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$Title{Plutarch's Lives
Part II}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{Plutarch}
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$Subject{alcibiades
upon
athenians
himself
war
others
phrynichus
lacedaemonians
tisaphernes
army}
$Date{c75}
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Title:       Plutarch's Lives
Book:        Alcibiades
Author:      Plutarch
Date:        c75
Translation: Dryden, Arthur Hugh Clough

Part II

     After this battle at Mantinea, the select thousand of the army of the
Argives attempted to overthrow the government of the people in Argos, and make
themselves masters of the city; and the Lacedaemonians came to their aid and
abolished the democracy. But the people took arms again, and gained the
advantage, and Alcibiades came in to their aid and completed the victory, and
persuaded them to build long walls, and by that means to join their city to
the sea, and so to bring it wholly within the reach of the Athenian power. To
this purpose, he procured them builders and masons from Athens, and displayed
the greatest zeal for their service, and gained no less honor and power to
himself than to the commonwealth of Athens. He also persuaded the people of
Patrae to join their city to the sea, by building long walls; and when some
one told them, by way of warning, that the Athenians would swallow them up at
last, Alcibiades made answer, "Possibly it may be so, but it will be by little
and little, and beginning at the feet, whereas the Lacedaemonians will begin
at the head and devour you all at once." Nor did he neglect either to advise
the Athenians to look to their interests by land, and often put the young men
in mind of the oath which they had made at Agraulos to the effect that they
would account wheat and barley, and vines and olives, to be the limits of
Attica by which they were taught to claim a title to all land that was
cultivated and productive.

     But with all these words and deeds, and with all this sagacity and
eloquence, he intermingled exorbitant luxury and wantonness in his eating and
drinking and dissolute living; wore long purple robes like a woman, which
dragged after him as he went through the market-place; caused the planks of
his galley to be cut away, that so he might lie the softer, his bed not being
placed on the boards, but hanging upon girths. His shield, again, which was
richly gilded, had not the usual ensigns of the Athenians, but a Cupid,
holding a thunder bolt in his hand, was painted upon it. The sight of all this
made the people of good repute in the city feel disgust and abhorrence, and
apprehension also, at his free-living, and his contempt of law, as things
monstrous in themselves, and indicating designs of usurpation. Aristophanes
has well expressed the people's feeling towards him: -

"They love, and hate, and cannot do without him."

     And still more strongly, under a figurative expression,

     "Best rear no lion in your state, 't is true;
     But treat him like a lion if you do."

     The truth is, his liberalities, his public shows, and other munificence
to the people, which were such as nothing could exceed, the glory of his
ancestors, the force of his eloquence, the grace of his person, his strength
of body, joined with his great courage and knowledge in military affairs,
prevailed upon the Athenians to endure patiently his excesses, to indulge many
things to him, and, according to their habit, to give the softest names to his
faults, attributing them to youth and good nature. As, for example, he kept
Agatharcus, the painter, a prisoner till he had painted his whole house, but
then dismissed him with a reward. He publicly struck Taureas, who exhibited
certain shows in opposition to him and contended with him for the prize. He
selected for himself one of the captive Melian women, and had a son by her,
whom he took care to educate. This the Athenians styled great humanity; and
yet he was the principal cause of the slaughter of all the inhabitants of the
isle of Melos who were of age to bear arms, having spoken in favor of that
decree. When Aristophon, the painter, had drawn Nemea sitting and holding
Alcibiades in her arms, the multitude seemed pleased with the piece, and
thronged to see it, but older people disliked and disrelished it, and looked
on these things as enormities, and movements towards tyranny. So that it was
not said amiss by Archestratus, that Greece could not support a second
Alcibiades. Once, when Alcibiades succeeded well in an oration which he made,
and the whole assembly attended upon him to do him honor, Timon the
misanthrope did not pass slightly by him, nor avoid him, as he did others, but
purposely met him, and, taking him by the hand, said, "Go on boldly, my son,
and increase in credit with the people, for thou wilt one day bring them
calamities enough." Some that were present laughed at the saying, and some
reviled Timon; but there were others upon whom it made a deep impressions; so
various was the judgment which was made of him, and so irregular his own
character.

