DP Tool Club 15/CD_ASCQ_15_070894.iso/vrac/tib_0394.zip/TIBET.NWS

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This edition of Tibetan Bulletin originally appeared in World Tibet Network
News (Issue ID 94/05/11 12:00 GMT) for electronic distribution. This version
has been reformatted for greater readability on DOS systems and is being
distributed by DharmaNet International.

World Tibet Network News may be contacted at [e-mail]
DharmaNet International may be contacted at [e-mail]
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    Tibetan Bulletin                                  March - April 1994
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Forwarded by: CTC National Office  <[e-mail]>

Tibetan Bulletin is the official journal of the Central Tibetan
Administration of His Holiness the Dalai Lama.  Published bi-monthly, the
magazine is distributed free of cost.  However, donations to defray postal
expense are welcome.

Editor                   Bhuchung K. Tsering
Research Officer         Tenzin P. Atisha

Signed articles do not necessarily reflect the views of the Tibetan
Administration. Contributions are welcome and may be addressed to the
Editor.

Tibetan Bulletin is published by the Department of Information &
International Relations, Central Tibetan Administration, Dharamsala -
176215, H.P. India.
===========================================================================
------------------------------------------------------------------------

1.0       EDITORIAL

     1.1       Spirit of March 10

2.0       DHARAMSALA NEWS

     2.1       His Holiness' pilgrimage to Jerusalem
     2.2       Uprising Day commemorated
     2.3       1994 is International Year of Tibetan Women
     2.4       TWA resolves to intensify campaign
     2.5       ATPD Monsoon session from July 21
     2.6       Parliamentarians come together for Tibet
     2.7       Hopes for improved Tibet-Taiwan ties
     2.8       Kalons visit Europe, USA
     2.9       Tokyo Office shifts to new location
     2.10      ATPD Chairman visits South India
     2.11      Tibetan women participate in New York meet
     2.12      Kasur Jetsun Pema attends meet on Abbe Pierre
     2.13      Kalachakra in HP in July
     2.14      No change in recognition of Karmapa
     2.15      President Havel donates Prize money to TCV
     2.16      His Holiness attends Indo-Tibetan Meet
     2.17      Tibet issue continues to figure at UN meet
     2.18      Dharamsala marks World Health Day

3.0       DOCUMENTATION

     3.1       His Holiness the Dalai Lama's March 10 Statement
     3.2       New Delhi Statement on Tibetan Freedom
     3.3       The New Delhi Action Plan for Tibet
     3.4       Universal Responsibility and our Global Environment

4.0       COMMENTARY

     4.1       Parliamentary initiative on Tibet
     4.2       The Issue of Tibet

5.0       LETTER FROM LONDON

     5.1       Tibetan Women in Europe
     5.2       Letters to the Editors
     5.3       Last page
     5.4       Essay Competition


------------------------------------------------------------------------
1.0       EDITORIAL
------------------------------------------------------------------------
1.1  Spirit of March 10
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     Since 1961, His Holiness the Dalai Lama has been making an annual
statement while commemorating the anniversary of the Tibetan National
Uprising of March 10, 1959.  Over the years, His Holiness has used the
occasion to share his thoughts on diverse aspects of the Tibetan issue.
Through these `State of the Union' statements, he has dwelt on his
perspective of the nature of the Tibet-China conflict, the future role of
Tibet, etc. While each of the 34 statements His Holiness has made so far
carry important messages, some of them stand out in signifying new
developments: the 1969 statement in which His Holiness talked about the
future relevance of the institution of the Dalai Lama; the 1978 statement in
which he made a call for the opening up of Tibet to foreigners as well as to
Tibetan refugees, etc.  Likewise, this year's statement by His Holiness has
an important message, not just to the Chinese leadership or the world, but
more so to the people of Tibet.
     His Holiness has done a stock-taking of the development on the Tibetan
issue, particularly during the last 14 years when direct contact with the
Chinese leadership was established.  He comes to a not-too-pleasant
conclusion: despite all his attempts at solving the Tibetan problem, through
dialogue and negotiations in a spirit of reconciliation, there has not been
any positive response from the Chinese leadership.  His Holiness has now
candidly admitted that his direct " approach has failed to produce any
progress..."
     In the light of this, His Holiness feels there are only two
alternatives left: to increased international pressure on China to change
its attitude towards Tibet and to consult the Tibetan people.
     Our friends and supporters throughout the world will have a special
role to play in bringing more international pressure on China.  A beginning
has already been made with the first-ever World Parliamentarians Convention
on Tibet held in New Delhi in March this year.  Parliamentarians, not just
from the West, but also from Latin America and Asia, came together to
express their strong support for the Tibetan struggle.  Indian MP George
Fernandes, one of the organisers of the Convention, said rightly, "It is for
the first time that we succeeded in taking the Tibetan issue into a large
number of parliaments in the world." The fact that the convention was held
in India has added significance.
     The designation of 1994 as the International Year of Tibetan Women is
another vehicle which needs to be used to highlight the not-too-well-known
aspect of the Tibetan issue, namely the status of Tibetan women.  This
dovetails well with the United Nations designation of 1994 as the
International Year of the Family.
     By explicitly leaving the decision on the future course of action to
the Tibetan rank and file, His Holiness has acted upon his belief that
ultimately the people of Tibet should decide their own destiny. As His
Holiness explained during his extempore address in Dharamsala on March 10,
1994, the Tibetan people should now take the time to discuss and come out
with their suggestions on the avenues available to us.
     Some analysts have wrongly concluded that His Holiness has now
dispensed with his non-violent approach to solve the Tibetan problem. This
year's statement only reflects His Holiness' disappointment at the Chinese
response - or rather non-response - to his sincere and earnest motivation,
in the form of various initiatives, to solve the Tibetan problem peacefully.
Nowhere does he even hint at the fact that the non-violent path is becoming
useless. In fact, His Holiness becomes more convinced that the peaceful
approach is more valid now than ever. "...it is important that our struggle
must be based on non-violence." he says in this year's statement.
     The message is succint: Inspite of resistance from even within the
Tibetan community, His Holiness the Dalai Lama had been striving,
particularly in the last 14 years, for a solution to the Tibetan problem
through realistic initiatives keeping in mind the interests of both the
Tibetan and Chinese people.  This has failed to evoke any positive response
from the Chinese authorities. It is now up to the people of Tibet to clearly
define their aspirations.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.0       DHARAMSALA NEWS
------------------------------------------------------------------------
------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.1       His Holiness' pilgrimage to Jerusalem
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     His Holiness the Dalai Lama was able to fulfil one of his life-long
aspirations when he set foot on the historical and holy land of Jerusalem
during his first-ever visit to Israel from March 20 to 24, 1994.  He was the
guest of the Society for the Protection of Nature in Israel (SPNI).
     His Holiness has always been laying emphasis on inter-religious harmony
and understanding.  In order to promote this, His Holiness came out with the
idea, some years back, of prominent religious leaders visiting the sacred
places of other traditions.  His pilgrimage to Jerusalem is probably the
first-time ever that a Buddhist leader of his stature visited a place
considered sacred by three of the world's major religions: Judaism,
Christianity and Islam.
     Leaving Dharamsala on March 19, 1994, His Holiness flew to Tel Aviv
from Bombay the same evening.  He arrived in Tel Aviv on the morning of
March 20, 1994 where he was recieved by the director general of SPNI, Dr.
Yossi Leshem, the vice president of Hebrew University in Jerusalem, Mr.
Moshe Arad, the president of the Israeli Association of Friends of the
Tibetan People, Mr. Nahi Alon, and others.
     His Holiness' first public programme was a visit to Haddassa Hospital
in the afternoon of March 20, 1994 where he went round its Department of
Alternative Medicine. Thereafter, His Holiness visited Yad Vashem presenting
a Tibetan lamp made of silver.  In the evening His Holiness went to Hebrew
University where he received an honorary fellowship.
     Early the next morning His Holiness went to the Western Wall, a rare
and sacred place for the Jews, spending some moment before the wall. He next
visited the Church of the Holy Sepulchre of the Christians. His Holiness
then had a meeting with the Mayor of Jerusalem, Mr. Ehud Olmert, and later
with the chief rabbis of Israel. Thereafter, His Holiness visited the Dome
of the Rock, a sacred place for the Muslims, and also had a meeting with
Islamic dignitaries. He then had a meeting with the Greek Orthodox Patriarch
of Jerusalem.
     In the afternoon, His Holiness had a discussion with Israeli scholars.
Thereafter, he flew to Eilat, a resort town to the east of Jerusalem and
near the border with Jordan. In Eilat, he visited the Arts Center where he
viewed an exhibition entitled A Tribute to the Dalai Lama. His Holiness also
attended a concert by Paul Winter.
     On the morning of March 22, 1994, His Holiness took a walk up the
mountains in Elat.  Later, he addressed participants of the International
SPNI conference on top of Mount Yoash (see text in this issue).  One can see
Israel's neighbouring countries of Jordan, Saudi Arabia and Egypt from atop
Mount Yoash.  From Eilat, His Holiness flew to Massada where there is a
historical fortress, to Ein Gedi.  In the afternoon His Holiness drove back
to Jerusalem, stopping for awhile atop a hill outside Jericho town. In the
evening the Inter-religious Coordinating Council in Israel hosted a
reception in honour of His Holiness.
     On March 23, 1994, His Holiness flew north to Galilee visiting
Mahanayim, Capernahum and then to a Kibbuzt, Ein Gev.  He then went to
Deganya and to Beit Jan.  A member of the Israeli Parliament, Knesset, Mr.
Assad Assad of the Druz community, hosted a lunch in honour of His Holiness.
There is a belief that the Druz community shares certain characteristics
with Tibetans.  Thereafter, His Holiness visited Haifa where he visited the
Bahai Temple.  In the evening His Holiness flew back to Jerusalem.  In
Jerusalem, His Holiness had a useful meeting with Palestinian intellectuals.
The next morning His Holiness had a meeting with a former mayor of
Jerusalem, Mr. Teddy Kolek, who was one of the most wellknown and popular
mayor. Thereafter, His Holiness met with some Israeli writers.  Later, he
drove to Tel Aviv where the rector of Tel Aviv University hosted a reception
in his honour.  His Holiness also visited the Diaspora Museum and had a
luncheon meeting with the president of Tel Aviv University. In the
afternoon, he addressed a gathering at the University on `Non-violence as a
solution to social conflicts.'
     His Holiness left Israel for India on the night of March 24, 1994.  He
returned to Dharamsala on March 26, 1994.
     His Holiness was accompanied by Kasur Tenzin Geyche Tethong for this
trip. Kasur Tethong said the visit was the "materialims of a dream of many
years" for His Holiness.  He said during his meetings with Palestinian and
Israeli scholars and intellectuals, His Holiness had a frank exchange of
views.  His Holiness also listened to the experiences of Palestinians under
Israeli rule. His Holiness' special envoy in Washington D.C., Kasur Lodi G.
Gyari, Representative Rinchen Dharlo, and head of the Middle East and
African Desk of Department of Information & International Relations, Mr.
Tashi Phuntsok, were in Israel during His Holiness' visit.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.2       Uprising Day commemorated
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     The 35th anniversary of Tibetan National Uprising Day was commemorated
throughout the free world on March 10, 1994.  The Day was marked with public
rally, processions, seminars, etc. This year there was maximum participation
at almost all of the areas where Tibetans reside.
     In Dharamsala, the gathering was addressed by His Holiness the Dalai
Lama, the Vice Chairman of the Assembly of Tibetan People's Deputies, Mr.
Jadur Sangpo, and the Chairman of the Kashag, Kalon Tenzin N. Tethong.  In
addition to his public statement (see full text in this issue), His Holiness
the Dalai Lama took the opportunity to explain the development in Tibet-
China ties ever since the establishment of direct contact in the late
seventies. Saying he had exhausted his initiatives, His Holiness called upon
the Tibetan people to discuss the matter and to come out with suggestions.
Different institutions and individuals will have different points of view
and it is time we came out with these, His Holiness said.
     ATPD Vice Chairman Jadur Sangpo, in his address, asked the Tibetan
people to reaffirm their commitment to follow the path shown by His Holiness
the Dalai Lama.  He also dwelt on developments in Tibet-Taiwan relations and
made it clear that unless the basic problem is solved there cannot be any
talk about a visit to Taiwan by His Holiness or the establishment of a
Tibetan office there.
     In his address, the Kashag Chairman, Kalon Tenzin N. Tethong, cautioned
the people to be alert at the sinister Chinese policy to create dissension
and division within our community. He also welcomed the developmental
projects in Tibet, in the health and education sector, being undertaken by
individuals and organisations following our appeal.  He further encouraged
Tibetans, both inside and out of Tibet, to start religious & cultural,
economic, educational and health projects in different parts of Tibet.
     The gathering was also addressed by local Indian leaders as well as by
filmstar Richard Gere who was in Dharamsala to attend teachings.  A notable
feature in Dharamsala this year was the conspicuous participation in the
rally by the local Indian community.
     Reports of commemorations of the day has been received from New Delhi
and other parts of India as well as from differents countries in the world
where Tibetans and our supporters reside. In Delhi, in addition to the
demonstration at Jantar Mantar where over 30 Chinese flags were burnt, a
seminar of the issue of Chinese population transfer into Tibet was held in
Delhi University organised by Tibetan Youth Congress.  In Chandigarh, a
symposium on Tibet Awareness was organised on March 10, 1994 by the Foreign
Students Forum in collaboration with Tibetan students of Panjab University.
In Varanasi, the Tibetan Freedom Movement organised a rally which was
participated by local Indian leaders as well as students from the Himalayan
region.
     In Norway, around 50 Tibetan and Norwegien friends, led by Mrs.
Chungdak Dawa Koren, president of the Norwegien Tibet Committee and Mr.
Rinzin Tharchen, president of the Tibetan Association in Nroway, gathered in
front of the Chinese embassy in Oslo on March 10, 1994.  In Bergen, Norway,
the same day, the Norwegien Tibet Committee there organised a slide-show on
Tibet by Mr. Bjorn Ness at the University of Bergen.
     In London the commemoration took place on March 12, 1994 when the city
saw the biggest ever public gathering for Tibet.  Over 400 Tibetans and
friends gathered outside the Chinese embassy.  The demonstration was led by
the Tibetan community with the procession ending at the British Foreign &
Commonwealth Office to be addressed by Mrs. Riga Wangyal, president of
Tibetan Women's Association -UK.  In the afternoon a meeting was held at the
Westminster Cathedral Hall where the gathering was addressed by
Representative Kesang Y. Takla, chairman of Tibet Society-UK John
Billington, and Tibetan community chairman Sonam T. Frasi.
     In New York, the authorities declared March 10, 1994 as Tibet Day.  On
that day, around 300 Tibetans and friends, including Chinese students,
Mongolians and Eastern Turkestanians marched in a procession to the United
Nations headquarters.  There the gathering was addressed by Representative
Rinchen Dharlo, Prof. Robert Thurman and others. While the mayor of New York
city declared March 10, 1994 as Tibetan Independence Day, the Governor of
New York state declared it as Tibet Day. In Minnesota, Tibetans and
supporters gathered in front of the state Capital building.  Messages of
support were received from mayor Sheron s. Belton and Senator Paul
Wellstone.
     In France, the day was commemorated on March 12, 1994 with the
gathering addressed by Tibetan and French leaders.  An extract from Wei
Jinsheng's letter to Deng Xiaoping on Tibet was read by a representative
from the Chinese Federation for Democracy.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.3       1994 is International Year of Tibetan Women
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     The Tibetan Women's Association has announced its designation of the
period between March 12, 1994 and March 12, 1995 as International Year of
Tibetan Women.  Making this announcement on March 12, 1994, the day being
observed as the anniversary of Tibetan Women's Uprising Day, TWA President
Tsering Dolma Gyaltong told the gatering in Dharamsala that during this
year, they will aim "to raise global awareness of the issues relating to
Tibet and Tibetans."  In a message on the occasion, the Chairman of the
Assembly of Tibetan People's Deputies, Prof. S. Rinpoche, said, "The women
of Tibet have constantly played a great role in shaping the nation and
society throughout the history, particularly in the sphere of spiritual as
well as cultural and temporal activities.  They have displayed unparalleled
courage and performed patriotic deeds right from the uprising of the Tibetan
people in March 10, 1959 till today.  The darkest period of Tibetan history
is richly studded with their sacrifices for the cause of freedom of our
motherland."  The Chairman of the Kashag, Kalon Tenzin N. Tethong, in his
message, said, "We are confident that the activities being carried out by
the Tibetan Women's Association during this commemorative year will create
greater awareness of the plight of Tibetan women, and our struggle for
freedom and justice."  TWA general secretary Nawang Lhamo has been made the
co-ordinator of the International Year. A year-long action-programme for
events has already been prepared which includes exhibitions, lectures &
seminars, festivals on Tibetan women, petition campaign, etc.  More
information can be had from Tibetan Women's Association, Bhagsu Nath Road,
Mcleod Ganj - 176219, Dharamsala (HP) India.
     Meanwhile, Tibetan women outside Tibet commemorated the 35th
anniversary of Women's Uprising on March 12, 1994.  The year also marked the
10th anniversary of the revival of Tibetan Women's Association.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.4       TWA resolves to intensify campaign
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     The Tibetan Women's Association has decided to intensify its campaign
to highlight the conditions of Tibetan women inside Tibet to the outside
world. In a resolution passed at the fourth General Body Meeting of the
Association, held in Dharamsala from April 1 to 7, 1994, TWA set out a
programme for the International Year of Tibetan Women.  It also decided to
explore all avenues to highlight the Tibetan issue in the days leading to
the World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995.
     The meeting elected new members of its central executive committee.
Mrs. Sonam Choekyi is the new president with Mrs. Tsering Norzom (re-
elected) as the vice president, and Mrs. Ngawang Lhama (re-elected) as
general secretary.
     On April 8, 1994, TWA in collaboration with the women's desk of the
Department of Information & International Relations organised a national
hearing on Tibetan.  Speakers included Mrs. Tsering Dolma Gyaltong on The
status of women in traditional Tibetan society, Mr. Jamyang Norbu on Can men
and women have equal rights in the Tibetan society?, Mrs. Paldon Tsamchoe on
Equal rights between men and women - a myth or reality?, Ms. Pema Khangsar
(a Tibetan residing in Canada) on Comparison between Western and Tibetan
women's movement, and Ani Tenzin Chonzi on the status of nuns in Tibetan
society.  The hearing was followed by lively question-answer sessions.

