TRADITIONAL ART INTRODUCTION MYTHOLOGICAL FORCES GROUND PAINTINGS 40,000 YEARS TO DESIGN ROCK ENGRAVINGS MEANING OF SYMBOLS LEVELS OF INTERPRETATION FROM THE GROUND TO CANVAS MYTHOLOGICAL BECOMES REALITY THE CREATORS PREPARATION TRADITIONAL MATERIALS CLEARING THE GROUND FLYING ANTS THE WINDS OF CHANGE SURVIVAL OF LAND & CULTURE THE NEW ART MOVEMENT BEGINS TRADITIONAL ART IN CENTRAL AUSTRALIA AN INTRODUCTION á Though comparable patterns and designs were once created elsewhere in Australia, the surviving style of ground mosaics appears to have been restricted to the people of the Centre - to the majority (but not all) of those living in the major range country, north from Alice Springs for about eight hundred kilometres and west to south-west to the Western Desert country. European settlement and the spread of Christianity very largely destroyed the ceremonial life of our Arrernte group plus Pitjantjatjara, Pitubi, Walpiri, Amnatjira and Warramunga tribes. Ground mosaics are the most elaborate of our art works, but complementary designs and decorations are applied to the bodies and specially constructed head dresses of actors: to secret-sacred ritual objects that are stored near the ceremonial grounds; and often to shields, boomerangs and other weapons. á MYTHOLOLGICAL FORCES á The design elements are not, in themselves, considered dangerous. But in a ceremonial situation, when the correct secret-sacred chants are sung, they are believed to partake of mythological forces, whose essence they pass on to otherwise profane objects. Thus, the dancers and the objects they use are thought to become imbued with supernatural power. If not made unrecognisable in rituals, the decorations are usually destroyed immediately afterwards, for most are not to be displayed in secular situations. á The mythological beings, to which all Aboriginal people are totemically and ancestrally related in one way of another, are regarded not as really dead so much as at watchful rest. They still live in rock-holes, caves, clay-pans and other natural features. Sacrilegious behaviour, or casual regard for ancient custom and law, may so anger the supernatural beings that death and destruction follow. Sacrilege tat is recognised on the instant must be punished on the instant, so as to placate the creative ancestors. á GROUND PAINTINGS á The artists creating the ground paintings are all men; inevitably, they are well into middle age, for only after extensive and often very painful ritual is one knowledge and competent enough to depict the designs correctly. Younger but still ritually correct men are sometimes employed as assistants (obviously, a period of introductory instruction is required), but few men involved in making ground mosaics are under forty. Women have similar styles of body markings, have limited numbers of sacred objects and dances, and may mark the sand with leaves, sticks or their hands in the telling of stories; but they are not involved in making the decorated ground paintings. á No one man can create a ground design. In the complexity of Aboriginal social situation, each site that is still 'living' has at least two men who stand in a 'keeper-owner' relationship to it and two men called Kutungulu ('inspectors' or 'policemen') who ensure that their keeper-owners maintain correct protocol. Similarly, unless given formal dispensation, men can create only those paintings over which they are recognised as having authority: there is no concept of total artistic freedom in the Western sense. á 40,000 YEARS TO DESIGN á Each major secret-sacred ground painting represents both an individual identifiable geographical locality and a mythological incident that occured there, although is inevitable that related sites and incidents will also be recalled. As there are hundreds upon hundreds of differents sites in a tribal territory, ranging from individual tress or rocks to mountains, the most learned old men may well know the details of hundreds of paintings - even possibly, of more than a thousand. The designs must be relatively static in composition and have persisted over a great meny generations to allow for such feats of memory. á ROCK ENGRAVING á An indication of the ancient derivations of the ground art is that identical designs elements occur in the rock engravings, some of which are now known to be about twenty thousand years old. Plain and concentric cirlces, straight bar-lines and sinuous lines and animal tracks prevail in each art form. The major difference is probably, the regular inclusion of arcs (representing seated figures) in ground painting. There a similarity is the absence of the square or rectangle, a design element that frequently occurs on woomeras (spear throwers), hard-wood shields and other wooden objects. Despite the similarities, however, the fragile nature and purposeful destruction of ground paintings - presumably in ancient times as in modern - makes it unlikely that we will ever know when this form of art became prevalent. á EWANINGA á All ground paintings, and the modern paintings on canvas or art-board which are derived from them, are meant to be seen as plan views. This is almost certainly influenced by the hunting and foraging life-styles that the Aborigines once followed and, to varying degrees, still do. It is a great asset, when travelling the bush, if the slightest sign of a track - a scratch on clay or recognised as indicating the time and direction of travel, and the type of animal that caused it. Conservation of energy in the hunt is almost as essential as the discovery of game. (The exceptional tracking skills