     The Athenians, even in the lifetime of Pericles, had already cast a
longing eye upon Sicily; but did not attempt any thing till after his death.
Then, under pretence of aiding their confederates, they sent succors upon all
occasions to those who were oppressed by the Syracusans, preparing the way for
sending over a greater force. But Alcibiades was the person who inflamed this
desire of theirs to the height, and prevailed with them no longer to proceed
secretly, and by little and little, in their design, but to sail out with a
great fleet, and undertake at once to make themselves masters of the island.
He possessed the people with great hopes, and he himself entertained yet
greater; and the conquest of Sicily, which was the utmost bound of their
ambition, was but the mere outset of his expectation. Nicias endeavored to
divert the people from the expedition, by representing to them that the taking
of Syracuse would be a work of great difficulty; but Alcibiades dreamed of
nothing less than the conquest of Carthage and Libya, and by the accession of
these conceiving himself at once made master of Italy and of Peloponnesus,
seemed to look upon Sicily as little more than a magazine for the war. The
young men were soon elevated with these hopes, and listened gladly to those of
riper years, who talked wonders of the countries they were going to; so that
you might see great numbers sitting in the wrestling grounds and public
places, drawing on the ground the figure of the island and the situation of
Libya and Carthage. Socrates the philosopher and Meton the astrologer are
said, however, never to have hoped for any good to the commonwealth from this
war; the one, it is to be supposed, presaging what would ensue, by the
intervention of his attendant Genius; and the other, either upon rational
consideration of the project, or by use of the art of divination, conceived
fears for its issue, and, feigning madness, caught up a burning torch, and
seemed as if he would have set his own house on fire. Others report, that he
did not take upon him to act the madman, but secretly in the night set his
house on fire, and the next morning besought the people, that for his comfort,
after such a calamity, they would spare his son from the expedition. By which
artifice, he deceived his fellow-citizens, and obtained of them what he
desired.

     Together with Alcibiades, Nicias, much against his will, was appointed
general: and he endeavored to avoid the command, not the less on account of
his colleague. But the Athenians thought the war would proceed more
prosperously, if they did not send Alcibiades free from all restraint, but
tempered his heat with the caution of Nicias. This they chose the rather to
do, because Lamachus, the third general, though he was of mature years, yet in
several battles had appeared no less hot and rash than Alcibiades himself.
When they began to deliberate of the number of forces, and of the manner of
making the necessary provisions, Nicias made another attempt to oppose the
design, and to prevent the war; but Alcibiades contradicted him, and carried
his point with the people. And one Demostratus, an orator, proposing to give
the generals absolute power over the preparations and the whole management of
the war, it was presently decreed so. When all things were fitted for the
voyage, many unlucky omens appeared. At that very time the feast of Adonis
happened, in which the women were used to expose, in all parts of the city,
images resembling dead men carried out to their burial, and to represent
funeral solemnities by lamentations and mournful songs. The mutilation,
however, of the images of Mercury, most of which, in one night, had their
faces all disfigured, terrified many persons who were wont to despise most
things of that nature. It was given out that it was done by the Corinthians,
for the sake of the Syracusans, who were their colony, in hopes that the
Athenians, by such prodigies, might be induced to delay or abandon the war.
But the report gained no credit with the people, nor yet the opinion of those
who would not believe that there was any thing ominous in the matter, but that
it was only an extravagant action, committed, in that sort of sport which runs
into license, by wild young men coming from a debauch. Alike enraged and
terrified at the thing, looking upon it to proceed from a conspiracy of
persons who designed some commotions in the state, the council, as well as the
assembly of the people, which was held frequently in a few days' space,
examined diligently every thing that might administer ground for suspicion.
During this examination, Androcles, one of the demagogues, produced certain
slaves and strangers before them, who accused Alcibiades and some of his
friends of defacing other images in the same manner, and of having profanely
acted the sacred mysteries at a drunken meeting, where one Theodorus
represented the herald, Polytion the torch-bearer, and Alcibiades the chief
priest, while the rest of the party appeared as candidates for initiation, and
received the title of Initiates. These were the matters contained in the
articles of information, ^5 which Thessalus, the son of Cimon, exhibited
against Alcibiades, for his impious mockery of the goddesses, Ceres and
Proserpine. The people were highly exasperated and incensed against Alcibiades
upon this accusation, which, being aggravated by Androcles, the most malicious
of all his enemies, at first disturbed his friends exceedingly. But when they
perceived that all the seamen designed for Sicily were for him, and the
soldiers also, and when the Argive and Mantinean, auxiliaries a thousand me at
arms, openly declared that they had undertaken this distant maritime
expedition for the sake of Alcibiades, and that, if he was ill-used, they
would all go home, they recovered their courage, and became eager to make use
of the present opportunity for justifying him. At this his enemies were again
discouraged, fearing lest the people should be more gentle to him in their
sentence, because of the occasion they had for his service. Therefore, to
obviate this, they contrived that some other orators, who did not appear to be
enemies to Alcibiades, but really hated him no less than those who avowed it,
should stand up in the assembly and say, that it was a very absurd thing that
one who was created general of such an army with absolute power, after his
troops were assembled, and the confederates were come, should lose the
opportunity, whilst the people were choosing his judges by lot, and appointing
times for the hearing of the cause. And, therefore, let him set sail at once;
good fortune attend him; and when the war should be at an end, he might then
in person make his defence according to the laws.

