$Unique_ID{bob00255} $Pretitle{} $Title{Israel Chapter 1B. Hellenism and the Roman Conquest} $Subtitle{} $Author{Richard F. Nyrop} $Affiliation{HQ, Department of the Army} $Subject{jews jewish herzl early palestine zionist arabic century first hebrew see pictures see figures } $Date{1979} $Log{See Fort Massada*0025501.scf } Title: Israel Book: Israel, A Country Study Author: Richard F. Nyrop Affiliation: HQ, Department of the Army Date: 1979 Chapter 1B. Hellenism and the Roman Conquest On his march south to conquer Egypt in 332 B.C., Alexander the Great more or less ignored Judah (Judea) and Samaria, delaying his march only long enough to crush some opposition in Gaza (the probable locale of the ancient Philistines, whence the name Palestine) (see fig. 1). On the journey back through the region on the way to Persia, Alexander's forces paused only long enough to become embroiled in a theological dispute and to stipulate that as long as the Jews acknowledged Greek suzerainty, they could "live according to their ancestral laws." After Alexander's death his generals divided-and subsequently fought over-his empire. In 301 B.C. Ptolemy I took direct control of the Jewish homeland, but he made no serious effort to interfere in its private and religious affairs. Ptolemy's successors were in turn supplanted by the Seleucids, and in 175 Antiochus IV seized power. He launched a campaign to crush Judaism, and in 167 he sacked the Temple. The desecration of the Temple provoked a Jewish rebellion, which under the generalship of Judas (Judah) Maccabee was successful. In 140 B.C. the Hasmonean dynasty was begun under the leadership of Simon who served as ruler, high priest, and commander in chief. Simon, who was assassinated a few years later, formalized what Maccabee had begun, which in essence was a theocracy ruled by priests, something not provided for in any of the biblical texts. Despite the rule by priests, Jewish society became Hellenized in every aspect of life except in its generally staunch adherence to monotheism. Rural life no doubt remained largely unchanged, but cities such as Jerusalem rapidly adopted the language, sponsored games and sports, and in many more subtle ways adopted and absorbed the culture of the Hellenes. Even the high priests, for example, bore such names as Jason and Menelaus. Biblical scholars identify extensive Greek influence in the drafting of commentaries and interpolations of ancient texts during and after the Greek period. The most obvious influence of the Hellenistic period can be discerned in the early literature of the new faith, Christianity. [See Fort Massada: Courtesy Israel Government Tourist Office] Under the Hasmonean dynasty, Judah became comparable in extent and power to the ancient Davidic dominion. Internal political and religious discord ran high, however, especially between the Pharisees, fundamental interpreters of the Law and tradition, and the Sadducee faction, which supported Hellenistic royal policies. In 64 B.C. dynastic contenders for the throne appealed for support to Pompey, who was then establishing Roman power in Asia. The next year Roman legions seized Jerusalem, and Pompey installed one of the contenders for the throne as high priest, but without the title of king. Eighty years of independent Jewish sovereignty ended, and the period of Roman dominion began. In the subsequent period of Roman wars, Herod was confirmed by the Roman Senate as King of Judah in 37 B.C. and reigned until his death in 4 B.C. Nominally independent, Judah was actually in bondage to Rome, and the land was formally annexed in 6 B.C. as part of the Province of Syria. Among the Jews in Jerusalem two councils, called Sanhedrins, developed. The political Sanhedrin was composed primarily of the priestly Sadducee aristocracy and was charged by the Roman procurator with responsibility for civil order, specifically in matters involving imperial directives. The religious Sanhedrin of the Pharisees was concerned with religious law and doctrine, which the Romans disregarded as long as civil order was not threatened. Foremost among the Pharisee leaders of the time were the noted teachers Hillel and Shammai. Chafing under foreign rule, a Jewish nationalist movement of the fanatical sect known as the Zealots challenged Roman control in A.D. 66. After a protracted siege begun by Vespasian, the Roman commander in Judah, but completed under his son Titus in A.D. 70, Jerusalem and the Temple were seized and destroyed by the Roman legions. The last Zealot survivors perished in A.D. 73 at the mountain fortress of Massada, some fifty-six kilometers southwest of Jerusalem above the west coast of the Dead Sea. During the siege of Jerusalem, Rabbi Yohannam Ben-Zakki received Vespasian's permission to withdraw