of the Aborigines have been successfully used for finding lost people or seeking out criminals; Aboriginal trackers are employed by the police in all remote areas.) á THE ART OF CENTRAL AUSTRALIA áTHE MEANING OF SYMBOLS á The use of a fixed set of symbols would seem to make interpretation easy, but only those directly involved in creating a ground painting can give its meaning with absolute authority. Related mythological sites, on the travelling route of some Dreamtime creative animal, might well have very fine shades of variation. Again, bird tracks are very similar, as are several other animal tracks. Further, some symbols have a multiplicity of meanings; a series of concentric circles can mean a camp-fire, home, cave, rock-hole, clay-pan, spring, tree or mountain - the list is not exhaustive; a sinuous line can mean a snake, running water, lightning, a hair-string girdle, native bee honey storage, or a bark rope. á LEVELS OF INTERPRETATION á A single design element can in itself have several interpratation levels. Thus-to take a hypothetical example-a circle might be described, in the secular context, as a particular geographical region; become a specific water-hole to a first-stage initiate; be a bundle of hair-string carried by a mythological hunter who visited the water-hole to a second stage ritual man; be extented to mean an object made from the hair-string to a still more knowledgeable man; and have its meaning extended even futher to the complete ritual man. Each revelation is made only after the older custodians are certain that the previous step, with its associated songs and ceremonial detail, is fully comprehened by the younger men. THE ART OF CENTRAL AUSTRALIA FROM THE GROUND TO CANVAS á Even if an outsider may be privilege enough to be shown a ground painting, it is highly doubtful that any person other than a man of central Australian Aboriginal origin will ever be permitted to understand its ultimate meaning. This, however does not detract from the beauty of the ground mosaics and the artistic merit of the adapted paintings. Nor does it make secular interpretations any less interesting. á To see the geographical locations of mythological events is to gain an important aid to understanding of ground painting and associated ceremonies. It may well be use to see them in different weather conditions, fully appreciate the mythological associations. Thus, Watulpunyu, a Walpiri Water Dreaming site in the depiction of which there are several circle (representing rock holes) and sinuous lines (representing both mythological lighting and running water), leaps into life when you visit it. áMYTHOLOGICAL BECOMES REALITY á A spring-flow of water distant from the main rock-holes after heavy rains illustrate the mythology, for in the dreamtime the custodians were unable to stop the storm-water flow. The tiered series of rock-hole , and correct approach protocol, give further initial appreciation. As the years pass and you learn the meanings of natural markings and objects, rock engravings and paintings, and are introduced to linking site, you develop even greater insight. The mythological becomes reality; the reality becomes mythology. á THE ART OF CENTRAL AUSTRALIA THE CREATORS á The creators of the beautiful ground mosiac do not consider them in artistic isolation. They see them as derived from, and sauctioned by, the mythological ancestors; as referring to specific geographic sites and linked with the useful plants and animals of the Aboriginal environment. á The mosaic have complementary artistic expression in cave paintings, rock engravings, incised ceremonial objects and other art forms; act as social controls upon young and old; help determine social roles; and give excitement and pleasure to artists and actors in their use. á á They are tangible representations of legendary events, relating to mythological beings who are seen as both distantly ancestral and yet also ever-present in quiescent, invisible form. At the same time they relate to the Aboriginal ancestral past, to the living present, and to the certainty of the future continuation of the natural and supernatural world. á á The construction of the patterns is a good example of co-operation, co-ordination and long-term planning among the Aborigines. In their most magnificent form, ground paintings cover upwards of one hundred square metres and may include raised and decorated mounds, several standing sacred objects are beautifully decorated with red-ochred feathers or leafy sprays. á TRADITIONAL ART OF CENTRAL AUSTRALIA PREPARATIONáTRADITIONAL MATERIALS á Bird-down and primary feathers obtained from emus, from flock-birds such as the Major Mitchell's cockatoo and from wedgetail eagles had to be saved over long periods. Red and yellow ochres and white lime or pipe-clay often had to be carried for great distances. (Black pigment could be readily obtained by burning fine grasses or crushing charcoal). Some of these objects were carried in emu feathers or bark bundles bound with human hair-string or a tendril-like plant and slung across the shoulders. Smaller objects could be carried in the men's chignons. á Today, the use of steel axes and knives, rifles, motor vehicles and suit-cases or travel-bags makes it easier to get and carry many of the objects required. Manufactured red and yellow cement-mix powders and white lime, and, on occasions, cottonwool and domestic fowl's feathers, may be used in the preparations. á á á Yet there is still a preference for the traditional - a little red ochre from an ancient Aboriginal mine four hundred kilometres away may be