** Symbolism of the logo designed by Lobsang Gyatso residing in New York **

     Two avenues of inspiration that are dear to Tibet lie behind the
stylised lotus flower at the centre.  Flowers are synonymous with feminity
and Buddhist goddess Jetsun Dolma or Tara holds an open lotus bloom.  Dolma
is invoked to aid endeavour and through her great compassion all evil is
swiftly swept aside and obstacles removed.

The six petals represent the six original progeny of the female rock spirit
from whom - so Tibetan legend says - the six tribes of Tibet are descended.
This flower, thus, also represents the original mother of the Tibetan race.
This contemporary graphic rendering of the lotus has its roots in pure
Tibetan thanka painting. The lotus' sacred symbolism is that it rises out of
mire and mud to blossom tall, strong, pure and visually sublime.  The logo
symbolises the hope that out of the dark, sullied water that today's Tibet
will soon rise the proud, pure flower of freedom: jewel in the lotus.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.5       ATPD Monsoon session from July 21
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     The Monsoon session of the Assembly of Tibetan People's Deputies
(Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile) will be held in Dharamsala from July 21 to
August 3, 1994. In an announcement on April 8, 1994, the Parliamentary
Secretariat has requested all the deputies to reach Dharamsala by July 20,
1994.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.6       Parliamentarians come together for Tibet
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     Sixty-seven members of parliament from 25 countries participated in a
unique world parliamentarians convention on Tibet in New Delhi from March 18
to 20, 1994 in New Delhi.  The convention, organised by the New Delhi-based
All Party Indian Parliamentary Forum for Tibet at the Convention Centre of
Hamdard University, asked China to respond to the initiatives of H.H.the
Dalai Lama for negotiations without preconditions to solve the Tibet
problem.
     The convention began with Buddhist invocation by monks of Namgyal
Monastery, Dharamsala, in the afternoon of March 18, 1994.  Thereafter, Mr.
George Fernandes, MP from India and chairman of the reception committee,
welcomed the delegates.  Talking about the significance of the gathering,
Mr. Fernandes said, "I have reasons to believe that our deliberations could
pave the way for the commencement of the dialogue (with China) which His
Holiness the Dalai Lama seeks" The next speaker was Mr. Mohan Singh, MP and
convenor of the All Party Indian Parliamentary Forum for Tibet (see text in
this issue).
Representatives of delegates then briefly addressed the gathering.  Speakers
included Mr. Gonzalo Facio (Costa Rica), Senator Robert Hill (Australia),
Mr. Andzej Potocki (Poland), Mr. Csaba Fakya (Hungary), Lord David Ennals
(UK), Ms. Ylva Annerstedt (Sweden), Dr. Klaus Kuebler (Germany), Mr. Michel
Herve (European Parliament) and Mr. Karma Topden (India).  All the speakers
called for the need to take inititiaves on the Tibet issue and highlighted
the responsibility of India on this.  Lord Ennals said he could not
understand the current Indian policy on Tibet. "In the fifties and the
sixties, India held a high moral ground," he said and continued, "The Indian
government can be persuaded not just to see sense, but to support justice."
He quoted Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru as having lamented, "We have been living
in a fool's paradise of our own making."  Ambassador Facio called for the
recognition of the Tibetan Government-in-Exile.  Mr. Herve, "Our
responsibility today in New Delhi lies in the confirmation of our solidarity
- to enable a coordinating network with a very flexible structure and a
rapid information exchange." The Indian MP, Karma Topden, who hails from
Sikkim, bordering Tibet, said, "The independence of Tibet is of greatest
benefit to India.  We in the border know it best."
     Ms. Jaya Jaitly, prominent Indian civil rights activists and a long-
time Tibet supporter, next read the messages received from MPs throughout
the world.  Messages were received from Argentina, Australia, Republic of
Botswana, Republic of Cyprus, Estonia, France, Finland, Hong Kong, Taiwan,
Iceland, Ireland, Japan, Republic of Kenya, Republic of Korea, Malawi, the
Netherlands, Namibia, United Arab Emirates, Switzerland, Great Britain,
Sweden, USA, the Philippines, New Zealand, Belgium, Singapore, Brazil, etc.
The president of the Taiwanese Legislative Yuan, Mr. Liu Sung-pan wished the
convention a great success while his colleague, Senator Parris H. Chang,
said, "It is my conviction that Tibetan human rights should be protected and
enhanced and people in Tibet should be free to choose and manage their own
destiny."  The chairman of the Japan Democratic Party, Mr. Takashi Yonezawa,
in his message said, "We are very concerned that Tibet is in a situation
that is against the will of the Tibetans. This meeting is not only for
Tibet, it is also very important for the peace and stability in Asia as well
as the world."  The speaker of the Swedish Parliament, Ingegerd Troedsson,
said, "The gathering of parliamentarians from all over the globe will
hopefully have a great impact on the world's focus on human rights and
environment in Tibet."  The president of the Sami Parliament of Norway said
in a message, " We express our strongest suport to the work of His Holiness
the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet to restore and preserve Tibet's right as
a nation."
     Convenor Mohan Singh next read the message sent by Mr. S. Nijalingappa,
a prominent Indian leader who was to inaugurate the convention, but could
not come at the last moment on account of indisposition.  He also read a
message from the former Indian speaker, Mr. Rabi Ray.
     Mr. T. N. Chaturvedi, MP from India, who presided over the inaugural
ceremony, said the convention was an "expression of our collective
consciousness" as the survival of Tibet and its people was important.  As
Indians, Mr. Chaturvedi said, "We have material interest, political
interest, and interest of humanity" in Tibet. He felt India had a "very
important and crucial role to play".  Referring to the different initiatives
taken by His Holiness the Dalai Lama to solve the Tibetan problem, Mr.
Chaturvedi said, "What can be a greater conciliatory approach, gesture of
grace than what His Holiness has taken."  He ended by saying there was need
to pay heed to the "cry of an anguished community."  The inaugural session
ended with Prof. S. Rinpoche, Chairman of the Assembly of Tibetan People's
Deputies, proposing a vote of thanks.
     During the tea break, former Indian minister S.P. Malviya opened a
specially-arranged photo exhibition on Tibet in the Convention Centre. The
exhibition depicted different aspects of the Tibetan situation.
     After tea  break, the first plenary session began with Justice Michael
Kirby (Australia), chairman of the International Commission of Jurists and
the president of the court of appeal in the Australian Supreme Court.  Prof.
S. Rinpoche and Mr. George Fernandes were speakers in this session. Justice
Kirby began by dwelling on his proposal for a "ten commandent" on Tibet
which was incorporated later in the New Delhi Action Plan for Tibet (see
full text in this issue).  Prof. Rinpoche gave an introduction to the issue
of Tibet (see full text in this issue).  Mr. Fernandes spoke on
parliamentary initiatives on Tibet (see full text in this issue).
     The next morning the delegates broke up into four working groups to
discuss Tibet's human rights situation, environment, cultural heritage and
future role in regional and global context.
     In the afternoon, while the drafting committee met to draft the
statement of the convention, the delegates gathered for an open house
session chaired by Mr. Syed Shahbuddin, MP and a prominent Indian leader.
The open house was used by the delegates to take up different issues
concerning Tibet. In his conclusion remarks, Mr. Shahbuddin said the
decisive word on the future of Tibet should be with the Tibetan people and
not either with India or China.
     After the afternoon break, the different working groups presented their
report to the plenary session which was chaired by Lord Ennals.  The reports
were incorporated into the Convention statement as well as the action plan
subsequently.
     On the morning of March 20, 1994 the delegates took up the draft
statement and action plan and passed them after certain amendments (see full
text in this issue) with Mr. George Fernandes and Lord Ennals at the chair.
This was followed by the concluding session chaired by Mr. Mohan Singh.
Representatives of different regions addressed the gathering.  The
valedictory address was given by Mr. Anant Ram Jaiswal, MP.
     After the session, representatives of the delegates addressed a press
conference.
     In the evening, the delegates visited Tibet House and Buddha Jayanti
Park where a statue of Lord Buddha, presented by His Holiness the Dalai Lama
to the people of India, has been installed.  In the evening, the Assembly of
Tibetan People's Deputies hosted a Tibet Evening to the delegates at the
Tibetan Youth Hostel.  The evening included the performance of a cultural
show by artistes of the Tibetan Institute of Performing Arts and a
traditional Tibetan dinner.
     This convention attracted worldwide media attention. It has also
started a movement for consolidating the support for Tibet among
parliamentarians.  A seven-member committee of parliamentarians has been set
up to decide on future course of action.  This committee will take up the
invitation of the two delegates from Lithuania to hold the next convention
there. The convention also was a topic of discussion in the Indian
Parliament on March 17, 1994.  During Question Hour in the Lok Sabha (Lower
House) that day, a Leftist MP, Mr. Indrajit Gupta, asked a short-notice
question asking the Indian Government to clarify its position on Tibet and
the proposed convention. India's Minister of State for External Affairs,
R.L.Bhatia, gave the now well-known answer about Tibet being an autonomous
region of China.  He, however, said India was a democratic country in which
freedom of expression was constitutionally guaranteed.  Therefore, the
government could not stop parliamentarians from hosting the convention.
When another communist leader, Mr. Saifuddin Choudhary, referred to Chinese
`sovereignty' over Tibet, a leader of BJP, Mr. Jaswant Singh, rose up to ask
the Indian Government to restate its position saying there is a difference
between autonomy and sovereignty. Minister Bhatia reiterated his statement
about Tibet being an autonomous region of China.  Mr. Mohan Singh, convenor
of the convention, made a passionate statement in the Parliament on why it
was being hosted.  Apparently referring to India's active role in the matter
of rights of the blacks of South Africa, Mr. Singh said no one should adopt
double standard on human rights issues.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.7       Hopes for improved Tibet-Taiwan ties
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     A four-member delegation from Dharamsala, led by Kalon Gyalo Thondup,
visited the Republic of China on Taiwan from January 27 to February 8, 1994.
     The delegation met ROC Prime Minister, the Speaker of the Parliament
and other senior officials and discussed a wide range of issues of mutual
interests. In addition, the delegation also met the president of the
opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and visited a number of
Buddhist communities.
     This is the second such missions, the first having visited Taiwan in
May 1993. There have been some progress in the normalisation of our
relations although differences still need to be settled on certain issues.
     The other members of delegation were Home Kalon Sonam Topgyal, Special
Assistant to His Holiness the Dalai Lama Kelsang Gyaltsen, and Mr. Jigme
Ngapo from the International Campaign for Tibet.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.8       Kalons visit Europe, USA
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     The Kalon for Department of Information & International Relations,
Kalon Tashi Wangdi, visited Germany, the United States and Switzerland from
February 16 to March 5, 1994.  During this visit the Kalon was able to brief
a number of key personnel in Germany and the USA on the Tibetan issue.
     Kalon Tashi Wangdi left India on February 16, 1994 along with Education
Kalon Rinchen Khando Choegyal to participate in the 1200 anniversary of
Frankfurt town. They attended the inauguration of a film festival on Tibet:
To Lhasa and back along with the mayor of the town.  The two kalons attended
different programmes on Tibetan history and politics till February 22, 1994.
     On February 23, 1994 Kalon Tashi Wangdi left for Washington D.C.  The
next day, he attended, along with Representative Rinchen Dharlo, the hearing
on China by the House of Representative's Ways and Means Committee.  The
president of International Campaign for Tibet, Mr. Lodi G. Gyari, testified
at the hearing along with State Department officials.
     The Kalon had briefing sessions with Congressmen and other officials as
well as strategy sessions between February 24 and 25, 1994.  He left for
Frankfurt on the night of February 25, 1994.  The next day, he had a meeting
with the heads of offices of Tibet in Europe.  In the evening, they attended
the conclusion ceremony of the film festival on Tibet.
     On February 27, 1994 Kalon Tashi Wangdi and Kalon Rinchen Khando
Choegyal left for Bonn to meet some German officials. Kalon Wangdi left for
Geneva on February 28, 1994 to attend the ongoing session of the Commission
on Human Rights.  He also met delegation members from different countries.
On March 3, 1994 Kalon Wangdi returned to New Delhi.  On March 4, 1994 he
met the new Indian Foreign Secretary, Mr. Kris Srinivasan.  He left for
Dharamsala the same evening.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.9       Tokyo Office shifts to new location
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     The Liaison Office of H.H.the Dalai lama for Japan and East-Asia has
moved to a new location.  Henceforth, communications may be sent to this
address.