to the town of Jabneh on the coastal plain, about twenty-four kilometers southwest of present-day Tel Aviv. There an academic Sanhedrin was set up and became the central religious authority; its jurisdiction was recognized by Jews in Palestine and beyond. Roman rule, nevertheless, continued. Emperor Hadrian (A.D. 117-138), endeavoring to establish cultural uniformity, issued several repressive edicts, including one against circumcision. The edicts sparked the Bar Kokhba War of A.D. 132-135, which was crushed by the Romans. Hadrian then suppressed the Sanhedrin, closed the center at Jabneh, and prohibited both the study of the Torah and the observance of the Jewish pattern of life derived from it. Judah was included in Syria Palestina, Jerusalem was renamed Aelia Capitolina, and Jews were forbidden to come within sight of the city. Once a year, on the anniversary of the destruction of the Temple, controlled entry was permitted allowing Jews to mourn at a remaining fragment on the temple site, the Western Wall, which became known as the Wailing Wall. The Diaspora, which had begun with the Babylonian Captivity in the sixth century and which had resumed early in the Hellenistic period, now involved most Jews in an exodus from what they continued to view as the land promised to them as the descendants of Abraham. Emperor Constantine (ca. 280-337) shifted his capital from Rome to Constantinople in 330 and made Christianity the official religion. Upon partition of the Roman Empire in 395, Palestine passed to eastern control, and the scholarly Jewish communities in Galilee continued with varying fortunes under Byzantine rule and dominant Christian influence until the Arab Conquest of A.D. 638. The period included, however, strong Jewish support of the briefly successful Persian invasion of 610-614. Principal Jewish accomplishments after Hadrian and during the Byzantine era were self-preservation and development and codification of Jewish law and learning in their far-dispersed communities, notably in Mesopotamia, Egypt, and other centers around the Mediterranean littoral. Life Under Islam By the seventh century few Jews lived in Palestine. Most of the world's Jews still lived in the Middle East and North Africa, however. One of the most prominent Jewish communities was in Egypt where active and vigorous Jewish enclaves prospered, despite occasional disturbances, from at least as early as the time of Alexander until the late 1940s. The Jews in Baghdad and elsewhere in Iraq also comprised a large and ancient community, dating back to the Babylonian Captivity. By the beginning of the sixth century A.D. a group of religious scholars was nearing completion of its work on what came to be known as the Babylonian Talmud. For the next several centuries Jews throughout the world sent many of their more complex theological problems to this Baghdadi enclave for resolution. The answers and decisions-known as the responsa-eventually formed another corpus of rabbinical authority. The role of the priests-who had performed the ritual sacrifices and had conducted the affairs of the Temple-ended with the destruction of the Second Temple in A.D. 70. From that time to the present, the rabbis had been the key religious figures. Thus it was that most Jews lived in the region that the newly energized Arab Muslims conquered in the second half of the seventh century, a conquest generally accepted as "the most phenomenal in speed and extent to have occurred in the history of man." Islamic policy offered conquered people three alternatives. First, conversion to Islam provided, at least in theory and often in practice, complete equality to the conquerors. Second, the People of the Book, i.e., Jews and Christians (Zoroastrians were also protected) were granted the status of dhimmis; this meant that they were protected from harm or persecution but were subject to a special poll tax, the jizya. Third, those who refused to convert to Islam and who were not People of the Book could claim no protection and technically possessed neither rights nor privileges in their dealings with the rulers of the state. By the early 700s the Ummayyad Dynasty had extended its suzerainty from the eastern reaches of modern Iran through the Near East and North Africa as far as Morocco, and Arab forces were in the process of seizing Spain and attacking France. Jewish communities had existed in all of these regions for centuries, but with the waning of the intellectual stimulus received from the Hellenes, and perhaps as a result of oppression at the hands of the Christian Byzantines, the communities had become inward looking and devoid of original expression, even in their nearly exclusive subject of study, religion. As a direct result of the Jewish participation in the