[Footnote 5: Eisangelia, the technical term for an indictment before the
legislature for misdemeanors not coming strictly under the letter of any
written law.]

     Alcibiades perceived the malice of this postponement, and, appearing in
the assembly, represented that it was monstrous for him to be sent with the
command of so large an army, when he lay under such accusations and calumnies;
that he deserved to die, if he could not clear himself of the crimes objected
to him; but when he had so done, and had proved his innocence, he should then
cheerfully apply himself to the war, as standing no longer in fear of false
accusers. But he could not prevail with the people who commanded him to sail
immediately. So he departed, together with the other generals, having with
them near 140 galleys, 5,100 men at arms, and about 1,300 archers, slingers,
and light-armed men, and all the other provisions corresponding.

     Arriving on the coast of Italy, he landed at Rhegium, and there stated
his views of the manner in which they ought to conduct the war. He was opposed
by Nicias; but Lamachus being of his opinion, they sailed for Sicily,
forthwith, and took Catana. This was all that was done while he was there, for
he was soon after recalled by the Athenians to abide his trial. At first, as
we before said, there were only some slight suspicions advanced against
Alcibiades, and accusations by certain slaves and strangers. But afterwards,
in his absence, his enemies attacked him more violently, and confounded
together the breaking the images with the profanation of the mysteries, as
though both had been committed in pursuance of the same conspiracy for
changing the government. The people proceeded to imprison all that were
accused, without distinction, and without hearing them, and repented now,
considering the importance of the charge, that they had not immediately
brought Alcibiades to his trial, and given judgment against him. Any of his
friends or acquaintances who fell into the people's hands, whilst they were in
this fury, did not fail to meet with very severe usage. Thucydides has omitted
to name the informers, but others mention Dioclides and Teucer. Amongst whom
is Phrynichus, the comic poet, in whom we find the following: -

     "O dearest Hermes! only do take care,
     And mind you do not miss your footing there;
     Should you get hurt, occasion may arise
     For a new Dioclides to tell lies."

     To which he makes Mercury return this answer: -

     "I will so, for I feel no inclination
     To reward Teucer for more information."