Hayama Building, 5 (5F)
5-11-30 shinjuku
Shinjuku-ku
Tokyo -160
JAPAN

Tel: [phone]
03-3355-6213
Fax: [phone]

Similarly, the Tibetan Welfare Office in Gangtok, Sikkim, has a new address.

Tibetan Welfare Office
Below High Court
31/A National Highway
P.O. Gangtok 737101
SIKKIM

------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.10      ATPD Chairman visits South India
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     The Chairman of the Assembly of Tibetan People's Deputies, Prof. S.
Rinpoche, toured five Tibetan settlements in Karnataka, South India in
February 1994.  His first visit was to Lugsung Samdubling settlement in
Bylakuppe from February 16 to 18, 1994.  He then visited the Rabgay-ling
settlement in Hunsur and the Dhondenling settlement in Kollegal.  He was in
Dhoeguling from March 26 to 30. In all the settlements, the Chairman held
discussions with settlement leaders, monastic officials and addressed the
public.  The Chairman also visited the different religious, cultural and
educational institutions in the settlements.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.11      Tibetan women participate in New York meet
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     The vice president of Tibetan Women's Association, Mrs. Tsering Norzom
Thonsur, and general secretary of Tibetan Women's Association in New York,
Ms. Yangki Tsering, participated in a NGO consultation meeting in New York
from March 3 to 17, 1994 in preparation for the forthcoming World Conference
on Women in Beijing.
     The Tibetan participants attended the various workshops and met with
representatives of different women's organisations.
     Other participants include Ms. Monica Gary from International Campaign
for Tibet, Washington D.C., and Ms. Eva Herzer from International Committee
of Lawyers for Tibet.
     At the initiative of Mrs. Thonsur, the NGOs from the Asia Pacific
region passed a resolution to include Tibetan women in the forthcoming
Beijing conference.
     The meeting was attended by nearly 1300 representatives of NGOs.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.12      Kasur Jetsun Pema attends meet on Abbe Pierre
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     Kasur Jetsun Pema, director of Tibetan Children's Village, attended a
one-day seminar on February 26, 1994 in Paris to commemorate the 40th
anniversary of the appeal in 1954 by Abbe Pierre for assistance to provide
emergency housing in the light of a devastating cold that winter.  Abbe
Pierre, a world renowned social worker, has been the inspiration for one of
the world's most spirited movements against misery.
     The seminar discussed four themes: Responsibility of individuals and
states; religions, factors of solidarity; ethics and science; and,
oppressions and solidarity.
     In a message, His Holiness the Dalai Lama said, " I have known Abbe
Piere for some time and have great respect for his deep concern and work for
the down-trodden, persecuted and the weak.... We must also make every effort
to pass on to the youths of today the important concept of human solidarity
and concern for each other.  This is essential for a more peaceful and
harmonious human community. I truly believe that all of us, including the
youth and the state, have a moral responsibility to make the best use of our
time to help reduce suffering and create a happier world."
     Kasur Jetsun Pema spoke under the theme, Oppressions and solidarity.
She dwelt on the suffering of Tibetan children inside Tibet under Chinese
occupation and said, "The international concern for the rights of the child
stems from the obvious fact that the world of children is different from
that of adults.  Because children are vulnerable, they need special care and
attention so as to ensure that they become useful members of the human
family. It is upon the quality of upbringing of the children of today that
the future world depends."
     Participants of the seminar included French Minister for Social Affairs
Simone Veil, former minister Bernard Kouchner, philosopher Roger Garaudy,
Nobel laureate Georges Charpak, and President (Father) Aristide of Haiti.
     Kasur Jetsun Pema's participation in the seminar had an added
significance.  In addition to sharing the Tibetan experience, she also
became the first Tibetan to speak at the Unesco, where the seminar was held.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.13      Kalachakra in HP in July
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     His Holiness the Dalai Lama has consented to bestow the sacred
Kalachakra Initiation in Jispa, Lahaul area of Himachal Pradesh, India from
July 15, 1994. The teachings will begin with a commentary on the Thirty-
seven Practices of All Buddha's Sons while the main Kalachakra Initiation
will be bestowed from July 19 to 23, 1994.  Thereafter, His Holiness will
give the transmission of the Medicinal Buddha as well as long-life
empowerment.
     The Kalachakra venue is around four-hours' car drive from the hill
station of Manali.  The organisers are putting up tents for the use of
devotees.
     His Holiness has also consented to bestow the Kalachakra in Barcelona,
Spain, in December 1994 and in Dhoegu-ling Tibetan settlement near Mundgod,
Karnataka, India, in the beginning of 1995.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.14      No change in recognition of Karmapa
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     The Kashag, on March 30, 1994, said there was no change in His Holiness
the Dalai Lama's recognition of Ugyen Thinley as the reincarnation of the
16th Gyalwa Karmapa. In a statement (written in Tibetan), Chairman of the
Kashag, Kalon Tenzin N. Tethong, said, " Kyabje Tai Situ Rinpoche and Kyabje
Gyaltsab Rinpoche visited Dharamsala specifically to inform His Holiness the
Dalai Lama about the reincarnation of the XVI Gyalwa Karmapa Rigpai Dorjee.
They had an audience with His Holiness during which they explained how Tai
Situ Rinpoche got the late Karmapa's letter and the discovery of a boy born
in the Wood-Bull Year to Karma Thondup Tashi and Loga in a nomadic village
near the Lathok Karlek monastery in Tibet, corresponding to the directions
in the letter. The Rinpoches supplicated to His Holiness for his approval of
this boy as the reincarnation of the Gyalwa Karmapa. On June 30, 1992, the
30th of the fourth month in the Tibetan Water-Monkey year, His Holiness the
Dalai Lama gave his approval letter. Detailed statements on this have been
released by the Department of Religion & Culture as well as by the
Department of Information & International Relations.

     "However, recently  on account of a lack of understanding of the real
issue, doubts have been created among a section of officials and the public.
Similarly, distorted reportings have appeared in the Indian press saying
that His Holiness the Dalai Lama has withdrawn his approval to the
reincarnation of the Gyalwa Karmapa.  This has created unnecessary doubts
and uneasiness in the community.  If the public does not understand the
issue clearly and is misled by rumours it would undermine our unity. It
could also provide an opportunity to current Chinese activities and policy
of destroying the unity in the Tibetan society.