Arab renaissance, the next few centuries were ones of great intellectual endeavor and, with few exceptions, economic prosperity and occasional political power for individual Jews and Jewish communities. Hebrew remained the sacred language-a restriction that was not removed until the twentieth century-but within a few decades Jews at all levels of society and throughout the Muslim lands had adopted the use of Arabic. Queries to the Baghdad rabbinical center on complex matters of theology frequently were posed and answered in Arabic. Patai notes that "early in the eighth century, a Jewish physician, Masarjuwayh of Basra [Iraq], was translating medical writings from Greek and Syriac into Arabic and also writing original Arabic medical works." Early in the ninth century a rabbi from Tabiristan-known therefore as Sahl Rabban al Tabari-provided the first known translation into Arabic of Ptolemy's Almagest, an encyclopedia on astronomy. Sahl's son converted to Islam and, in addition to a book on Islamic theology, made major contributions to various scientific fields based on his studies and translations of Greek and Hindu works. And in the ninth century a Jewish scholar in Khorasan produced in Arabic major new works on algebra and astrology. Jews prospered and thrived almost everywhere during the first several centuries of Arab expansion, the period often described as the classical centuries of Islam. The Jews assimilated to the host Community, the Arabs, to an extent not equaled until the assimilation that occurred in nineteenth century Germany as part of the haskalah. The Golden Age of the Diaspora represented the height of Jewish intellectual activity, political power, and social involvement under Muslim rule. Jews lived in Spain for centuries and produced a vast literature that touched virtually every aspect of science and philosophy; for a variety of reasons, however, practically no work was done on Jewish history. With the exception of poetry, most of which was composed in Hebrew, literature was written in Arabic. Articles were on rare occasions translated into Spanish, but Spanish was practically never used for serious composition. Medieval Castilian Spanish did form the base for Ladino, however, which, with Hebrew suffixes and numerous "cultural phrases" from Hebrew, became the lingua franca of the Sephardim after they were expelled from Spain. Like Yiddish, Ladino is written with Hebrew characters. Hebrew and Arabic are closely related languages. One of the earliest intellectual efforts of Muslim scholars was to study, analyze, and standardize their language. They were enamored of its sonority and beauty and, because as the language of the Quran it was a sacred tongue, sought to perfect and protect its use and meaning. Within a short time Arabic grammars and lexicographical studies were commonplace. In conscious emulation of Arab scholars, Jews began similar studies of their sacred language in the late eighth and early ninth centuries. One of the first students was Yehuda ibn Quraysh, whose work is among the earliest in what would now be termed comparative linguistics. Patai notes that other scholars continued Quraysh's lead, and that in the tenth century Yehuda ben David Hayyuj "applied to the Hebrew language the theories developed by Arab linguists and established the basic grammatical law according to which all Hebrew verbal stems consist of three consonantal letters." In common with his Arab and Jewish contemporaries, Hayyuj wrote in Arabic, but his rules "became the lasting foundation of Hebrew to this day." in his work Jews and Arabs: Their Contacts Through the Ages, S. D. Goitein, an Israeli Jew, notes that "the Hebrew language developed its grammar and vocabulary on the model of the Arab language. The revival of Hebrew in our times would be entirely unthinkable without the services rendered to it by Arabic in various ways a thousand years ago." Indicative of the "renaissance men" of Spanish Jewry was Samuel HaNagid, a student of Hayyuj. HaNagid also studied rabbinics, and in time became secretary to the vizier to the king of Granada, and eventually the vizier, commanding the king's army and leading it to numerous victories. Moreover he was renowned as a patron of scholars, poets, and artists, and enjoyed considerable repute in his own right as a scholar and poet, producing both theological and war poems. Among the thousands of Jewish scholars who first flourished in Spain, the one acknowledged by his contemporaries and successors as possessed of unusual genius was Moses ben Maimom (1135-1204), known as Maimonides. According to Patai, "Maimonides is not only considered the greatest Jewish philosopher, but also one of the two greatest creative minds of the medieval world in general, the other being