     The truth is, his accusers alleged nothing that was certain or solid
against him. One of them, being asked how he knew the men who defaced the
images, replying, that he saw them by the light of the moon, made a palpable
misstatement, for it was just new moon when the fact was committed. This made
all men of understanding cry out upon the thing; but the people were as eager
as ever to receive further accusations, nor was their first heat at all
abated, but they instantly seized and imprisoned every one that was accused.
Amongst those who were detained in prison for their trials was Andocides the
orator, whose descent the historian Hellanicus deduces from Ulysses. He was
always supposed to hate popular government, and to support oligarchy. The
chief ground of his being suspected of defacing the images was because the
great Mercury, which stood near his house, and was an ancient monument of the
tribe Aegeis, was almost the only statue of all the remarkable ones, which
remained entire. For this cause, it is now called the Mercury of Andocides,
all men giving it that name, though the inscription is evidence to the
contrary. It happened that Andocides, amongst the rest who were prisoners upon
the same account, contracted particular acquaintance and intimacy with one
Timaeus, a person inferior to him in repute, but of remarkable dexterity and
boldness. He persuaded Andocides to accuse himself and some few others of this
crime, urging to him that, upon his confession, he would be, by the decree of
the people, secure of his pardon, whereas the event of judgment is uncertain
to all men, but to great persons, such as he was, most formidable. So that it
was better for him, if he regarded himself, to save his life by a falsity,
than to suffer an infamous death, as really guilty of the crime. And if he had
regard to the public good, it was commendable to sacrifice a few suspected
men, by that means to rescue many excellent persons from the fury of the
people. Andocides was prevailed upon, and accused himself and some others,
and, by the terms of the decree, obtained his pardon, while all the persons
named by him, except some few who had saved themselves by flight, suffered
death. To gain the greater credit to his information, he accused his own
servants amongst others. But notwithstanding this, the people's anger was not
wholly appeased; and being now no longer diverted by the mutilators, they were
at leisure to pour out their whole rage upon Alcibiades. And, in conclusion,
they sent the galley named the Salaminian, to recall him. But they expressly
commanded those that were sent, to use no violence, nor seize upon his person,
but address themselves to him in the mildest terms, requiring him to follow
them to Athens in order to abide his trial, and clear himself before the
people. For they feared mutiny and sedition in the army in an enemy's country,
which indeed it would have been easy for Alcibiades to effect, if he had
wished it. For the soldiers were dispirited upon his departure, expecting for
the future tedious delays, and that the war would be drawn out into a lazy
length by Nicias, when Alcibiades, who was the spur to action, was taken away.
For though Lamachus was a soldier, and a man of courage, poverty deprived him
of authority and respect in the army. Alcibiades, just upon his departure,
prevented Messena from falling into the hands of the Athenians. There were
some in that city who were upon the point of delivering it up, but he, knowing
the persons, gave information to some friends of the Syracusans, and so
defeated the whole contrivance. When he arrived at Thurii, he went on shore,
and, concealing himself there, escaped those who searched after him. But to
one who knew him, and asked him if he durst not trust his own native country,
he made answer, "In every thing else, yes; but in a matter that touches my
life, I would not even my own mother, lest she might be mistake throw in the
black ball instead of the white." When, afterwards, he was told that the
assembly had pronounced judgment of death against him, all he said was "I will
make them feel that I am alive."

     The information against him was conceived in this form: -

     "Thessalus, the son of Cimon, of the township of Lacia, lays information
that Alcibiades, the son of Clinias, of the township of the Scambonidae, has
committed a crime against the goddesses Ceres and Proserpine, by representing
in derision the holy mysteries, and showing them to his companions in his own
house. Where, being habited in such robes as are used by the chief priest when
he shows the holy things, he named himself the chief priest, Polytion the
torch-bearer, and Theodorus, of the township of Phegaea, the herald; and
saluted the rest of his company as Initiates and Novices. All which was done
contrary to the laws and institutions of the Eumolpidae, and the heralds and
priests of the temple at Eleusis."

     He was condemned as contumacious upon his not appearing, his property
confiscated, and it was decreed that all the priests and priestesses should
solemnly curse him. But one of them, Theano, the daughter of Menon, of the
township of Agraule, is said to have opposed that part of the decree, saying
that her holy office obliged her to make prayers, but no execrations.

