who
were sent to assassinate him had not courage enough to enter the
house, but surrounded it first, and set it on fire. Alcibiades, as
soon as he perceived it, getting together great quantities of
clothes and furniture, threw them upon the fire to choke it, and,
having wrapped his cloak about his left arm, and holding his naked
sword in his right, he cast himself into the middle of the fire, and
escaped securely through it before his clothes were burnt. The
barbarians, as soon as they saw him, retreated and none of them
durst stay to wait for him, or to engage with him, but, standing at
a distance, they slew him with their darts and arrows. When he was
dead the barbarians departed, and Timandra took up his dead body, and,
covering and wrapping it up in her own robes, she buried it as
decently and as honourably as her circumstances would allow. It is
said, that the famous Lais, who was called the Corinthian, though
she was a native of Hyccara, a small town in Sicily, from whence she
was brought a captive, was the daughter of this Timandra. There are
some who agree with this account of Alcibiades's death in all
points, except that they impute the cause of it neither to
Pharnabazus, nor Lysander, nor the Lacedaemonians; but they say he was
keeping with him a young lady of a noble house, whom he had debauched,
and that her brothers, not being able to endure the indignity, set
fire by night to the house where he was living, and, as he endeavoured
to save himself from the flames, slew him with their darts, in the
manner just related.


                             THE END