The Hijras - Transgenderism in India

Gender is a multifaceted construct, a complex phenomenon viewed differently in different societies. In Western society, traditional views of gender enforce a female or male role, causing many to repress characteristics associated with the opposite gender. Some societies, however, allow individuals to discover and express opposite gender identity and behaviors. For someone in Western society, examining gender in another society can be beneficial. Just as those who sketch landscapes place themselves in the plain to consider the nature of mountains, one can learn more about gender in their society by examining places in which transgender acceptance is higher. India, for example, has a special role for male-to-female transgenders called hijras, who are treated differently than transgenders are treated in the West. By examining hijras in India, one can heighten understanding of transgenderism and learn how transgenders everywhere can achieve greater acceptance.

Unlike Western society, where transgenders often keep their lifestyle secret, transgenders in India have an active and celebrated lifestyle. All distinctions of transgenderism: transexuals, transvestites, hermaphrodites, and intersexuals are drawn to a special role in India called hijras (Nanda, 1990, p. 19). Hijras are unique because they have an active social organization that is both traditional and ritualistic (Freilich, 1991, p. 150). Besides tradition, tolerance of transgenderism in India is also due to the countryís population and diversity - ideal ingredients for an organized form of transgenderism. Hijras exist all over India - their numbers are estimated at 50,000 nationwide (Nanda, 1990, p. 38). Most hijras live in communal households in large cities and some find husbands. Finding a husband, however, does not break one's ties to the hijras community (Freilich, 1991, p. 151).

Hijras earn a living by prostitution or by performing a traditional ceremony which occurs whenever a new baby is born in the community. This is a christening ceremony composed of music, singing, and dancing performed at the home of the new infant. Hijras and the new parents negotiate a payment and performance time before the event. Local people participate in the ceremony, which is an established part of Indian culture. It should be noted, however, that this ceremony is not wholly accepted by everyone. It is sometimes viewed with contempt, wherewith hijras are paid money for a timely exit. When hijras earn a living by prostitution, they work in houses composed of entirely hijras prostitutes in red-light districts, others may work for a pimp. Customers know they are transgendered and specifically seek them out. As in all societies, negative views of transgenderism exist, and this, compounded by the ramifications of prostitution, cause many hijras to live in ghettos. But despite this, a third gender is still an incorporated part of Indian society which has religious meaning and social support (Freilich, 1991, p. 153).

For hijras, the sex change operation is a ritualistic ceremony closely tied to the Hindu religion. Hijras view the operation as a procedure that changes a man into an important figure (Herdt, 1994, p. 385). A special power emerges when the male dies and is replaced with a new person, someone not male and not wholly female either. The operation is a traditional ceremony, for which written records date its existence to the 19th century, and oral history dates its existence even earlier. The operation is performed exclusively within the hijras domain. During the operation, all the male organs are removed. Because the act is forbidden by Indian law, it is performed secretly (Nanda, 1990, p. 38).

Similar to hijras perceiving themselves as a third gender, nontransgenders in India also see hijras as neither men nor women. This contrasts with Western society in which gender roles are more dichotomous, preventing an accepted third gender. Because of unacceptance and legal ramifications, transgenders in Western society are more likely to hide their transgenderism, or else strive to completely change into the opposite gender as a means of escaping those negative ramifications. Similarly, Western influences in India affected hijras when Britain took control of the country. As a result, laws were passed outlawing transgenderism, impacting the hijras traditional way of life. Transgenderism then became a crime for which hijras could be arrested without a warrant, fined for two years, and ordered to pay fines (Jaffrey, 1996, p. 221). Similarly, Western prosecution of transgenderism is not unique to inhabitants of India. Many laws persecuting transgenders can be found in European history too (Hotchkiss).

Besides India, the concept of a third gender is found in other non-Western cultures. Many Native Americans were tolerant of a third sex category called berdaches (Greenberg, 1985, p. 181). The Mahu of Tahiti have a distinct category for transgenders (Bullough, 1993, p. 14), and male transgenders in contemporary Philippines crossdress with social approval. In fact, there are numerous examples of non-Western societies demonstrating tolerance of transgenderism, and sometimes, non-Western societies do not associate transgenderism with homosexuality (Bullough, 1993, p. 16). Nanda observes that strong cultural beliefs in the United States inhibit any alternative gender category from developing. It should also be noted, however, that transgendered persecution can be found almost everywhere, even in societies with high transgender tolerance. Many Native American nations disapproved of Berdaches (Greenberg).

By examining hijras in India, one can understand the ingredients of transgender acceptance. The hijras lifestyle is traditional, dating back through generations. For this reason, people become accustomed to transgenderism as they grow from infancy into adulthood, just as they learn to understand and appreciate other aspects of their culture. Though hijras experience negativity, the traditional component garners acceptance. Similarly, a greater knowledge of gender is growing within Western Society too, and consequently - greater acceptance. Westerners are interacting with transgenders more, as well as becoming more educated about gender. As a result, Westerners are understanding gender diversity and are learning to appreciate what those with this special gift have to offer.

1. Bullough, V. L., Bullough, B. (1993). Crossdressing, Sex, and Gender. Philadelphia: University Of Pennsylvania Press.

2. Freilich, M., Raybeck, D., Suvishinsky, J. (1991). Deviance - Anthropological Perspectives. New York: Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc.

3. Greenberg, D. F. (1985). Why Was The Berdache Ridiculed? Journal Of Homosexuality, Volume 11, No. 3-4. New York: Hawthorne Press Inc.

4. Herdt, G. (1994). Third Sex, Third Gender, Beyond Sexual Dimorphism in Culture and History. New York: Zone Books.

5. Hotchkiss, V. R. (1996). Clothes Make The Man, Female Crossdressing in Medieval Europe. New York: Garland Publishing, Inc.

6. Jaffrey, Z. (1996). The Invisibles, A Tale of the Eunuchs of India. New York: Pantheon Books.

7. Nanda, S. (1990). Neither Man nor Woman, The Hijras of India. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company.

8. Rousseau, Jean Jacques. The Social Contract. London: J.M. Dent & Sons LTD.