     " Thus, to reiterate: His Holiness the Dalai Lama has clearly given his
approval to the young reincarnation who is presently in Tsurphu.  This fact
should be understood clearly by the general public so that there is peace
and stability in our community at this current critical period. "

The same day, Situ Rinpoche and Gyaltsab Rinpoche, along with senior Karma
Kagyud lamas who were visiting Dharamsala, briefed Tibetan journalists in
Dharamsala about their audience with His Holiness the Dalai Lama on March
29, 1994 and meetings with Tibetan officials concerning the reincarnation of
Gyalwa Karmapa.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.15      President Havel donates Prize money to TCV
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     The President of the Czech Republic, Mr. Vaclav Havel, has donated the
amount of US $ 10,000.00, which he received as the prize money of the Indira
Gandhi Prize award from the Government of India in February 1994,  to the
Tibetan Children's Village (TCV).
     In a letter to the organisation, dated February 8, 1994, written during
his recent visit to Delhi to receive the prize, President Havel said,
"During my present visit to India I had the honour to receive the Indira
Gandhi Prize. Because of the high regard which I have for your meritorious
endeavours, I have decided to donate to you the amount of USD 10,000..."
The President concluded, "I am glad to be able to make this contribution,
modest as it may be, to help in your efforts."
     TCV has, since its inception in 1960, been in the forefront of
providing home and education to a number of orphans, semi-orphans, poor-and-
needy Tibetan children.  In recent years, TCV has had the added
responsibility of looking after several children brought from Tibet. TCV's
president, Mrs. Jetsun Pema, has expressed her gratitude to President Havel
for his magnanimous gesture.
     The amount will be used to look after the recent arrivals from Tibet.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.16      His Holiness attends Indo-Tibetan Meet
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     His Holiness the Dalai Lama visited New Delhi from February 5 to 8,
1994, to attend a series of programmes, including an address to a Indo-
Tibetan convention.
     Arriving in Delhi from Dharamsala on the evening of February 5, 1994
His Holiness' first programme the next morning was participation in the
centenary anniversary of Sant Kirpal Singh, a Sikh religious leader.  He
spoke to a gathering of thousands of people on religious harmony.  In the
evening, he gave a teaching on the practice of love and compasion organised
by Tushita Centre. The teaching was followed by an engrossing question-
answer session.
     On February 7, 1994, His Holiness addressed the delegates to the Indo-
Tibetan convention on its concluding day. During the convention, a separate
meeting of youths of India and Tibet was held and an organisation of young
Indians for Tibet was established.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.17      Tibet issue continues to figure at UN meet
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     The issue of human rights in Tibet continued to figure prominently in
the United Nations Commission on Human Rights as was evident during its 50th
session held in Geneva from January to March 1994.  Altogether 17 government
delegations and 19 NGOs raised the Tibetan issue under diverse agenda items
during the session.
     In consultation with Chinese democracy leaders, this year a resolution
on China was put up at the Commission.  However, when it came up for
discussion on March 8, 1994, it was once again stopped by the Chinese
delegation through a no-action motion.  A study of voting patterns in
connection with a China resolution in the last few years reveal that there
is an increasing number of member-states changing from their position of
voting in favour of China in a no-action motion to that of staying in
abstension.  Additionally, although Pakistan proposed a no-action motion on
a Tibet resolution in 1992, in the last few instances, it was China herself
who has been forced to undertake the task.
     The Tibetan team to the  Commission this year consisted of Kalon Tashi
Wangdi, Representative Gyaltsen Gyaltag, Ngawang Choephel, Yangdol Panglung
and Dr. Michael van Walt.  Kalon Rinchen Khando Choegyal also attended the
Commission briefly when Childs Rights was being discussed.
     The Tibetan Community in Switzerland continued with their action of
holding a vigil outside the venue of the Commission.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.18      Dharamsala marks World Health Day
------------------------------------------------------------------------
     The Tibetan community in Dharamsala marked World Heath Day on April 7,
1994 by going on a clean-Dharamsala campaign.  Under the auspices of the
Department of Health and the Tibetan Welfare Office, all Tibetans, from
kalons to the ordinary citizens, went to collect garbage in the entire area
where Tibetans live.  Additionally, health personnel gave brief talks on the
importance of health and hygiene.

------------------------------------------------------------------------
3.0       DOCUMENTATION
------------------------------------------------------------------------
------------------------------------------------------------------------
3.1       His Holiness the Dalai Lama's March 10 Statement
------------------------------------------------------------------------
          "Increase international pressure on China for solution"

Following is the full text of the statement issued by His Holiness the Dalai
Lama on March 10, 1994. Editor.

     Today, as we observe the 35th anniversary of our National Uprising Day,
I wish to take stock of our 14 years' effort to find a peaceful and
realistic solution to the Tibetan issue through honest negotiations with the
Chinese Government.  In my endeavour to restore freedom, peace and dignity
to our country and people, I have always sought to be guided by realism,
patience and vision.
     For the past 14 years, I have not only declared my willingness to enter
into negotiations but have also made maximum concessions in a series of
initiatives and proposals which clearly lie within the framework for
negotiations as stated by Deng Xiaoping in 1979, that "except for the
independence of Tibet, all other questions can be negotiated".  The ideas
put forward in my Five Point Peace Plan for Tibet in 1987 and the Strasbourg
Proposal in 1988 envisage a solution which does not ask for the complete
independence of Tibet. However, the Chinese Government has even refused to
enter into negotiations of any kind.  It has also avoided discussing any
question of substance, insisting that the only issues to be resolved are
those pertaining to my personal return to Tibet. The issue is not about my
return to Tibet. I have stated this time and again. The issue is the
survival of the six million Tibetan people along with the protection of our
distinct culture, identity and civilisation.
     I have made it clear that the negotiations must centre around ways to
end China's population transfer policy, which threatens the very survival of
the Tibetan people, respect for Tibetans' fundamental human rights and
entitlement to democratic freedom, the de-militarization and de-
nuclearization of Tibet, the restoration of the Tibetan people's control
over all matters affecting their own affairs, and the protection of Tibet's
natural environment. Moreover, I have always emphasized that any negotiation
must comprise the whole of Tibet, not just the area which China calls the
"Tibet Autonomous Region".
     I have maintained this approach for the last 14 years in spite of the
disappointment and criticism expressed by many Tibetans to my moderate
stand. I have not forgotten that 1.2 million Tibetans have died and that
Tibet has suffered immeasurably since the occupation of our country by
Communist China. I also know that every Tibetan hopes and prays for the full
restoration of our nation's independence.
     Nevertheless, I had hoped that my middleway approach would eventually
create an atmosphere of mutual trust conducive to fruitful negotiations and
exert a restraining influence on the repressive Chinese politices in Tibet.
Here I appreciate the many Tibetans who have supported my initiatives and
felt they were a practical necessity.
     The Chinese Government has rejected my overtures one after another and
has consistently attempted to confuse the real issue. Meanwhile, the
magnitude and gravity of the situation inside Tibet has dramatically
escalated. Developments in Tibet have been marked by an intensification of
the Chinese policy of suppression, the marginalisation of the Tibetan people
in our own country, the gradual and religion, and the destruction and
exploitation of Tibet's environment.
     I must now recognise that my approach has failed to produce any
progress either for substantive negotiations or in contributing to the
overall improvement of the situation in Tibet. Moreover, I am conscious of
the fact that a growing number of Tibetans, both inside as well as outside
Tibet, have been disheartened by my conciliatory stand not to demand
complete independence for Tibet. Because of my statements, some Tibetans
have come to believe that there is no hope at all of the Tibetan people
regaining their basic rights and freedoms. This, and the lack of any
concrete results from my conciliatory approach towards and Chinese
government over the past 14 years have caused disillusionment and undermined
the resolve of some Tibetans.
     Internationally, my initiatives and proposals have been endorsed as
realistic and reasonable by many governments, parliaments, and non-
governmental organisations. But, despite the growing support of the
international community, the Chinese government has not responded
constructively.
     I have left no stone unturned in my attempts to reach an understanding
with the Chinese. We have had to place our hopes on international support
and help in bringing about meaningful negotiations, to which I still remain
committed. If this fails, then I will no longer be able to pursue this
policy with a clear conscience. I feel strongly that it would then be my
responsibility, as I have stated many times in the past, to consult my
people on the future course of our freedom struggle. Just as the late Indian
prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, stated in the Indian Parliament on
December 7, 1950, I too have always maintained that the final voice with
regard to Tibet should be the voice of the Tibetan people. Whatever the
outcome of such a consultation, it will serve as a guideline for our future
dealings with China and the reorientation of the course of our freedom
struggle.
     I continue to remain committed to finding a peaceful and negotiated
resolution to the issue of Tibet with the Chinese Government directly. But
the Chinese are merely paying lip service to this approach. It is evident
that only increased international political and economic pressure can bring
a sense of urgency to bear on the Chinese leadership not merely to pay lip
service, but to resolve the problem of Tibet peacefully and amicably. The
tragedy of Tibet can be relieved through the determined  and concerted
efforts of various governments and NGOs championing human rights, liberty
and democracy the world over.
     If the Tibetan issue can be resolved peacefully, through mutual
openness and understanding, I am convinced that it will help alleviate the
anxiety felt in the minds of the six million residents of Hong Kong. It will
also have a positive effect on China's relationship with Taiwan and enhance
its international image.
     Today, we remember those brave Tibetans who fought and died for the
cause of our nation and those who are languishing in Chinese prisons. We
also pay our respects to our courageous brothers and sisters in Tibet who
are continuing the struggle for the freedom of our people under extremely
adverse conditions. The course of history and the present world atmosphere
are favourable to the aspirations of our nation. Our cause is gathering
momentum. Fearful of these developments, China has now formulated policies
to undermine our administration in exile as well as to create discord and
division in our community. Therefore, every one of us must be alert and
renew our commitment to the just cause of our country.
     I firmly believe that the day is close when our beloved Land of Snows
will no longer be politically subjugated, culturally ravaged, and
economically and environmentally exploited and devastated. Our dedication,
sacrifice and hard work will eventually lead our captive nation to freedom
and peace in dignity. However, it is important that our struggle must be
based on non-violence.
     On behalf of all the Tibetan people, I want to take this opportunity to
express our deep appreciation and gratitude to our many friends throughout
the world for their support of our cause. I must also thank the many
parliaments and governments that have started to take a serious look at the
Tibetan problem. Another positive development of recent years is support for
our cause even amongst the Chinese people. For example, a long letter
written on October 5, 1992, by the well-known Chinese dissident, Wei
Jingsheng, to Deng Xiaoping, speaking out against his government's unjust
claims over Tibet and their misguided policies there, has just become
public. These expressions are the manifestations of genuine human respect
for  truth and justice. I take this opportunity especially to thank our
Chinese brothers and sisters the world over for their support and
encouragement. Finally, I wish to reiterate our immense gratitude and
appreciation to all the countries where Tibetan exiles have been given
asylum, particularly to the people and government of this country, which has
become a second home for the majority of the Tibetans in exile.
     My prayers for the peace and welfare of all sentient beings.


----------------------------------------------------------------------------
3.2       New Delhi Statement on Tibetan Freedom
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
     Parliamentarians from 25 countries gathered together in the Indian
     Capital, New Delhi, from March 18 to 20, 1994 under the aegis of the
     All Party Indian Parliamentary Forum for Tibet to discuss the Tibetan
     issue.  They expressed appreciation for the initiative of the All Party
     Indian Parliamentary Forum for Tibet. They made the following statement
     to be known as the New Delhi Statement on Tibetan Freedom.

1.   Tibet was a separate independent and sovereign nation prior to its
     invasion and subsequent occupation by the People's Republic of China.

2.   The Chinese invasion in 1949 resulted in the destabilisation of
     traditional Tibetan society, the destruction of Tibet's unique cultural
     heritage, amounting, in effect, to a form of cultural genocide, and
     denial of the human rights and fundamental freedoms of the Tibetan
     people. It reduced Tibet, in effect, to the status of a Chinese colony
     and an occupied country.

3.   Following a report of the International Commission of Jurists which
     described the grave violation of human rights of the Tibetan people,
     the United Nations, in a series of resolutions, particularly GA
     Resolution No. 1723 (XVI) of 1961, condemned such violations and called
     for the withdrawal of Chinese forces.  However, the violations
     continued and the forces remained.

4.   Chinese policies in Tibet, through official incentives, have encouraged
     the settlement there of 7.5 million ethnic Chinese designed to
     marginalise the six million Tibetan people, destroy the traditional
     Tibetan landscape, and threaten the Tibetan people's distinct national,
     cultural and religious identity.

5.   The major areas of eastern Tibet and north-eastern Tibet have already
     become dominated by ethnic Chinese. The consequences of the massive
     influx of Chinese people is becoming clear in central Tibet. For
     example, out of the 12227 shops in Lhasa (excluding the Barkhor areas)
     only 300 are now owned by Tibetans.

6.   Reports by official parliamentary fact-finding delegations from
     Australia, Austria, the European Parliament and other parliamentarian
     delegations to Tibet, as well as by independent international human
     rights organisations, such as Amnesty International and Asia Watch,
     have confirmed the continued abuse of Tibetan human rights and the
     denial of fundamental freedoms by the Chinese authorities.  This has
     occurred in contravention of the obligations imposed upon China by
     international law, including under the various international
     instruments: the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the
     International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the
     International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.  These
     principles have been reaffirmed in the Vienna Declaration and Programme
     of Action adopted by the World Conference on Human Rights held in June
     1993.

7.   His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Government-in-Exile have,
     over the years, proposed constructive initiatives to solve the Tibetan
     problem peacefully.

8.   The determination of Tibetan people for a free Tibet continues to be
     strong although from 1949 to 1984 an estimated 1.2 million Tibetans
     have died as a result of Chinese occupation. Since the invasion, very
     many demonstrations have taken place in which thousands of Tibetans
     have been imprisoned.  In 1993 alone, there have been over 39 known
     peaceful demonstrations in different parts of Tibet.

9.   The Permanent Tribunal of People's session on Tibet in 1992, the
     International Lawyers' Conference on Tibet in 1993, and the Conference
     of European Parliamentarians on Tibet in 1993, have each confirmed the
     right to self-determination of the Tibetan people enjoyed by them under
     international law.

10.  National Parliaments in a number of countries have passed resolutions
     expressing their concern at the plight of the Tibetan people. The
     European      Parliament has also done so.

11.  The Congress of the United States of America passed a resolution on
     October 28, 1991 recognising that Tibet, consisting of the three
     traditional areas of Dhotoe (Kham), Dhomey (Amdo) and U-Tsang, is an
     occupied country.