Averroes" (Ibn Rushd, 1126-98). With the exception of one theological code written in Hebrew, Maimonides produced his works in Arabic, writings that included philosophy, medical studies, and comments on moral behavior and the halakah. His major work, Guide of the Perplexed, for centuries has been studied not only by Jewish theologians but by Muslims and Christians as well. Near the end of the golden age in Spain and at a time when the position of the Jews was becoming increasingly precarious because of the growing zealousness of Spanish Christians, a new mystical movement emerged known as kabbalism. The earliest known kabalistic writings were by Moses ben Nahman and Abraham ben David. Both men were scrupulously orthodox in their adherence to and interpretation of the Talmud and halakhic injunctions, and their works were accepted as unusual but not heretical. But their successors, perhaps inspired by such Muslim mystical movements as Sufism, became ever more exotic and esoteric, and the authors and adherents were and are accused of theological deviationism and heresy. The literature that evolved over the centuries is voluminous, complex, and in many striking ways closely related to some aspects of Hindu cosmology. The most startling concept in kabbalist literature is the depiction of, among other things, the Divine Couple "locked in an eternal marital embrace." Although these descriptions of the God-King and his "wife," the Matronit, abound in graphic physical detail that goes far beyond the sensual scenes set forth in the Song of Solomon, the adherents of kabbalism claim that the descriptions present only the love between God and his chosen people. Another relationship described in the literature is that between the God-Father and his daughter, whom he also calls sister and mother and for whom he has a strong sexual longing, another indication that the kabbalists in thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Spain were familiar with and influenced by some of the ancient Hindu writings. By the late 1300s the Arabs began to "fade from world history." At the same time the importance of Jews in Muslim lands began to wane, and the focus of world Jewry for the next several hundred years shifted to Europe (see table B, Preface). It was in Europe that the Jews suffered the most systematic persecution, yet it was also in Europe that the haskalah occurred, leading to the greatest participation by Jews in nonreligious intellectual activities since the classical age of Islam. It was also in Europe that the Zionist movement, which had as its goal the establishment of a homeland for the Jews, began. Zionism: The Founding Fathers By the late 1970s the Zionist movement was several decades old-by some reckoning over a century in age. Its role had been the paramount and decisive one in the creation and development of the early settlements in Palestine and of the social, cultural, economic, political, and military institutions that continue to influence events in the State of Israel. The historical record and literature of the Zionist movement also provide the framework within which most discussions occur as to the nature and future of Israeli society. One might thus conclude that from its inception Zionism has been centered on one universal and unifying body of ideas that were and are enthusiastically endorsed and supported by world Jewry and the Jews of Israel. Such a consensus has never existed. The impulse and development of Zionism were almost exclusively the works of Ashkenazim; few Sephardim were directly engaged in the movements in its formative years. (In 1900 about 9.5 million of the world's 10.5 million Jews were Ashkenazim and about 5.2 million of the Ashkenazim lived in the Pale of Settlement). Moreover, despite the role of Theodor Herzl as a catalyst and innovator, the early expressions of what became Zionism were, with some prominent exceptions, set forth by East European Jews. In addition, East European immigrants-particularly those of the early 1900s-created social, economic, military, and other self-help institutions in Palestine that were carried over into independent Israel. Throughout the period, however, most East European Jews, who undoubtedly endorsed the millennia old dream of returning to Eretz Israel, reacted to the pogroms in Czarist Russia by migrating to places other than Palestine. Between 1880 and 1915 well over 2 million East European Jews made the trek to Canada and the United States, and perhaps another 150,000 settled in the United Kingdom. Only a few thousand-between 55,000 and 70,000-journeyed to Palestine, and many of those eventually moved elsewhere. The first writings advancing the notions that later came to be known as Zionism appeared in the mid-1800s. In 1840 the Jews of Eastern