     Alcibiades, lying under these heavy decrees and sentences, when first he
fled from Thurii, passed over into Peloponnesus, and remained some time at
Argos. But being there in fear of his enemies, and seeing himself utterly
hopeless of return to his native country, he sent to Sparta, desiring safe
conduct, and assuring them that he would make them amends by his future
services for all the mischief he had done them while he was their enemy. The
Spartans giving him the security he desired, he went eagerly, was well
received, and, at his very first coming, succeeded in inducing them, without
any further caution or delay, to send aid to the Syracusans; and so roused and
excited them, that they forthwith despatched Gylippus into Sicily, to crush
the forces which the Athenians had in Sicily. A second point was to renew the
war upon the Athenians at home. But the third thing, and the most important of
all, was to make them fortify Decelea, which above every thing reduced and
wasted the resources of the Athenians.

     The renown which he earned by these public services was equalled by the
admiration he attracted to his private life; he captivated and won over
everybody by his conformity to Spartan habits. People who saw him wearing his
hair close cut, bathing in cold water, eating coarse meal, and dining on black
broth, doubted, or rather could not believe, that he ever had a cook in his
house, or had ever seen a perfumer, or had worn a mantle of Milesian purple.
For he had, as it was observed, this peculiar talent and artifice for gaining
men's affections, that he could at once comply with and really embrace and
enter into their habits and ways of life, and change faster than the
chameleon. One color, indeed, they say the chameleon cannot assume; it cannot
make itself appear white; but Alcibiades, whether with good men or with bad,
could adapt himself to his company, and equally wear the appearance of virtue
or vice. At Sparta, he was devoted to athletic exercises, was frugal and
reserved; in Ionia, luxurious, gay, and indolent; in Thrace, always drinking;
in Thessaly, ever on horseback; and when he lived with Tisaphernes, the
Persian satrap, he exceeded the Persians themselves in magnificence and pomp.
Not that his natural disposition changed so easily, nor that his real
character was so very variable, but, whenever he was sensible that by pursuing
his own inclinations he might give offence to those with whom he had occasion
to converse, he transformed himself into any shape, and adopted any fashion,
that he observed to be the most agreeable to them. So that to have seen him at
Lacedaemon, a man, judging by the outward appearance, would have said, "'Tis
not Achilles' son, but he himself, the very man" that Lycurgus designed to
form; while his real feelings and acts would have rather provoked the
exclamation, "'Tis the same woman still." For while king Agis was absent, and
abroad with the army, he corrupted his wife Timaea, and had a child born by
her. Nor did she even deny it, but when she was brought to bed of a son,
called him in public Leotychides, but, amongst her confidants and attendants,
would whisper that his name was Alcibiades. To such a degree was she
transported by her passion for him. He, on the other side, would say, in his
vain way, he had not done this thing out of mere wantonness of insult, nor to
gratify a passion, but that his race might one day be kings over the
Lacedaemonians.

     There were many who told Agis that this was so, but time itself gave the
greatest confirmation to the story. For Agis, alarmed by an earthquake, had
quitted his wife, and, for ten months after, was never with her; Leotychides,
therefore, being born after those ten months, he would not acknowledge him for
his son; which was the reason that afterwards he was not admitted to the
succession.