12.  China's destruction of the Tibetan environment through indiscriminate
     deforestation and mining is leading to ecological imbalance with
     potentional consequences affecting nearly half of the world's
     population.

The participants in this World Parliamentarians Convention on Tibet,
therefore, resolve that the convention:

i)   Condemn the continued violation of Tibetan people's human rights by the
     People's Republic of China, including the illtreatment of nuns and
     enforced sterilisation of Tibetan women, and the efforts to destroy
     Tibet's religious and cultural rights.  While applauding the courage
     and determination of the Tibetan people, it calls for the immediate
     release of all Tibetan political prisoners.

ii)  Express concern at the continued maintenance of Chinese nuclear
     installations in Tibet and reports of the conduct of the testing of
     nuclear weapons and the alleged dumping of nuclear wastes.

iii) Support the non-violent efforts of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the
     Tibetan Government-in-Exile to solve the Tibetan problem, particularly
     the Dalai Lama's campaign to make Tibet a zone of Ahimsa (non-violence)
     through demilitarisation, protection of Tibet's natural environment and
     the commencement of earnest negotiations between Tibetan and Chinese
     representatives on the future of Tibet.

iv)  Urge the Chinese government to respond positively to the above
     initiatives of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Government-
     in-Exile for negotiations without preconditions to solve the Tibetan
     problem.

v)   Urge our respective governments to support the peaceful endeavours of
     His Holiness the Dalai Lama by establishing contacts with the Tibetan
     Government-in-Exile based in Dharamsala, India.

vi)  Call on our respective Parliaments to send delegations to Tibet to
     study the human rights situation, relegious freedom, status of women
     and prison conditions.

vii) Urge our respective governments, as well as international funding
     agencies, to see that, development aid for projects in Tibet benefits
     the Tibetan people and does not encourage the settlement of Chinese
     civilians in the region and urge our respective governments to respect
     the guidelines issued by the Tibetan Government-in-Exile regarding
     developmental assistance to Tibet.

viii)     Urge our respective governments to extend moral and material
     support to the Tibetan people in their struggle to regain their freedom
     and the preservation of their heritage.

ix)  Call for the formation of all party parliamentary groups on Tibet in
     the Parliaments which currently do not have such groups, as well as an
     international network of parliamentarians to co-ordinate activities on
     the Tibetan issue.

x)   Express concern at the grave risk of unconditional economic assistance
     to China which may lead to economic liberalisation which is not
     accompanied by increased political freedom and democratisation and
     urges the governments of our respective countries to impose conditions
     to their economic assistance to China.

xi)  Urge the United Nations General Assembly to expand the mandate of the
     Special Committee on Decolonisation to include Tibet in its mandate and
     to include a regular review of the situation in Tibet. Urge the UN
     Human Rights Sub-commission to send fact-finding teams to Tibet and to
     station permanent representation in Lhasa to monitor the ongoing
     situation in Tibet, and urge the United Nations High Commission for
     Refugees to extend all possible assistance to Tibetan refugees.

xii) Appreciate the active role of the United Nations in international
     conflict resolution, including in Namibia, Cambodia, etc. and urge the
     Secretary-General to initiate mediation between the Tibetan and Chinese
     authorities for a peaceful negotiated settlement of the Tibetan issue,
     and further urges the United Nations to grant observer status to the
     Tibetan Government-in-Exile led by His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

xiii)     Support the proposal of the Permanent Tribunal of People's calling
     for the setting up of an international monitoring authority to
     determine ways to restore Tibet's ecological balance and to protect its
     biodiversity.

xiv) Direct that a delegation comprising representatives of the participants
     in this convention a) Seek the agreement of the People's Republic of
     China to visit China and Tibet, and b) meet the Secretary-General of
     the United Nations to take up the Tibetan issue and to further the
     resolution in this convention.

It is further resolved that the above resolution be forwarded to His
Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Government-in-Exile, presiding
officers of the two Houses of the Indian Parliament, all Parliaments whose
members are participating in this Convention, as well as the Chairman of the
Chinese National People's Congress.

New Delhi. March 20, 1994

----------------------------------------------------------------------------
3.3       The New Delhi Action Plan for Tibet
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
                            THE DELHI RESOLUTION

     To the extent that the people of Tibet are denied the right to self-
determination which international law guarantees them, they are denied their
own democratically elected legislature. People elsewhere, who enjoy the
priceless privilege of a democratically elected Parliament will not rest
content until this privilege is secured to the people of Tibet.  The
representatives of free people are required by a moral imperative to act for
those who are denied freedom, such as the Tibetan people. The participants
in the Delhi Convention of Parliamentarians, therefore, resolve to adopt the
New Delhi Action Plan for Tibet.

                       THE TEN COMMANDMENTS OF DELHI

     The following ten suggestions for action by parliamentarians in support
of the Tibetan people were placed before the meeting of the World
Parliamentarians Convention on Tibet in New Delhi, India, 18-20 March 1994.
The participants subsequently adopted a programme of parliamentary action
based upon these "Ten Commandments of Delhi" addressed to fellow
parliamentarians as follows:

I    Propose resolutions to Parliament;
II   Exert pressure on governments;
III  Involve Sub-National & Local Government;
IV   Organise delegations to China and Tibet;
V    Make representations to the Chinese Embassy;
VI   Support Tibetans in exile and their supporters;
VII  Use Inter-Parliamentary Associations;
VIII Encourage visits of the Dalai Lama;
IX   Target international bodies; and
X    Encourage Human Rights in China and at home

I    Propose and adopt resolutions in Parliament expressing concern about
human rights abuses,population transfer and other problems in Tibet and
calling upon the People's Republic of China (PRC) to recognise the rights of
the Tibetan people to self-determination and to that end to begin a dialogue
with the representatives of the Tibetan people, including the Dalai Lama and
the Tibetan Government-in-Exile.
     Such resolutions have been adopted by a number of legislatures
throughout the world, including the Congress of the United States of America
and the Federal Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia, Germany and the
European Parliament.

II   Exert pressure upon governments to interest themselves in the affairs
of Tibet and the rights of its people.
     Governments are sometimes reluctant to take an active role in relation
to Tibet because of pressure -- political, economic and otherwise -- exerted
by the PRC. Individual MPs can exert pressure to stimulate action defensive
of the rights of Tibet and its people. This can be done by questions in
Parliament; by raising Tibetan issues in debates on topics which are
relevant (e.g. protection of the environment, dumping of nuclear wastes,
ethnic cleansing policies, human rights, self-determination, etc.). It can
be done by raising issues relevant to Tibet in Parliamentary Committees --
such as those on Foreign Affairs or Constitutional and Human Rights Affairs.
Parliamentary facilities provide many opportunities to express public
concerns about Tibet and to embarrass recalcitrant governments and
bureaucrats into taking action. Even where suggestions fail (e.g. the action
of the United States Congress in relation to Tibet vetoed by President
Bush), they stimulate public debate, attract media coverage and sometimes
lead, as a result, to changed government policy (as in the case of President
Clinton's policy on Most Favoured Nation status for PRC).

III  Involve sub-national and local government bodies as well as the
National Parliament in concerns about Tibet and its people.
     All of the delegates in New Delhi were members of national
legislatures. However, concern about Tibet in the countries represented is
often held by ordinary citizens. It is therefore appropriate that the level
of government closest to ordinary citizens should become involved with the
cause of Tibetan self-determination. This means in federal States, the sub-
national legislatures in the states or provinces. In all states, local
governments may provide a good venue for meeting Tibetans in exile and
seeking to respond to their concerns. Already in some legislatures at sub-
national level, resolutions have been passed concerning Tibet. This was done
in the State of New South Wales, Australia, for example. In India, it was
pointed out that, counting State Assemblies, there were more than 5000
legislatores. Those in national parliaments concerned with Tibet should work
in close cooperation with those in sub-national, regional, international
(the European Parliament) and local governments to spread the call for
action, and to promote political and public debate.

IV   Organise Parliamentary delegations to visit China and Tibet to examine
and report on the human rights, environmental and other situations there.
     Such delegations have already taken place. Delegations of
parliamentarians from Austria, Australia, the United States and European
Parliament and other countries have visited China. They have visited Tibet
and reported upon their findings. Such reports gain widespread publicity and
reinforce the international pressure upon the PRC to respect the rights of
the Tibetan people to self-determination and to stop population transfers,
nuclear waste dumping and environment damage in Tibet. In 1991 such a
parliamentary delegation (from Australia) was permitted to visit Tibet.
Perhaps as a consequence of the critical content of its report, the second
Australian human rights delegations in 1992 was denied entry to Tibet. It
was reported to the convention that a delegation from the Swedish government
will shortly visit China and Tibet.  The PRC is prepared to accept not all
but some parliamentary delegations, as it is very difficult for the PRC to
refuse such delegations to visit Tibet and China.

V    Make representations -- as a parliamentary group concerned about Tibet
or as an individual Parliamentarian -- to the embassy of the People's
Republic of China.
     In many parliaments of the world, special groups have been established
on a multi-party basis, to voice concerns parliamentarians on behalf of
citizens about human rights and other abuses in Tibet and denial of the
right of self-determination to the Tibetan people. Such groups -- although
not technically part of the legislature -- provide ideal opportunities for
concerted multi-partisan action to confront the PRC and its representatives
with the unacceptability of the PRC's actions with respect to Tibet.
Parliamentarians frequently meet representatives of the PRC at official
receptions, conferences and other like occasions. Whilst observing
diplomatic courtesy and appropriate protocol these occasions should be made
an opportunity to voice the concerns of the parliamentarians and their
constituencies about human rights and other abuses in Tibet. The culture of
the  Chinese people is one which is extremely sensitive to such
representations. Members of Parliaments should make sure to request the
diplomatic representatives of China to convey the expression of popular
concerns to the Government of the PRC in Beijing. Written representations
should follow up such oral requests in order to ensure that action is taken.

VI   Give support to Tibetan groups in exile, Tibetan refugees and non-
governmental organisations concerned about the Tibetan cause.
     Members of Parliament usually enjoy special privileges in relation to
use of the facilities of the parliamentary buildings. Within those
privileges, they should extend invitations to Tibetans refugees, Tibetan
support groups and non-governmental organisations concerned with human
rights, environmental and nuclear issues -- to hold meetings, conferences,
receptions, etc. at Parliament. Such meetings  will frequently attract media
attention -- particularly if Tibetan refugees in national dress attend, for
they are uniquely photogenic -- sending vivid photographs illustrating their
exile and national suffering. The use of the media -- particularly
international media such as the BBC or CNN -- is to be encouraged as this
will also reach into China and Tibet sending messages of warning and reason
to China and hope to Tibet. Parliamentarians, who become accustomed to the
surrounding of the Parliament House, often underestimate the deep feeling of
honour and privilege which an invitation to the People's House will involve
-- particularly for refugees in exile. The proper use of parliamentary
facilities in this way, to encourage the downtrodden exiles and their
supporters, should be encouraged.

VII  Use the International Parliamentary Union to promote concern about the
plight of Tibet and the Tibetan people.
     Virtually all Parliamentarians are ex-officio members of international
Parliamentary associations-- such as the Inter-Parliamentary Union, the
Commonwealth Parliamentary  Association, etc. Such bodies do valuable work
and publish useful journals. However, they often avoid controversial issues.
     Parliamentarians concerned about Tibet -- and the denial of
parliamentary democracy to the Tibetan people -- should place resolutions
about the situation in Tibet on the agenda of such international bodies.
Even if such resolutions do not at first command a majority, the proposals
will stimulate a climate of concern and spread the message of Tibet to an
important audience.
     In addition to the formal resolutions of such bodies, informal
consultations and discussions may result in the establishment of new
parliamentary support groups on Tibet. These ten commandments and other
materials and articles on Tibet should be discussed in such bodies. If
possible, they should be published in the journals of inter-parliamentary
organisations to disseminate their messages.

VIII Promote and encourage visits of His Holiness the Dalai lama.
     The visit of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to so many countries
throughout the world has ensured that the issue of Tibet has not disappeared
from the international agenda as the Government of the PRC would have hoped.
As a great spiritual teacher, but also the recognised leader of the Tibetan
people, His Holiness has a rare and unequalled gift of explaining the
Tibetan cause to national leaders, parliamentarians and peoples. Such visits
are typically opposed most bitterly by the PRC and its global
representatives. However, experience teaches that His Holiness draws such
large public crowds of supporters and admirers that local political leaders
find meeting with him  personally irresistible and politically essential.
Photographs of the Dalai Lama with national leaders, beamed by way of the
media around the world -- including by satellite to China -- keeps the
Tibetan cause before the conscience of the world community. Parliamentarians
can play a key role in organising such tours, arranging appropriate high-
level official engagements and media coverage. It is especially important to
encourage and promote visits of His Holiness to countries of Africa, Asia
and the Western Pacific. There, China's pressure to prevent such visits will
be the strongest. That is why a network of concerned parliamentarians is
most essential in such countries.