Europe and the Balkans had been agitated by rumors that the messianic era was at hand. Various writers, most prominently Rabbi Judah Alkalai and Rabbi Zevi Hirsch Kalisher but including many others, were impressed by the nationalist fervor of Europe that was creating new nation-states and by the resurgence of messianic expectations among the Jews. Kalisher wrote that Jewish nationalism was directly akin to the other nationalist movements and was in fact the logical continuation of Jewish Enlightenment that had begun in France in 1791 when Jews were granted civil liberties. Alkalai consciously altered his expectations from one of a miraculous messianic salvation to one of a redemption by human efforts that would pave the way for the arrival of the messiah. Both authors urged the development of Jewish national unity, and Kalisher in particular foresaw the ingathering to Palestine of many of the world's Jews as part of the process of enlightenment and emancipation. Moses Hess, sometimes called the Red Rabbi, was a German Jew, socialist, and philosopher who advocated Jewish nationalism in such terms as nationality, national renaissance, and creative genius of the nation. In his book Rome and Jerusalem he wrote "mystically of now transcendent values which are to issue from a restored Zion." Hess envisaged the new Jewish nation as the moral custodian of the Near East and as partaking in a civilizing (Westernizing) mission to the backward societies of the region. Although Hess's writings were generally ignored by his contemporaries and those who read his works were for the most part critical, his works were "rediscovered" in the early twentieth century and are now included in the canon of Zionist literature. The most prominent predecessor of Herzl was Leo Pinsker, a Russian physician, who in 1882 in his work Auto-Emancipation expressed his doubt that the Jews would ever be able to identify with the societies within which they lived. Pinsker believed that anti-Semitism was too pervasive and deeply entrenched in these societies to enable Jews to assimilate completely. According to Pinsker, as summarized by Rabbi Arthur Hertzberg, there are three basic and unchanging causes of anti-Semitism: "The Jews are a 'ghost people', unlike any other ... and therefore [exist] as a thing apart; they are everywhere foreigners and nowhere hosts in their own national right; and they are in economic competition with every majority within which they live. His writings provided an ideological framework for the members and the activities of Hibbat Zion. The shocking and devastating pogroms in Russia in the wake of the assassination of Czar Alexander II in 1881 prompted a huge exodus of Jews and gave an impetus to those who advocated a return to the "promised land" of Israel. Scores of societies were established throughout Eastern Europe with goals and programs similar or identical to that of the Hovevei Zion (Lovers of Zion), which advocated migration "to the land of our fathers ... to which we have historical rights." Pinsker endorsed and supported these small efforts to colonize Eretz Israel, but his major concern was "the revival of the spirit." Pinsker viewed this revival or renaissance as possible only in the promised land, but he thought in terms of a small, elite community there, at least in the early period. The impetus to the founding of an organization with specific goals was provided by Herzl. Born in Budapest on May 2, 1860, Herzl grew to maturity in an environment of assimilation. He was educated in Vienna as a lawyer but instead became a journalist and playwright. By the early 1890s he had achieved a degree of prestige and recognition in Vienna and other major European cities. Up to that time his life had only peripherally been identified with Jewish culture and politics. He has unfamiliar with earlier Zionist writings, and he noted in his diary, and stated publicly, that he would not have written his book had he known the contents of Pinsker's Auto-Emancipation. The 1894 trial in Paris of Alfred Dreyfus, a French Jew with the rank of captain in the French army, on charges of treason (the sale of military secrets to Germany) altered Herzl's life in a fundamental and revolutionary way. Dreyfus was convicted, and although he was eventually cleared of the charges, his career and life were ruined. The trial and the later exoneration sharply divided French society and unleashed widespread anti-Semitic demonstrations and riots throughout France. To Herzl's shock and dismay, many members of the French intellectual, social, and political elites-that element of society to which the upwardly mobile emancipated Jews of the Enlightenment wished to assimilate-were most vitriolic in their anti-Semitic writings and activities. According