mixed with the manufactured product - for in the traditional objects residues the true mythological power. The ritual quality of a Western-manufactured substitute is always in doubt, whereas traditional materials have the necessary mythological and ancestral sanctions. Red ochre, for instance, is the blood, the life-force, of the mythological men or animals. Similar beliefs are held about other earth paints, and, indeed, about all useful items and food supplies. There is nothing, in fact, which does not have meaning and purpose, nothing which does not bind the Aboriginal to his land. THE ART OF CENTRAL AUSTRALIA á CLEARING THE GROUND Some traditional sacred objects were balanced on the head-pads of several some and carried for long distances over difficult terrain. The preparation with stone axes of large poles cut from bloodwood trees must have been an immense task. Similarly, although the native daisies that provide plant-down are plentiful considerable effort must have gone into its collection. á The area chosen for ground-painting was traditionally cleared by firing the grass, then cleaning and smoothing with the edges of boomerangs or, in special instances, the ends of sacred boards. Nowadays a road grader is more likely to be used! Sometimes the ground is firmed by applying water to the surface: at other times termite mounds are broken down into a paste that is allowed to set. Blood drawn from the sacred arm-source of the older totemic men may be used, instead of or with water, as a mixing agent and as an adhesive for the plant- or bird-down. á Animals viewed as sacred and protected by mythological links have inspired the creation of ground paintings. Trees, shrubs and grasses that provide food, adhesives or wood for utensils and weapons; animals that give meat, sinews for binding, four for the manufacture of string, and bones for artefacts; outcrops of stone that provide weapons, tools and paints; birds that give food, and feathers for ceremonies; water supplies created by mythological beings - all of these things had, and generally still have, ceremonies performed in celebration of their coming into being and of their continuance. THE ART OF CENTRAL AUSTRALIA FLYING ANTS Some people may be puzzled by some of Aborigines' attitudes. Why, for instance, should the tiny 'flying ants' (termite in the winged stage of development) be so revered? To Europeans the termite is a costly pest that destroys fence-post, houses and other wooden structures. A brief study, however, reveals the Aboriginal perspective and clarifies the matter. á á Termites in their 'ant' stage are food for goannas (Large lizards important in the Aboriginal diet), and in 'flying ant' stage provide nourishment for possums (also food for Aborigines). They live underground for a time, then suddenly emerge after rain; this gives them a classic resemblance to virtually all mythological beings (many key totemic sites are places where a disappeared into the ground). In addition, termites are a seasonal indicator as they emerge in spectacular, swarming masses. á á More important still is the fact that, small as an individual termite is, in great numbers they are to the Aborigines a much relished food. The people dig the earth over, and the insects are gathered in a coolaman (foodbowl) while at the stage just before flight. Small, hot stones are placed in the coolamon, and the 'flying ants' sizzle; their wings detach and are skimmed off, leaving a rich meal of coagulated, buttery fat. THE ART OF CENTRAL AUSTRALIA THE WINDS OF CHANGE The inter-relatedness of animals and the links to Aboriginal man through his recognition of specifically identifiable mythological country, interest in climate and seasonal changes, and dependence on animals for food are of great importance in understanding the ground mosaics and associated ceremonies at more than artistic level. á á The ancestral links stretch from the creative Dreamtime period to the direct ancestral past, to the, and into future. Any break in continuity will cause the rich Aboriginal world, very strong in traditional times and fragile in the tension caused by Western contact, to halt abruptly. á á Something which has survived for some forty thousand years could be destroyed in an instant. And this brings us to the present day. á á The ground paintings are still a living art form, and the men who create them hold the ancient mythological sites in their minds as they chant the song-cycles and daub the ochre. However, in many instances these men are the last to have lived in a truly traditional way. á á In their youth they hunted and foraged over the entire, age-old tribal lands, as their fathers and forefathers had done from time to immemorial. Then even the last desert strongholds felt the winds of change, and the Aborigines were brought or drawn in to the fringing European as long ago as 1930, when prospectors probed beyond the missions and cattle-stations; some were brought in from the Great Sandy and Gibson Desert Desert as late as 1984. á THE ART OF CENTRAL AUSTRALIA SURVIVAL OF LAND AND CULTURE They now find themselves ensnared by permanent water supplies and the ready availability of food. Their sons and daughters have been born in this new environment, so that their conceptual and birthright Dreamings are often in adopted country. á The old secret-sacred sites, the now far-distant rock holes and springs, the remote sand hills and ranges, have not been tended or hunted over the many years. A generation remains in ignorance of the location of many and revered for terms of thousands of years. This causes the old