IX   Exert influence in such a way as to target the discussions of
international bodies studying the human rights situations in China and
Tibet.
     The recent defeat (March 1994) of the resolution before the United
Nations Human Rights Commission in Geneva, designed to highlight
international concerns about China's record of human rights in China and
Tibet, came about as a result of a combination of the delegates of
democratic and undemocratic countries. A large number of Latin American and
African States abstained on the motion. It is in Latin America and Africa
that the most immediate efforts must be directed to try to ensure a
favourable outcome to future consideration of this issue in the UN Human
Rights Commission. It is therefore essential that parliamentarians concerned
about Tibet should seek to make special contact with colleagues and
associates in Asia, Latin America and Africa -- to point to the lesson from
their own histories of the struggle for independence and freedom -- to help
establish parliamentary support groups in such countries -- to provide
literature and to promote visits of His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

X    Learn from the lessons of Tibet for the situation of human rights,
environmental protection, minority rights and the rule of law in China in
general and in your own country.
     It is essential that the struggle for Tibet should not be or be seen to
be an anti-Chinese movement, as such. His Holiness the Dalai Lama has
insisted upon high respect for China and its peoples. He has also raised the
possibility in earlier proposals that the exercise of the Tibetan people's
right to self-determination could result in an association with China which
fell short of complete independence of Tibet. The right of self-
determination often manifests itself in complete independence of a distinct
people: so that they form their own separate nation state for international
law purposes. This is one possible outcome of the genuine and free exercise
by the Tibetan people of the right to self-determination which they assert
and which international law undoubtedly guarantees to them. But it is not
the only possible outcome. The longer the  dialogue -- as invited by the
Dalai Lama -- is denied or delayed, the more likely is that the Tibetan
people will insist upon complete independence. But that will be a matter for
the Tibetan people. Self-determination cannot be denied to the Tibetan
people by the Government of the PRC or the Chinese people. In due course, it
will be accorded to them. The efforts of the parliamentarians in democratic
countries should be directed to that end. But this does not mean that the
struggle must be carried on with animosity to the Chinese Government, still
less with the Chinese people. On the contrary, the struggle for Tibetan
self-determination necessarily involves the self respect of the Chinese
people and their relationship with a neighbouring people of great dignity
and inherent worth. By establishing that relationship upon the basis of
international law and universal human rights, the Government of the PRC and
the peoples of China will thereby be freed from the burden of being an
oppressor and of derogation from the human rights of others. To the extent
that one people derogates from the human rights of another; it diminishes
the rights of its own people and human rights in the world which is of
universal concern. To uphold the derogations of the rights of the Tibetan
people, the Government of the PRC is forced to maintain in place the
machinery of colonial oppression and autocracy, to lock up dissidents, kill
student protestors peacefully expressing their views and maintain labour
camps and other paraphernalia of oppression. By upholding the rights of the
Tibetans people, parliamentarians are, in a very real sense, working for the
human rights of the Chinese people and of people everywhere. The
universality of human rights must be upheld. There is no "Asian exception"
as the representatives of the PRC asserted unsuccessfully to the Second
World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna in June 1993. One delegate in New
Delhi drew a parallel with the autocratic regime which governed his country
(Hungary) until very recently. Like that of China, it was derived from the
undemocratic and anti-parliamentarian practices of Lenin and Stalin in the
Soviet Union, this kind of polity is now discredited. But it continues to
influence the formal public law structures of China. In due course, China
will also throw off such autocracy. The support of parliamentarians and
others for the rights of the people of Tibet -- and their future free
relationship with China -- should be seen in this wider historical context.
Thus, the efforts for freedom in Tibet are efforts founded on respect for
the Chinese people -- and their basic human rights, not on hatred for the
Chinese people. So has His Holiness the Dalai Lama always taught.
     The effort to promote the rights of the Tibetan people also necessarily
focusses attention on delegations from human rights in every society. By
studying the wrongs done to others we can perceive more clearly the wrongs
done to people -- particularly minorities -- in our own societies. To that
extent, Tibet is a microcosm of a wider challenge to the human rights and
other basic freedom throughout the world which we all share.

March 20, 1994

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3.4       Universal Responsibility and our Global Environment
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
            Universal Responsibility and Our Global Environment
                        His Holiness the Dalai Lama

     AS the twentieth century draws to a close, We find that the world has
grown smaller.  The world's people have become almost one community.
Political and military alliances have created large multinational groups;
industry and international trade have produced a global economy.  Worldwide
communications are eliminating ancient barriers of distance, language and
race.  We are also being drawn together by the grave problems we face:
overpopulation, dwindling natural resources, and an environmental crisis
that threatens our air, water, and trees, along with the vast number of
beautiful life forms that are the very foundation of existence on this small
planet we share.
     I believe that to meet the challenge of our times, human beings will
have to develop a greater sense of universal responsibility.  Each of us
must learn to work not just for his or her own self, family or nation, but
for the benefit of all mankind.  Universal responsibility is the real key to
human survival.  It is the best foundation for world peace, the equitable
use of natural resources and, through concern for future generations, the
proper care of the environment.
     That is why it is so heartening to see such non-governmental
organisations as yours.  Your role in forging a better future is absolutely
essential.  I have come across many such orgaisations built by dedicated
volunteers out of genuine concern for their fellow human beings.  Such
commitment represents the forefront of both social and environmental
progress.
     Whether we like it or not, we have all been born on this earth as part
of one great family.  Rich or poor, educated or uneducated, belonging to one
nation, religion, ideology or another, ultimately each of us is just a human
being like everyone else.  We all desire happiness and do not want
suffering. Furthermore, each of us has the same right to pursue happiness
and avoid suffering.  When you recognise that all beings are equal in this
respect, you automatically feel empathy and closeness for them.  Out of
this, in turn, comes a genuine sense of universal responsibility -- the wish
to actively help others overcome their problems.
     The need for a sense of universal responsibility is present in every
aspect of modern life.  Nowadays, significant events in one part of the
world eventually affect the entire planet.  Therefore, we have to treat each
major local problem as a global concern from the moment it begins.  We can
no longer invoke the national, racial or ideological barriers that separate
us without destructive repercussions.  In the context of our new
interdependence, considering the interest of others is clearly the best form
of self-interest.
     We need to appreciate interdependence in nature far more than we have
in the past.  Our ignorance of it is directly reponsible for many of the
problems we face.  For instance, tapping the limited resources of our world
-- particularly those of the developing nations -- simply to fuel
consumerism, is disastrous.  If it continues unchecked, eventually we will
all suffer.  We must respect the delicate balance of life and allow it to
replenish itself.
     Ignorance of interdependence has not only harmed the natural
environment, but human society as well.  Instead of caring for one another,
we place most of our efforts for happiness in pursuing individual material
consumption.  We have become so engrossed in this pursuit that, without
knowing it, we have neglected to foster the most basic human needs of love,
kindness and cooperation.  This is very sad.  We have to consider what we
human beings really are.  We are not machine-made objects.  However, since
we are not solely material creatures, it is a mistake to seek fulfillment in
external development alone.
     To pursue growth properly, we need to renew our commitment to human
values in many fields.  Political life, of course, requires an ethical
foundation, but science and religion, as well, should be pursued from a
moral basis.  Without it scientists cannot distinguish between beneficial
technologies and those which are merely expedient.  The environmental damage
surrounding us is the most obvious result of this confusion.  In the case of
religion, it is particularly necessary.
     The purpose of religion is not to construct beautiful buildings, but to
cultivate positive human qualities such as tolerance, generosity and love.
Every world religion, no matter what its philosophical view, is founded
first and foremost on the precept that we must reduce our selfishness and
serve others. Unfortunately, sometimes in the name of religion, people cause
more quarrels than they solve.  Practitioners of different faiths should
realise that each religious tradition has immense intrinsic value as a means
for providing mental and spiritual health.
     I have been extremely heartened to follow the recent developments in
the search for peace between Israelis and Palestinians.  Laying down guns on
both sides, and talking face-to-face is, in my opinion, the only way to
resolve such disputes.  We must learn to live together in a nonviolent way
that nurtures the freedom of all people.
     There is a wonderful verse in the Bible about turning swords into
ploughshares.  It is a lovely image, a weapon transformed into a tool to
serve basic human needs, symbolic of an attitude of inner and outer
disarmament.  In the spirit of this ancient message, I think it is important
that we stress today the urgency of a policy that is long overdue -- the
demilitarisation of the entire planet.  Demilitarisation would free great
human resources for protection of the environment, relief of poverty, and
sustainable human development.
     I have always envisioned the future of my own country, Tibet, as
founded on this basis.  Tibet will be a neutral, demilitarised sanctuary
where weapons are forbidden and the people live in harmony with nature.  I
have called this a Zone of Ahimsa or non-violence.  This is not merely a
dream -- it is precisely the way Tibetans tried to live for over a thousand
years before our country was tragically invaded.  In Tibet, wildlife was
protected in accordance with Buddhist principles. We enacted decrees to
protect the environment, but it was mainly protected by the beliefs which
were installed in use as children.
     I would like to conclude by stating that I feel optimistic about the
future.  There are a number of recent trends which show our potential for
achieving a better world.  The rapid changes in our attitude towards the
earth are a source of hope.  As recently as a decade ago, we thoughtlessly
devoured the resources of the world as if there was no end to them.  We
failed to realise that unchecked consumerism was disastrous for both the
environment and social welfare. Now, both individuals and governments are
seeking a new ecological and economic order.
     It is true to say that as late as the 1980s people believed that war
was an inevitable condition of mankind.  The notion prevailed that people
with conflicting interests could only confront each other.  This view has
deminished. Today people all over the globe are more committed to peaceful
co-existence, as is evident here in the Middle East.  This is an
astonishingly positive development.
     After believing for centuries that human society could only be governed
with rigid authoritarian discipline, people in all corners of the world have
woken up to the virtues of democracy.  Speaking from their hearts, they have
shown that the desire for freedom and truth and democracy stems from the
core of human nature.  Recent events have proved that the simple expression
of truth is an immense force in the human mind, and as a result, in the
shaping of history.
     One of the greatest lessons for all of us has been the peaceful change
in Eastern Europe.  In the past, oppressed people have always resorted to
violence in their struggle to be free.  Now, these peaceful revolutions,
following in the footsteps of Gandhi and Martin Luther King, have given
future generations a tremendous example of successful, nonviolent change.
When, in the future, the need arises to change society, our descendents can
look back to 1989 as a paradigm for peaceful struggle: a real success story
on an unprecedented scale, involving more than half a dozen nations and
hundreds of millions of people.
     Meanwhile, there has been a growth of awareness of human rights.  Crude
power can never subdue mankind's basic desire for freedom, truth and
democracy, which are our fundamental right.  People simply don't like a
person or a system that bullies, cheats and lies.  These activities are
essentially opposed to the human spirit.
     All these encouraging signs reflect a renewed appreciation of the
benefits of basic human values.  Because of the lessons we have begun to
learn, the next century will be friendlier, more harmonious, and less
harmful. Compassion, the seeds of peace, will be able to flourish.  At the
same time, I believe that every individual has a responsibility to help
guide our global family in the right direction.  Good wishes alone are not
enough, we each have to assume responsibility.
     I hope and pray that in the days ahead, each of us will do all we can
to see that the goal of creating a happier, more harmonious and healthier
world is achieved.

[This is the text of the address delivered to the Society for the Protection
of Nature, Israel, on March 22, 1994]

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4.0       COMMENTARY
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
4.1       Parliamentary initiative on Tibet
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Address by Shri Mohan Singh, MP, at the inauguration of the World
Parliamentarians Convention on Tibet, Convention Centre, Jamia Hamdard, New
Delhi 110062 on March 18, 1994


     Fellow parliamentarians from different parts of the world, my
colleagues from India, guests, ladies and gentlemen.