     After the defeat which the Athenians received in Sicily, ambassadors were
despatched to Sparta at once from Chios and Lesbos and Cyzicus, to signify
their purpose of revolting from the Athenians. The Boeotians interposed in
favor of the Lesbians, and Pharnabazus of the Cyzicenes, but the
Lacedaemonians, at the persuasion of Alcibiades, chose to assist Chios before
all others. He himself, also, went instantly to sea, procured the immediate
revolt of almost all Ionia, and, cooperating with the Lacedaemonian generals,
did great mischief to the Athenians. But Agis was his enemy, hating him for
having dishonored his wife, and also impatient of his glory, as almost every
enterprise and every success was ascribed to Alcibiades. Others, also, of the
most powerful and ambitious amongst the Spartans, were possessed with jealousy
of him, and, at last, prevailed with the magistrates in the city to send
orders into Ionia that he should be killed. Alcibiades, however, had secret
intelligence of this, and, in apprehension of the result, while he
communicated all affairs to the Lacedaemonians, yet took care not to put
himself into their power. At last he retired to Tisaphernes, the king of
Persia's satrap, for his security, and immediately became the first and most
influential person about him. For this barbarian, not being himself sincere,
but a lover of guile and wickedness, admired his address and wonderful
subtlety. And, indeed, the charm of daily intercourse with him was more than
any character could resist or any disposition escape. Even those who feared
and envied him could not but take delight, and have a sort of kindness for
him, when they saw him and were in his company. So that Tisaphernes, otherwise
a cruel character, and, above all other Persians, a hater of the Greeks, was
yet so won by the flatteries of Alcibiades, that he set himself even to exceed
him in responding to them. The most beautiful of his parks, containing
salubrious streams and meadows, where he had built pavilions, and places of
retirement royally and exquisitely adorned, received by his direction the name
of Alcibiades, and was always so called and so spoken of.

     Thus Alcibiades, quitting the interests of the Spartans, whom he could no
longer trust, because he stood in fear of Agis, endeavored to do them ill
offices, and render them odious to Tisaphernes, who, by his means, was
hindered from assisting them vigorously, and from finally ruining the
Athenians. For his advice was to furnish them but sparingly with money, and so
wear them out, and consume them insensibly; when they had wasted their
strength upon one another, they would both become ready to submit to the king.
Tisaphernes readily pursued his counsel, and so openly expressed the liking
and admiration which he had for him, that Alcibiades was looked up to by the
Greeks of both parties, and the Athenians, now in their misfortunes, repented
them of their severe sentence against him. And he, on the other side, began to
be troubled for them, and to fear lest, if that commonwealth were utterly
destroyed, he should fall into the hands of the Lacedaemonians, his enemies.

     At that time the whole strength of the Athenians was in Samos. Their
fleet maintained itself here, and issued from these headquarters to reduce
such as had revolted, and protect the rest of their territories; in one way or
other still contriving to be a match for their enemies at sea. What they stood
in fear of, was Tisaphernes and the Phoenician fleet of one hundred and fifty
galleys, which was said to be already under sail; if those came, there
remained then no hopes for the commonwealth of Athens. Understanding this,
Alcibiades sent secretly to the chief men of the Athenians, who were then at
Samos, giving them hopes that he would make Tisaphernes their friend; he was
willing, he implied, to do some favor, not to the people, nor in reliance upon
them, but to the better citizens, if only, like brave men, they would make the
attempt to put down the insolence of the people, and, by taking upon them the
government, would endeavor to save the city from ruin. All of them gave a
ready ear to the proposal made by Alcibiades, except only Phrynichus, of the
township of Dirades, one of the generals, who suspected, as the truth was,
that Alcibiades concerned not himself whether the government were in the
people or the better citizens, but only sought by any means to make way for
his return into his native country, and to that end inveighed against the
people, thereby to gain the others, and to insinuate himself into their good
opinion. But when Phrynichus found his counsel to be rejected, and that he was
himself become a declared enemy of Alcibiades, he gave secret intelligence to
Astyochus, the enemy's admiral, cautioning him to beware of Alcibiades, and to
seize him as a double dealer, unaware that one traitor was making discoveries
to another. For Astyochus, who was eager to gain the favor of Tisaphernes,
observing the credit Alcibiades had with him, revealed to Alcibiades all that
Phrynichus had said against him. Alcibiades at once despatched messengers to
Samos, to accuse Phrynichus of the treachery. Upon this, all the commanders
were enraged with Phrynichus, and set themselves against him, and he, seeing
no other way to extricate himself from the present danger, attempted to remedy
one evil by a greater. He sent to Astyochus to reproach him for betraying him,
and to make an offer to him at the same time, to deliver into his hands both
the army and the navy of the Athenians. This occasioned no damage to the
Athenians, because Astyochus repeated his treachery, and revealed also this
proposal to Alcibiades. But this again was foreseen by Phrynichus, who,
expecting a second accusation from Alcibiades, to anticipate him, advertised
the Athenians beforehand that the enemy was ready to sail in order to surprise
them, and therefore advised them to fortify their camp, and to be in readiness
to go aboard their ships. While the Athenians were intent upon doing these
things, they received other letters from Alcibiades, admonishing them to
beware of Phrynichus, as one who designed to betray their fleet to the enemy,
to which they then gave no credit at all, conceiving that Alcibiades, who knew
perfectly the counsels and preparations of the enemy, was merely making use of
that knowledge, in order to impose upon them in this false accusation of
Phrynichus. Yet, afterwards, when Phrynichus was stabbed with a dagger in the
market-place by Hermon, one of the guard, the Athenians, entering into an
examination of the cause, solemnly condemned Phrynichus of treason, and
decreed crowns to Hermon and his associates. And now the friends of
Alcibiades, carrying all before them at Samos, despatched Pisander to Athens,
to attempt a change of government, and to encourage the aristocratical
citizens to take upon themselves the government, and overthrow the democracy,
representing to them, that, upon these terms, Alcibiades would procure them
the friendship and alliance of Tisaphernes.