to Herzl, he for the first time became aware of the insecure and precarious position of Jews in Europe. He realized that their day-to-day existence depended on the good will and suffrance of the host community, and somewhat later, "like a revelation," he set forth his concept of a Jewish homeland in his classic pamphlet Der Judenstaat, which was published in 1896. The title is usually translated as The Jewish State, but Herzl preferred the literal translation, The Jew State, to emphasize his break with the assimilationists who used such terms as Hebrews or Israelites rather than Jew. Herzl, in effect, took the arguments of the anti-Semites and used them to support the notion of a Jewish homeland. In an assessment of anti-Semitism and the Jews that was very close to Pinsker's, Herzl argued that even if Jewish separateness in religion and social custom were to disappear, the Jews would continue to be treated as unrespected strangers. Other strangers, Italians residing in London, for example, were regarded as individuals with a home and culture. Until a homeland-a nation-for and of Jews had been created, Jews in the Diaspora would remain a people apart. Herzl seemed to believe that after the establishment of a Jewish state-which he envisaged as a new Switzerland-the Jews in the Diaspora would be able to assimilate and would eventually disappear as a group. Whereas Pinsker was a pessimist, Herzl was an optimist. He believed that all men-including anti-Semites-are basically rational and will work for goals that they perceive to be in their best interest. The anti-Semites, therefore, would assist in the formation of a Jewish state to which the Jews would move. According to Hertzberg, Herzl's Hegelian dialectic progressed from the thesis that anti-Semitism creates widespread public disorder. The antithesis stated that the liberal nationalism and egalitarianism of the age could not tolerate such unrest and disorder. The thesis, therefore, called for all elements of society to support Zionism, i.e., the establishment of a Jewish state. Within a year of publication of his pamphlet Herzl was able to convene the First Zionist Congress in 1897 in Basel, Switzerland. The word zion stemmed from the locale of the Temple in Jerusalem. Over the centuries the word had come to represent Jerusalem, the Temple, the Land of Israel, and the glories of the reigns of David and Solomon-all of the memories retained and cherished by the Jews in galut. One of the first to use the word in its new sense was Nathan Birnbaum, the editor of the journal entitled Selbst-emancipation (Self-emancipation). In 1893 he added the subtitle Organ der Zionstein (Organ of the Zionists). In the aftermath of the congress in August the word zionist entered the vocabulary of world Jewry. The first congress adopted a program that centered on the goal: "To create for the Jewish people a home in Palestine secured by Public Law." The Zionist organization was founded to work toward this goal, and arrangements were made for future congresses. (The name was not officially changed to the World Zionist Organization until a new constitution was adopted in 1960. The title World Zionist Organization was used in legislation enacted by the Knesset in 1952, however, and some writers refer to the World Zionist Organization at even earlier dates, causing some confusion.) The Zionist Organization established a general council, a central executive, and a congress held every year or two. It developed member societies on a worldwide basis, continued to encourage the settlements in Palestine, registered a bank in London, and established the Jewish National Fund (Keren Kaymeth) to buy land in Palestine. Acting from the premise that the state he envisioned could be brought about only by support of the European powers, Herzl spent the rest of his life in negotiations with the Turkish sultan, the German kaiser, the pope, the Russian court, Austria, and Great Britain. With all but Great Britain, his efforts were nonproductive. After an initial discussion of settlement in the Sinai Peninsula, which was opposed by Egypt, Herzl came to the Sixth Zionist Congress in 1903 apparently willing to consider, as a temporary shelter, a British proposal for an autonomous Jewish entity in East Africa. The concept, known as the Uganda Scheme, was vehemently rejected by Russian and Eastern European Zionists who, as before, insisted on the ancient political identity with Palestine. Exhausted, Herzl died of pneumonia in 1904 with no signal diplomatic victory. He had, however, created the Zionist Organization and inspired its goals. The goals were sharply criticized by a number of Jews, however. Many of the assimilated and assimilating Jews of Western Europe and North America tended to view Zionism