     It is indeed a great pleasure for me to welcome all of you to this
first-ever World Parliamentarians Convention on Tibet. We have all gathered
here to see what we can do on an issue which is of great concern and
interest to us: the plight of the people of Tibet.
     The issue of Tibet is one of the most glaring human problems of our
time. The crisis is deepening, reaching alarming proportions and having wide
implications, particularly for  Asia. China continues to deny the Tibetan
people their fundamental rights without having any regard for their culture
and way of life. In recent years, we have been witnessing increasing
international attention on Tibet.  This is a positive development.  As
parliamentarians, we are encouraged by the special attention being paid to
the situation in Tibet by parliaments throughout the world.  Our country has
a stake in this on account of our geographical proximity with Tibet.  Our
security interest is closely connected with Tibet that we can only ignore
the Tibetan problem to our detriment.
     His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the leader of the Tibetan people, has
taken a number of commendable and realistic initiatives to seek a negotiated
non-violent solution to the Tibetan problem.  However, there does not seem
to be any corresponding responses from the Chinese side.  We have seen that
international pressures do have an effect in making the Chinese authorities
change their attitude.  Therefore, there is a need to create powerful
opinion on the issue of Tibet.
     Governments may, for political reasons, attempt to play down, cover up,
belittle or misrepresent the Tibetan problem.  But as parliamentarians,
representing the voice of the masses, we need to tell the world the truth
about Tibet.  We must come forward collectively to lend our active support
to His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan people.  In order to do this,
we ourselves, first of all, need to understand the issue in all its
ramifications. First of all, there is the human rights angle.  Confirmed
reports from Tibet indicate a consistent pattern of Chinese violation of the
fundamental rights of the Tibetan people.  This is corroborated by reports
of independent international human rights organisations like Amnesty
International and Asia Watch.  Further, parliamentary delegations to Tibet
and China from Australia, Austria, the European Parliament, as well as
visits by individual parliamentarians have also reported on the abuse of the
human rights of the Tibetan people.
     The denial of Tibetan human rights has been accompanied by a more
subtle but dangerous policy, namely that of cultural genocide, if I may use
the term. On account of indiscriminate transfer of Chinese settlers into
Tibet, today, there is a perceptable danger of the Tibetans disappearing as
a race. At a time when the world is witnessing ethnic tensions in different
corners, this is a matter which needs to be looked into. Additionally, the
ecological imbalance in Tibet, as a result of environmental degradations, is
posing an altogether different threat. It not only endangers the fragile
Tibetan environment, but also threatens to change the climatic conditions in
the region. Finally, the Tibetan problem concerns the right of the Tibetan
people to decide their own destiny.  This needs to be studied in relation to
the future role of Tibet in the global and regional contexts.  His Holiness
the Dalai Lama envisages the future Tibet to be a democratic country, a zone
of peace and Ahimsa, a spiritual sanctuary for all those bogged down by the
world's material problems.
     What is our stake in the issue of Tibet, some may wonder?  The Tibetan
problem does not just concern the plight of the Tibetan people, or for that
matter the security interests of India and other countries in the Himalayan
region along the Tibetan border.  At a greater level, Tibet's strategic
position in the heart of central Asia makes its stability of vital
importance in the geopolitical map of Asia.  Therefore, all of us -
Tibetans, Indians, Bhutanese, Nepalis, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Central
Asians, etc. - need to be concerned about the situation in Tibet.
Unfortunately, although over 100 fellow parliamentarians from more than 35
countries had accepted our invitation to attend this convention, only 52
have been able to make it.  The rest were forced to cancel their plans on
account of pressures exerted from different quarters, obviously at the
instigation of the Chinese authorities.  This only goes to show to what
extent the Chinese leadership is prepared to go in acting undemocratically
against citizens of sovereign countries.
     However, we should not let this discourage us.  In the next three days
we need to discuss these and other aspects of the Tibetan problem.  We need
to see how we can encourage our respective governments to review their
policy on Tibet. We also need to look for ways for a coordinated global
initiative on the Tibetan problem.  One possibility is the setting up of an
international network of parliamentarians to take up the issue. The survival
of Tibetan civilisation is not only for the benefit of the Tibetans
themselves: more importantly it means the survival of a unique system which
has much to contribute to the development of world civilisation.
     Before ending, I would like to put on record our gratitude to our
Indian and Tibetan benefactors whose cooperation has allowed us to host this
convention. I would specially like to thank our Tibetan friends in India,
Nepal, Switzerland and other countries, who in spite of their own
limitations, came forward to respond positively to our appeal for funds.  I
was particularly touched by the fact that even young Tibetans - students -
voluntarily contributed something to the fund.
     I would like to end with a quotation from His Holiness the Dalai Lama
which should be a source of inspiration to all of us in our approach towards
the Chinese government on the Tibetan issue.  In an article in the Times of
India on Need for Global Thinking, His Holiness says, " We are witnessing a
tremendous and popular movement for the advancement of human rights and
democratic freedoms in the world.  This movement has to grow to such a moral
force that even determined governments and armies are incapable of
suppressing it."
     Thank you once again.

[Hon. Mohan Singh, MP, is the convener of the all party Indian Paliamentary
forum for Tibet]

----------------------------------------------------------------------------
4.2       The Issuse of Tibet
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
     Address by Prof. S. Rinpoche, Chairman of the Assembly of Tibetan
     People's Deputies (Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile), to the World
     Parliamentarians Convention at New Delhi on March 18, 1994

                             THE ISSUE OF TIBET

Mr. Chairman, Fellow Parliamentarians and Friends,

On behalf of the Tibetan people, the democratically-elected Assembly of
Tibetan People's Deputies (Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile) and on my own
behalf, I would like to extend my heartiest greetings to fellow
parliamentarians who have come from different parts of the world to express
your solidarity with us.

What exactly is the Tibetan issue?  What is it which we strive to resolve?
Thirty- five years in exile, 1.2 million lives extinguished, temples of
faith razed to dust and blown to winds, followers of peace and non-violence
confronted with hatred and weapons, Tibetan people are looking around
themselves for hands - strong and friendly; hearts - full of love and
compassion and heads with wisdom, who can walk with us as co-sharers of
human dignity at its best.  We are not at war with our great neighbour, we
bear no hatred nor nourish any ill-feelings for our brothers and sisters
across our eastern borders. Ours is not a mere Sino-Tibetan conflict or an
ideological warfare. Our struggle for freedom is not an act of secession as
is projected by the Chinese.  Ours is also not a fight against Chinese
people.  We are against the illegal occupation of our territory and
colonisation of our land.  We are not interested in their territory, in
their land.  The ink is not dry as yet on the documents recording the
correct facts of history.  Let us not live by misconceptions when
perceptions are transparently clear.  Was the Indian freedom movement led by
Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and others against the territorial
integrity of the British?  Then why stamp our freedom movement as "anti-
Chinese" and against their territorial integrity. Kindly share our
perception of the unprecedented phenomena of human indignity forced on us in
this later half of the 20th century when Man - the civilized man of our
planet - is moving in cosmic hemisphere and is not tired of talking and
appear to be believing in the lofty ideals of equality, liberty, justice,
human rights, democratic functioning, etc. In actuality these are proving
mere slogans devoid of any meaning whatsoever when put to test against
mighty physical forces greedy of extending their boundaries, usurping the
rights of the people and causing unaccountable misery and suffering.

The very identity of Tibetan people is on the verge of disappearance,
Tibetans recognised through the annals of centuries of history as promoters
and preservers of a unique culture and wealth of spiritual heritage are
being reduced to an insignificant minority in their own land, handicapped of
their rights to practice their religion and live their way of life.  The
calculated Chinese policy of `transfer of population' is aimed at
elimination of the Tibetan race and is being executed in a very rapid and
planned manner.  This onslaught, if not checked effectively and speedily,
will wipe out a race and a culture from the face of this earth.  Are we
really aware of this danger?

Another issue, a grave one, concerns our environment. Wanton destruction of
Tibet's rich natural resources has already caused ecological imbalances
which should be a cause of concern for people outside Tibet also.

A yet another dimension about which there is evidently greater awareness is
that of violation of human rights in Tibet at the hands of the Chinese.
Physical torture, mental suffering, discrimination and total abuse of human
dignity is the lot of the Tibetans in their own land.

But above all, the recognition of the political identity and status of the
Tibetan people is the main issue.  Our right to self-determination must be
restored.  In order that we, the Tibetans, fulfil our universal
responsibility towards the world community - we must be the masters of our
own destiny.

Is it difficult to appreciate our non-violent approach for solution of our
problems? If not, please do not take it as our weakness.  There is no force
greater than moral force.  Is Vietnam's case a forgotten chapter of history?
The Tibetan people have the political will.  We have also a very clear
political vision.  We have adopted true democratic principles in our polity.
Even in exile we are implementing democratisation in the system of
governance.  Only our method is different because we are wedded to the
values of truth, non-violence, love and compassion.  If our method succeeds,
it may be a trailblazer for solving international conflicts - human, raical,
ideological, geographical and what not.

I would like to express our special gratitude to the Indian parliamentarians
for organising this convention.  India and Tibet have a unique relationship.
Our two nations are not only neighbours, but we also have close religious,
cultural and historical ties.  India is not only the source of our spiritual
heritage, but it has also shown us the non-violent path for our struggle.
The Tibetan issue is closely connected with India's security interests.
India cannot ignore her legitimate interest in a solution to the Tibetan
problem.  It is because of these reasons that the entire world is waiting
for India to take a lead in support of the Tibetan people.

We Tibetans have always been supporting the normalisation of relations
between India and China.  This is for the good of the entire region.  The
Indian government, however, should not look at the Tibetan issue as an
obstacle to better Sino-Indian relations.  Those who understand the Tibetan
problem in its proper perspective in fact see a solution to the Tibetan
problem as a positive factor in the process.   Politics is a tricky business
and sometimes, you become so overwhelmed by the seriousness of the short-
term interest that you overlook the much more dangerous long-term
consequences.  I am sure the policy-planners of India will not let the
country fall in such a trap.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama has taken a number of steps to lead the Tibetan
community towards democracy. In 1960 a popularly-elected Assembly of Tibetan
People's Deputies (then known as the Commission of Tibetan People's
Deputies) was established with representatives directly elected by the
Tibetan people. In 1963 a draft constitution for future Tibet was
promulgated guaranteeing the Tibetan people a democratic government. In
1990, the move towards full democratisation was initiated through statutory
empowerment of democratic institutions like the legislative, executive and
judiciary with all the required authority.  Today, I am proud to say that
Tibetans in exile, notwithstanding limitations of our diasporic life, are
able to enjoy fruits of democracy.  Our Government-in-Exile is an open one.
All policy-decisions of the Tibetan community are taken up by the
legislature - represented by the Assembly of Tibetan People's Deputies -
which have to be acted upon by the executive.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama has, ever since the establishment of direct
contact with the Chinese leadership in 1979, been making sincere efforts to
solve the Tibetan problem through negotiations. Comprehending the gravity of
the Tibetan situation and the threat to the very survival of the Tibetan
people on account of Chinese policy, His Holiness had come forward with
reasonable and constructive initiatives.  Unfortunately, all his attempts
failed to evoke any positive response from the Chinese side.  His Holiness
has now admitted the futility of his efforts.  In his public statement on
the occasion of the 35th anniversary of Tibetan National Uprising on March
10, 1994, His Holiness has said, " I must now recognise that my approach has
failed to produce any progress either for substantive negotiations or in
contributing to the overall improvement of the situation in Tibet."  He has,
therefore, laid his hopes on increased international pressures and has said
that he is still committed to a peaceful settlement through meaningful
negotiations.  We are encouraged by the increasing international attention
to the Tibetan problem, as representated by the growing number of
parliamentary groups and Tibet support groups throughout the world.

In the light of continued Chinese intransigence to all our peaceful
initiatives, the only effective alternative may be in the form of increased
pressure by the international community.  In this, our fellow
parliamentarians need to play significant roles.  With your continued
support and with truth and justice on our side, we look forward to a just
solution to our problem.

A dispassionate analysis of the Tibetan situation will dawn the truth that
what is happening is symptomatic of uncivilised human behaviour at its
worst.  It is not an isolated case, rather a representative one - elsewhere
in Europe, too, human spirit is being strangulated by inhuman hands.  Is
criminalisation of social behaviour and hurling of indignities on human
beings the two parameters of modern civilisation? Are the basic tenets of
life mere slogans? I do not think that we will ever agree with this
situation.

I, therefore, most earnestly appeal to you to extend your support for a
cause which is just.  You will not be hurting anyone in the process.  Please
come forward to restore the faith of people in the philosophy of universal
brotherhood.  Search for large consumer market for amassing wealth should
not be allowed at the cost of human dignity or extinction of one race
altogether. However, we are clear in our resolve.  We will move forward -
happily with your support, and regretfully without any support.  But we
shall continue our march with determination, dedication until we attain our
goal.

I am beholden to you, fellow parliamentarians, and particularly those of you
coming from abroad, inspite and despite many hazards and inconveniences, to
express your solidarity with our cause and share with us our problems and
prospects.  You have lived the maxim: `a friend in need is a friend indeed.'
We have hardly anything to offer to you, yet you decided to stand by us in
this hour of adversity and peril.  This is a silver lining.  Let this be
seen and understood by others, too.

Our commitment is to build a just, humane, and prosperous society guided by
the light of Eternal Dharma; to secure Tibet as a sanctuary of peace,
spirituality, and environmental purity; and to ensure for ourselves and
future generations the blessings of a constitutional democracy founded on
the Rule of Law, and on the eternal ideals of freedom, equality, love,
beauty, compassion, justice, non-violence, and truth.   I hope it will not
be long when we can return to a Tibet of our dream and when we can welcome
you all to Lhasa, in peace and freedom.  Thank you.