     This was the color and pretence made use of by those who desired to
change the government of Athens to an oligarchy. But as soon as they
prevailed, and had got the administration of affairs into their hands, under
the name of the Five Thousand (whereas, indeed, they were but four hundred),
they slighted Alcibiades altogether, and prosecuted the war with less vigor;
partly because they durst not yet trust the citizens, who secretly detested
this change, and partly because they thought the Lacedaemonians, who always
befriended the government of the few, would be inclined to give them favorable
terms.

     The people in the city were terrified into submission, many of those who
had dared openly to oppose the four hundred having been put to death. But
those who were at Samos, indignant when they heard this news, were eager to
set sail instantly for the Piraeus; and, sending for Alcibiades, they declared
him general, requiring him to lead them on to put down the tyrants. He,
however, in that juncture, did not, as it might have been thought a man would,
on being suddenly exalted by the favor of a multitude, think himself under an
obligation to gratify and submit to all the wishes of those who, from a
fugitive and an exile, had created him general of so great an army, and given
him the command of such a fleet. But, as became a great captain, he opposed
himself to the precipitate resolutions which their rage led them to, and, by
restraining them from the great error they were about to commit, unequivocally
saved the commonwealth. For if they then had sailed to Athens, all Ionia and
the islands and the Hellespont would have fallen into the enemies' hands
without opposition, while the Athenians, involved in civil war, would have
been fighting with one another within the circuit of their own walls. It was
Alcibiades alone, or at least, principally, who prevented all this mischief;
for he not only used persuasion to the whole army, and showed them the danger,
but applied himself to them, one by one, entreating some, and constraining
others. He was much assisted, however, by Thrasybulus of Stiria, who, having
the loudest voice, as we are told, of all the Athenians, went along with him,
and cried out to those who where ready to be gone. A second great service
which Alcibiades did for them was, his undertaking that the Phoenician fleet,
which the Lacedaemonians expected to be sent to them by the king of Persia,
should either come in aid of the Athenians, or otherwise should not come at
all. He sailed off with expedition in order to perform this, and the ships,
which had already been seen as near as Aspendus, were not brought any further
by Tisaphernes, who thus deceived the Lacedaemonians; and it was by both sides
believed that they had been diverted by the procurement of Alcibiades. The
Lacedaemonians, in particular, accused him, that he had advised the Barbarian
to stand still, and suffer the Greeks to waste and destroy one another, as it
was evident that the accession of so great a force to either party would
enable them to take away the entire dominion of the sea from the other side.