as a retrograde manisfestation of emotionalism, a proposed solution that was out of joint with the spirit of the Jewish Enlightenment. These critics were dismayed by the extent that Herzl had accepted basic anti-Semitic principles, i.e., that the Jews were a unique and separate people who could not and should not live among other peoples. Orthodox Jews-and especially the Hasidic Jews in Eastern Europe-rejected the notion of a return to the promised land before the appearance of the messiah. To the extent that the members of the thousands of these congregations took notice of Zionism, they viewed it as being in violation of the belief that a messiah would orchestrate, arrange, and conduct the return to Jerusalem of all observing Jews "at the end of days." The most effective of Herzl's critics was Asher Ginsberg (his nom de plume was Ahad Ha-Am, meaning one of or one with the people). Unlike Herzl, and like Pinsker, Ahad Ha-Am did not trust the gentile world. Over the years he wrote many tracts explaining and amplifying his reservations about Herzl's political Zionism. In essence, he favored cultural Zionism, a refurbishing and rekindling of the Jewish spirit, and the gradual establishment of Jewish cultural centers in Palestine as examples to the Jews in the Diaspora. Ahad Ha-Am doubted that a Jewish homeland could be a "normal" state as envisaged by Herzl. Hertzberg sums up Ahad Ha-Am's central beliefs in the following words: "There is nationalism in general, that of power, which is a genus comprising many species and individuals-i.e., all the nations of the world; counterposed to it there is the nationalism of the spirit, a unique genus of which there is only one species, the Jewish." Ahad Ha-Am did not conceal the fact that he was an agnostic, and his assertion of Jewish uniqueness provoked anger and ridicule by many. A contemporary, Jacob Klatzkin, asked the central question: "How can one deny God and yet affirm chosenness?" Several decades later David Ben-Gurion, also an agnostic, confronted the same dilemma and described his belief in a fashion similar to Ahad Ha-Am: "I believe in our moral and intellectual superiority, in our capacity to serve as a model for the redemption of the human race. This belief of mine is based on my knowledge of the Jewish people, and not on some mystic faith; 'the glory of the Divine Presence' is within us, in our hearts, and not outside us." The intellectual paradox of Ben-Gurion's response satisfied his critics no better than Ahad Ha-Am's statement had satisfied his, and both statements were offensive to many non-Jews. Herzl's slogan of "let us be like all the other nations" nonetheless remained central to the credo of the Zionist Organization. In the meantime, however, immigrants to the promised land from Eastern Europe were evolving their own philosophies. The First Aliyah began with a group of fourteen people-one of whom was a woman-that landed in Jaffa (Yafo) in July 1882. During the next twenty years perhaps as many as 10,000 Jews entered the area, generally in groups of fifty or less. These early immigrants did not get on well with the leaders of the ancient Sephardic community there, and economic progress was slow (see The Old Yishuv, ch. 2). Many immigrants departed, a few returning to Russia and others going to the United States. The Second Aliyah was composed of a young, militant, aggressive group, many of them teenagers, who viewed the 2,000 years of the Diaspora as a period of shame. Ben-Gurion, the nation's first prime minister, and Itzhak Ben-Zvi, the second president, were among this group. These two formed part of the majority that, in general, subscribed to the Socialist-Zionist philosophy of the Poalei Zion (Workers of Zion) movement. The movement's prominent spokesman, and the originator of many of its ideas, was Ber Borochov. Borochov was a Marxist committed to historical determinism who advocated the formation of a society based on a socialist economy. Borochov's philosophical adversary was Aharon David Gordon, a disciple of the work ethic. Gordon scoffed at the notion of "historical inevitability" and argued that Zionism was "an act of will." Hertzberg describes Gordon's teachings as being centered on "an affirmation of the dignity of physical labor and the rootedness of man in his own soil, of the desperate necessity to create a new Jewish man in the Land of Israel to replace the disfigured human being who had been shaped by his misery and alienation from nature in the Diaspora." In the early decades of the twentieth century the Zionists in Palestine sought to create the socialist economy advocated by Borochov while at the same time making a virtue of the necessity of working and living on the land, albeit at the expense of the land's Arab inhabitants.