[ Prof. Samdhong Rinpoche is the Chaiman of the Assembly of Tibetan People's
Deputies]

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5.0       LETTER FROM LONDON
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5.1       Tibetan Women in Europe
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by Tseten Samdup

     Tibetan women, compared to other Asian women, are notably more
assertive and possess a strong, independent identity.  This is particularly
noticeable amongst the younger generation, especially those living in the
West.
     Over the years the role of Tibetan women has undergone much changes.
One of the main reason behind this change is the political situation in
Tibet under Chinese rule.  In addition, education and the environment in
which the younger generation live have influenced and strengthed the role of
women. Tibetan women today play a more dynamic role in both the cultural and
political activities in the community.  In fact, in every country, one can
identify Tibetan women playing leading role in the community.  These women
see themselves more as political activists than feminists.
     The stereotype role of women staying at home and raising children has
changed radically over the years.  Not only do women maintain strong
careers, in many cases they are the chief bread-earners of the family.
During a visit to Switzerland in 1991, I met a Tibetan lady who, without
hesitation, said her husband was the housekeeper in her family.  Also,
several Tibetan men are able to continue their active participation in the
Tibetan struggle because their wives work extra hours to make ends meet.
     In the West, since the Second World War, women have played an
increasing active role in various fields and have been successful.
Naturally, when Tibetan women represent their country and become
spokespersons, they attract attention and sympathy.  Women look to other
women to champion the struggle of their people.
     In the West, women have a bigger chance for success in championing an
issue as the society is used to seeing men talking and leading.
Demonstrations organised and led by women appear to attract more support and
awareness.
     Some Tibetan women feel that they don't have a particular role in the
Tibetan struggle since this is a collective issue.  However, they can
effectively highlight the plight of Tibetan women and make it more sensitive
amongst women's organisations through networking with them on both
individual and organisational level.
     During the World Human Rights Conference in Vienna in June 1993, when
two Tibetan Women's Association delegates spoke about atrocities Tibetan
women face under Chinese rule, they received tremendous support and
sympathy.  Such fora provide an excellent opportunity in making new contacts
and building networks for women's issues.
     In June 1995, Beijing will host the UN's World Conference on Women.
Tibetan women should participate in this conference to highlight the
conditions of Tibetan women in occupied Tibet. The suffering of Tibetan
people have often been compared to that of the Jewish community.  The
survival of the Jewish culture is largely attributed to women who have kept
their culture alive in their homes.
     In the same respect, Tibetan women have greater responsibility in
preserving Tibetan culture within the family as the community is today
scattered in small groups. Wearing of Chuba is just a case in point.
Although seemingly superficial, it marks the determination of Tibetan women
to preserve their culture and traditions even under the pressure of Western
culture.  Though the Chuba may be uncomfortable, yet those who wear them
look elegant and charming.  It also makes a distinctive political statement.
The Foreign Minister of Bhutan, Lyonpo Dawa Tsering, once happened to see
Chuba-clad Tibetan women in the streets of Zurich and was so impressed by
the sight. Thus, the Chuba not only draws attention, but also reflects one's
national identity. Men have unfortunately almost discarded their Chuba,
wearing the same only on ceremonial occasions.
     Some women who identify themselves as feminists agree that the question
of equality is a sensitive one within the Tibetan community, especially with
the older generation.  They categorise Tibetan women broadly into two: the
traditional who oppose any criticism and the progressives.
     Tibetan women did not occupy any political position in independent
Tibet, but today there are women at many of the key positions in the Tibetan
Administration in exile.  These include posts such as cabinet ministers,
ambassadors and heads of departments. Even in the matter of office bearers
of organisations, Tibetan women are assuming a more visible role. Almost all
of the executive committee members of the Switzerland-based Tibetan Youth
Association in Europe in 1992-1993 were women.  In Holland, Tsering Jampa is
a founding-member of the Unrepresented Nations and People's Organisation
(UNPO). UNPO began with nine members with its secretariat initially
functioning from the living room of Tsering Jampa.  Today, the organisation
has 39 members and Tsering has become its deputy general secretary. This is
a reflection of the new leadership role by women within the Tibetan
community in Europe.
     While Tibetan women in Asia face prejudice from social and religious
traditions, those in the West do not necessarily face such obstacles and
therefore have more opportunities.  In Europe, more women are enrolled in
universities and in specialised studies than men.  When these women continue
to excel in their studies and professions, they have a direct impact on
fellow Tibetan women in Asia.
     According to a rough survey, more Tibetan women than men from the West
are visiting Dharamsala to discover their roots.  Betwen 1989 and 1990, I
remember meeting at least eight young Tibetans from Switzerland, America and
Canada who had come to Dharamsala to study Tibetan language and culture.
Only one among them was a man.  This year, the Tibetan Youth Association in
Europe plans to organise a culture orientation camp in India for the younger
generation from Europe, in co-ordination with the Tibetan Youth Congress.
     In the final analysis, the increasing active role being played by
Tibetan women in Europe represents a new generation of achievers.

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5.2       LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
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     `We are with you'

     We are with you in your struggle for freedom from Chinese yoke.  Look
at Russia.  Nobody could believe even 10 years ago that the Great Soviet
Republic will be broken to pieces.  Similarly, people could not conceive of
Garry Adams, ideologue of Sein Fin, being received by US President Bill
Cliton.  Five years ago, people could not believe that Mr. Yassir Arafat,
the PLO leader, and Mr. Yitzak Rabin, Prime Minister of Israel, would shake
hands, instead of shooting at each other.  Ten years ago, it was
unbelievable to think that South African President De Klerk, would release
ANC leader Nelson Mandela and win the Nobel Peace Prize jointly.
     From the above, there is solid reason to believe that China will
succumb to world pressure and give back the freedom of Tibet which is
overdue.  Verily, the world leaders failed Tibetan people in their struggle
for freedom all these years. His Holiness the Dalai Lama, in his tours all
over the world, has gained sympathy of large number of statesmen and
ordinary people of different countries. He has brought into focus the
problems of Tibet and the world community cannot ignore it any more.

Gobinda Mukhoty
Member, Advisory Board
SOS-Torture, Geneva, &
Advisor, People's Union for Democratic Rights
New Delhi


     `Proof of tolerancy'

     Though not a Muslim myself, I liked the article "Muslims of Tibet" by
Mr. Masood Butt (January-February 1994).  By publishing this interesting and
authoritatively written feature, you have demonstrated it loud and clear
that Tibetan society does not forget its minority communities.  Heinrich
Harrer had written in his Seven Years in Tibet that Tibetans are the most
tolerant people towards other faiths and this article has proved that he was
right.

Tshewang Tamding
Senior Editor
Sikkim Government Press
Gangtok, Sikkim

     `Education Policy needed'

     Today, lure of the fast buck and the fever of business mania appears to
be affecting the future of a number of Tibetans.  The phenomenon of students
dropping out from schools, at the primary or secondary levels, to join
businesses being run by their parents or guardians is increasing.  If this
trend is not checked, then it will adversely affect the future of our
country when we may have to hire foreign staff members. This would, in turn,
mean the loss of our administrative independence.
     To avoid such a consequence and to check the short-sighted practices of
these young Tibetans, a sound education policy needs to be formulated by our
government. The government must ensure that this policy is implemented at
the grassroot level.

San Migmar
C/o 56 A.P.O

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5.3       LAST PAGE
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                     THANK BUDDHA FOR THESE KIND SOULS

     The fact that there is a growing support for the Tibetan issue is quite
clear. During the recently-held World Parliamentarians Convention in New
Delhi, one Indian MP succintly put the point when he said that the Tibetan
issue has taken a "quantum leap": from the days of street-based support
today the issue has entered the corridors of parliaments and become the
talking point of people who influence decision-makers. Then there are scores
of organisations and individuals who provide material support to countless
Tibetans enabling them to fulfil their studies, etc. However, I am more
encouraged by the small indications of support made by simple individuals in
different part of the world. Whether by writing letters to their newspapers,
or by undertaking one-man vigil, or by keeping us in Dharamsala informed
about developments on Tibet in their region, these individuals become
important sources of encouragement to us. During my decade-long service in
Dharamsala, I have come across many such cases. I specially remember an
ethnic-Indian man in far-away Fiji who used to write letters of support for
Tibet in his country. Then there was an American lady who used to undertake
a weekly one-woman vigil - on every Friday - outside the Chinese mission in
her town, come rain or sun or snow.
     Among them is one woman who lives in Hong Kong. I shall respect her
privacy by not giving her name. Undoubtedly a Briton - she visits the United
Kingdom regularly - this kind lady has been sending us press clippings from
the leading English dailies of Hong Kong, which contain references to Tibet,
for God knows how many years. I "inherited" her from my colleagues when I
joined the Department in 1984. Since then she has been an important source
of information. Her press clippings are usually accompanied by an analytical
letter discussing recent developments on the Hong Kong or the Tibet front. I
have just received her latest packet in which she talks about the passage of
Governor Chris Patten's democratisation proposals through the Legislative
Council.  Talking of Hong Kong, she writes, "Although the colonial
government has never been able to grant democracy in the past (that would
mean granting independence which China would never allow) the people have
been able to enjoy many freedoms - freedom of thought, speech & movement and
a fair judicial system that operates strictly within the law.  China does
not permit such freedoms."  Referring to the attitude of Hong Kong citizens
towards Tibet, she says, " The sophisticated aura of political & business
life here, prevents many from looking to Tibet and taking heed of her
dreadful experiences.  The general opinion is that "it wouldn't happen
here." I wonder, when it is too late, if they will remember their words."
     She appears so devoted to her "task" that she does not take a
"vacation".  Even when she is out of Hong Kong she appoints a "substitute",
usually her husband, to send us the clippings or to collect them so that she
can send them to us on her return.  I always look forward to her packets.


                           AND NOW THEIR CHARTER

     Among the latest clippings sent by the kind lady mentioned above, there
is one from the South China Morning Post of February 7, 1994.  I assume our
lady wanted to draw my attention to an item on religious crackdown in China
(she had scribbled SCMP 7/2/94 on top of this item).  However, I was more
interested by the item which appeared on the back page.  It concerned a
draft constitution for a federal China which some overseas scholars were
planning to bring out. According to this news item, "Under the draft
charter, China would become a federal state, in which regions and provinces
such as Taiwan and Tibet would enjoy great autonomous powers."  It goes on
to say that "the bold idea has been hotly debated by overseas Chinese
dissidents and scholars in the past few years."  Reflecting the democratic
views of the Chinese dissidents, the aim of the new charter "is to end the
history of dictatorship in China by removing the central autocratic rule and
setting up a system of rule by law."
     This is indeed a step in the right direction. If, as the current
thinking goes, Communism will have to give way to genuine democracy in China
in the near future, it is about time that the Chinese citizens started
preparing for the `day after.'

                       VOA: VOICING OUR ASPIRARIONS?

     The Tibetan language programme of the Voice of America has started a
revolution of sort within the Tibetan-speaking community. Overnight, it has
brought the world closer to its target groups outside Tibet by providing
them with the latest international news.  Today, the coflict in `Basnia' and
in other strife-torn regions are wellknown to the Tibetan farmer living way
down in South India although he may not know where in the world these places
are situated. Within Tibet, VOA has become a morale booster, providing our
brethren with hitherto unheard of information about the Tibetan freedom
struggle in other parts of Tibet as well as in the outside world.
     At another level, VOA has become the favourite of a tiny section of the
Tibetan community for another reason. These individuals are aspiring to join
VOA's fleet `on the air'.  Now that Radio Free Asia may be started soon with
the possibility of a Tibetan-language service being included in it, the
tension is mounting. Who said Tibetans are not career-conscious?

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5.4       Essay Competition
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TIBET FOUNDATION
10 Bloomsbury Way,
London WC1A 2SH
U.K.

     In a world dominated by television and radio the art of writing is
under threat.  To encourage articulate written expression, Tibet Foundation
is organising a competition for creative writing.
     The subject of the essay is `The most significant event in my life'.
Competitors should write their essays in approximately 1,000 words in
Tibetan or English, or both.
     The competition is open to students in India, Nepal and Bhutan studying
in Tibetan secondary schools administered or recognised by the Department of
Education of H.H.the Dalai Lama and students under the age of 21 studying in
monastic schools recognised by the Department of Religion & Culture of H.H.
the Dalai Lama.   Entrants must have `Green Books' and have paid `voluntary
tax' (dhanglang kyatnyul).
     The judges will be looking for creative ideas and clarity of
expression. Due consideration will be given to the age of competitors.  The
essay must be original.  Before prizes are awarded finalists may be asked to
write a further article of the same length on a similar subject.
     Essays must be written legibly in black ink or typed in double spacing
on plain white A4 (210 x 297mm) paper, on one side of the paper only.  They
must be accompanied with the competitor's full name, address, age, and
`Green Book' details.  This should be endorsed by the school principal or
headmaster.
     After submission essays become the property of Tibet Foundation.  The
Foundation reserves the right to exhibit, print or publish them.
     The decision of the Tibet Foundation Essay Committee is final and no
correspondence will be entered into.  Prize winners will be notified
directly and the results published in Tibetan Review and Sheja.

1st Prize           Return air tickets with a two-week holiday in London, or
                    Indian Rs. 15,000.00.
2nd Prize           Indian Rs. 10,000.00
3rd Prize           Indian Rs. 7,000.00
20 runners-up Prize Indian Rs. 1,000.00 each.

Entries should arrive no later than 30 September 1994 at Tibet Foundation
Essay Committee, C/o Tibet House, 1 Institutional Area, Lodi Road, New Delhi
110003.