people great emotional stress and grave concern. á The same elders have seen the disappearance from central Australia of many mythological important animals. The natural balances have been drastically altered by the introduction of domestic cats and camels to feral conditions. These introduced animals have been fierce competitors, so that the stick-nest rats, native cats, hare wallabies, rabbit-eared Bandicoots and possums have gone forever or are very rare. á It is into a shrinking geographical, shrinking biological and consequently, shrinking mythological world that the younger Aborigines are born. The old men fight the trend as best they can. They grapple with problems of language, with and exploding youth base that threatens to topple them, and with the trappings and moral values (or non-values) of Western society. á Their fight is for their own survival and for the survival of their culture. It is a magnificent struggle, running as a strong current beneath the veneer, invisible to most Europeans because it involves the complexities of social law and ritual life. á THE NEW CENTRAL AUSTRALIAN ART MOVEMENT For a time, motor vehicles were also a disintegrating force: the older men were rarely able to pass the licence test. The young men with a better command of English assumed an importance beyond their ritual status. But an increased cash flow and increased vehicle usage that occurred in 1974 suddenly allowed for an extension of ritual contact. á Now the private vehicles and village trucks travel the 'ritual roads'. The phenomenon reached a peak in 1976, with men in red head-bands travelling upwards of fifteen hundred kilometres to attend ceremonies. They travel in convoys, as many as five hundred men at a time linking with a further five hundred men. Their ritual power is the power of the old men. Papunya is a government settlement about two hundred and fifty kilometres (by road) west of Alice Springs. Here, in 1971, a sensitive teacher named Geoff Bardon encouraged some of the senior men to transpose the design elements of the ground mosaics onto boards. At first only a few men were interested, and pieces of cardboard or plywood were used. Gradually art-boards were introduced, and the paintings began to interest Europeans. CONTEMPORARY ART The Central & Western Desert Artists' adapted paintings provide the same strengths and pleasure as do the ground mosaics which originally inspired them. They assist in maintaining social order and responsibility, give pleasure in their creation, act as support for the mythology, bring to mind important food and water supplies, and focus attention on the importance of the tribal lands. Furthermore, they provide practical financial help for the artists, and, in their acknowledgment as work of art, they promote pride and dignity. It is doubtful whether any other paintings, anywhere in the world, play such an important cultural role. As an art form the ground paintings holds a truly unique position.These facets are all derived from the actually of the ground mosaics; in these, painting is often complimented by a raised and decorated ceremonial performance by decorated actors. The Aborigines artists' ready application of two-and three-dimensional effects in time and place to the flat surface of the Western medium, together with both symbolic and naturalist depictions of objects, extend the world vision of art. This is not a forced manipulation for effect, but a natural and easy extension of Aborigines' own art forms. Finally, the adapted art form can reinforce social laws, as the artists Yam Anderson Jangala proved one day. Yam was visiting a fellow anmatjira tribal artist, Toby Brown Jambijimba. He sat watching Toby painting on art board for a time, then reached for a shield that lay beside Toby. The latter smiled his acceptance of the unspoken request, and Yam began painting. He decorated the shield with the native bee dreaming, as for complimentary use when the ground paintings are made for the honey Legend. While the paint was drying he told the native bee story to some younger men. He described how an old grandfather bee, while engaged in his task of depositing ample supplies of honey in suitable trees, was continually interrupted by his grandson he kept stealing some of the honey. Eventually, exasperation, the old man bee turned on his grandson and chased him. The chase concluded when the grandfather collapsed with exhaustion, and in so doing split the remainder of his store. The young men chuckled their appreciation of the story, for in it they recognised to two-edged moral tale: a grandson should not interrupt his grandfather when he knows that the old man is engaged in important activity: but a grandfather should care for his grandson and recognise his needs. á The shield was sold soon afterwards, while the young men were still present. One suggested, when he discovered that Toby had been the actual owner of the shield, that the money received should be divided, Yam getting 2/3 and Toby 1/3. Yam corrected him. Toby should have some money for the shield, yet; but he was also joint keeper-owner of the design with Yam, so he should also receive more money for that. Furthermore Toby had a large family; so he should receive more money still, as his needs were greater. Finally , he, Yam, was a visitor, and Toby would provide for him as he saw fit, by social law. The young men could only agree that Yam was correct in gently insisting that the purchaser give all the money to Toby. © COPYRIGHT RICHARD KIMBER CULTURE | DIDGERIDOO | GALLERY | EMAIL US | HOME PAGE | © Aboriginal Australia Pty Ltd